CHAPTER 3

The Brigadier

The light horse brigade’s operations at The Nek had been under the direct command of Colonel Frederic Hughes. It was perhaps inevitable that he would later bear much of the blame for the failure of the attack and the consequent heavy casualties. Several weeks after the battle, he became ill and was evacuated from the peninsula. He was not allowed to return to the front, and instead was sent back to Australia. He protested, but it was no good; he was never again given a fighting command.

Hughes was not a regular officer but a citizen-soldier who had given a large part of his spare time over many years to military training. A colonel commanding a militia light horse brigade in Victoria when the war started, he was already known to several of the officers in the 8th Light Horse who had served under him, or through their city or club connections. He had not commanded men in action until he arrived on Gallipoli.

Hughes had been accepted for the AIF despite his age. He was approaching 57 when appointed to raise and command the 3rd Light Horse Brigade. With almost 40 years of service as an artilleryman, light horseman and staff officer, he was very close to retirement. He was about 10 years older than the average age of those appointed to command other AIF brigades, and some of his fellow peacetime brigadiers had already been rejected as too old for the AIF. However, some contemporary records show him as 54, although it seems unlikely that someone as well known as Hughes could have falsified his age to get into the AIF.

At home Hughes had carried his age well, but the responsibilities of command, when added to the arduous and unhealthy conditions, proved too much for him on Gallipoli. Despite being relieved of his command following illness, he was determined to continue serving and, although he was no longer required at the front, he eventually obtained a posting to the Sea Transport Service, assisting with the movement of troops overseas during the later months of the war.

Shortly after the war Hughes retired from the army with the honorary rank of major general. For his active service he had been appointed a Commander of the Order of the Bath (CB), and was mentioned in despatches. But he remained haunted by the realisation that the one battle which was to be the climax of his long military life had been a disaster. He felt that circumstances had been cruel to him, and was angered by any suggestion that he had been responsible for what had happened at The Nek.

Frederic Godfrey Hughes was born at Windsor, a suburb of Melbourne, on 26 January 1858. His parents had migrated to Australia separately; his father, Charles, in 1836 and his mother, Ellen, in 1850. Charles Hughes had established properties in New South Wales and Victoria and had met Ellen during a visit to Britain. She followed him back to Victoria, where they were married. Bad luck and financial misfortune, then her husband’s early death, caused Ellen to leave the land and take her family of three boys to Melbourne. An independent and capable woman, she was the dominant influence on Frederic’s early life and lived to become the matriarch of a remarkable family. She guided her sons into their careers, and they became prominent in business, the army, sport, the church and medicine.

Frederic attended Melbourne Church of England Grammar School, then joined a leading land valuer and agent, before leaving in 1884 to set up on his own. He was tall, fair, and athletic. Both he and his brothers became well-known sportsmen. Frederic was an intercolonial rower and a foundation member of the Essendon Football Club and was a Victorian representative in the 1880 and 1881 seasons, retaining an active interest in sports throughout his life.¹ Meanwhile all three boys were brought up according to their mother’s high church Anglican beliefs, and one, Ernest, duly became the leader of the Anglo-Catholic faction of the Church of England in Australia.

In 1875, aged 17 years, Frederic commenced his part-time military career, when he joined the St Kilda Artillery Battery as a driver. This popular and colourful city unit was commanded by Major (later Sir) Frederick Sargood, a wealthy businessman and conservative politician. In uniform, each of the men wore the letters ‘SK’ for St Kilda on their shoulders and they were irreverently known locally as ‘Sargood’s Kids’. Under Sargood’s command, it was reputed to be the ‘crack’ battery of the time, and also ‘the best dressed’.²

Sargood ran his unit as a precision team, concentrating on appearance, drill and competitive shooting. Hughes enjoyed the life and made a good impression. But promotion was slow: he was a sergeant in 1883 and was not commissioned until the following year. Later he would serve with Sargood on the committee of the influential Victorian Naval and Military Club. The connection no doubt served Hughes’s military career well when, after 1883, for a number of terms, Sargood became Minister for Defence in the Victorian Government.

Frederic’s marriage introduced him into Victoria’s high society. On 1 October 1885 he wed Agnes Eva Snodgrass, the daughter of Peter Snodgrass, a sometimes hot-headed member of the Victorian Legislative Council and a protector of the interests of the large landowners. Her grandfather was Lieutenant Colonel Kenneth Snodgrass, a distinguished soldier and prominent early colonist. The couple had known each other since they were children, when both families were neighbours in the Seymour district. Frederic would later boast that his father and his wife’s father ‘were of the party who crossed over the borders to Port Phillip, with stock, in the year 1846’.³

Agnes Hughes was a little older than her husband and, like her motherin-law, was a woman of intelligence and independent thought and action. In 1904 she became a founder of the conservative Australian Women’s National League and in 1909 was elected state president. When Frederic joined the AIF in 1914, Agnes was presiding over an organisation she had built from 120 to 420 branches, with over 50,000 members. During the war she encouraged members to undertake patriotic and charitable work while, from 1916, she vigorously advocated the introduction of conscription.⁴ She was also the sister of Janet, Lady Clarke, and this provided Frederic with immediate entry into the influential Clarke family circle.

Sir William Clarke was one of the richest men in the colony, having inherited vast Victorian rural holdings from his pioneering father, W.J.T. ‘Big’ Clarke. His first wife, Mary, had borne him four children, including his eldest son, Rupert, before her untimely death in a carriage accident. In 1873 he married the children’s governess, Janet Snodgrass, and they had a further seven children. The Clarkes took up residence on their property surrounding Sunbury, 40 kilometres from Melbourne, and here in 1876 Sir William completed ‘Rupertswood’, his mansion named after his son and heir.

Sir William had an interest in military matters – he had served in the old Victorian Yeomanry for a while – and was actively concerned for the defence of the colony in which he had such an obvious stake. He gave money for military prizes, allowed part of his property to be used for camps and, in 1884, undertook to meet some of the expenses of a local volunteer corps. The government acceded to his proposal for a corps and provided a few ten-barrel machine-guns mounted on light carriages, and Clarke maintained the horses. It was called the Victorian Nordenfeldt Battery and was to operate as the guns for the Victorian cavalry. Several of Clarke’s employees were among those who joined.

Through his connection with the Clarkes, Hughes obtained command of the unit. Originally, it had been intended that it be given to Rupert Clarke, a discontented and restless young man, in an attempt to interest and occupy him. The idea was not a success. Rupert’s probationary appointment had to be extended and then, in 1886, he took leave to go to London. So close was Sir William’s involvement in the corps that it was considered appropriate that his son’s place be taken by someone else from within the family circle.⁵

Frederic’s part-time military career had been solid but unspectacular to this point; he had served for nine years before receiving his first commission at the age of 26, and at 30 was still a lieutenant. Rupert’s departure enabled him to transfer to the Nordenfeldt Battery and to take temporary charge of it. When it became obvious that young Rupert did not share his father’s enthusiasm for the corps, Frederic’s appointment was confirmed and on 20 August 1888 he was promoted to the rank of captain. This set the course of his military career for the next decade, and brought him into some prominence while extending his circle of social and military contacts.

Frederic Hughes’ influence was further expanded when Andrew Chirnside, the squire of Werribee Park, offered to support a corps of horse artillery, with his son, Percy, in command. The government decided to amalgamate the contributions of the two families into a regiment designated the Victorian Horse Artillery, with Hughes as commanding officer. The change also saw an expansion of the Rupertswood half battery with the inclusion of several men from the city. Most were young professionals and the sons of some of Sir William’s acquaintances. Such was the prestige of the Victorian Horse Artillery that several of these men chose to serve in its ranks, when they could have obtained commissions in other units.

The horse artillery became one of Victoria’s showpieces, being only second to the Victorian cavalry in the order of precedence, and when on parade it took the right of the line. The Nordenfeldt guns had been replaced with four Armstrong artillery pieces, instructors were brought out from Britain, and elaborate uniforms copied from the Royal Horse Artillery were adopted. In command, Hughes looked splendid in a tight-waisted blue uniform almost dripping with gold braid and lace; he wore high polished boots, a white helmet, and was mounted on the best horse the Clarkes could provide. In 1891 he was promoted to major.

In the nineteenth century, patriotism may have been one motive for young men to join military units, but handsome uniforms, companionship and sporting and social activities were probably stronger inducements. Sports, military balls, camps and shooting competitions were important features of the part-time soldiers’ calendars, particularly in exclusive units such as the horse artillery. Even its city men could match it on horseback with those off the properties, although the two did not mix socially.

The Chirnsides’ connection with the regiment ended in 1893, when Percy’s brother, George, who had become heir to Werribee Park, withdrew his support. Percy transferred to the Reserve of Officers, and never forgave his brother for disbanding the half battery.

The regiment was too dependent upon private support and interest to last for long. The aged Armstrong guns had caused problems in the past, but they had now deteriorated to the point of becoming a joke. They still looked fine draped with flowers in the Clarke’s ballroom during special events, but they had outlived their usefulness in the field. While Hughes was always able to present and lead an outstanding competition outfit, with this equipment the horse artillery could not be seriously regarded as a fighting unit.

In 1893 Hughes took a tournament team to England. The tour, during which he was presented to Queen Victoria on four occasions, was a highlight of his military career.⁶ Sir William Clarke provided the support for the detachment to participate in the annual military tournament at Islington and competitions at Bisley. The squad included members from Rupertswood and a few of the city men.

In 1897 the unit went into camp and had to undertake a light cavalry role, because the guns were no longer of any use. The government appeared to have lost interest and ignored appeals for support. The final blow came when Sir William died only a month later. The horse artillery did not last much longer. Victoria was in the grip of a long and savage economic depression, which had the government looking for all possible defence savings, and Rupert Clarke was not prepared to maintain the financial support his father had given. Finally, the half battery was formally disbanded from 30 June 1897.

Hughes’s military involvement, while it occupied a lot of his attention and provided useful contacts, was only part-time. Hughes was an energetic and industrious man, who succeeded in business and was vitally involved in local affairs. Within his family he was recalled fondly as ‘kindly and solid’.⁷ He cultivated a wide range of interesting and influential friends and continued to achieve military promotions. Following the disbandment of the horse artillery he transferred to the field artillery and soon afterwards became a staff officer on the Victorian Militia headquarters. In 1900 he was promoted to lieutenant colonel.

Frederic Hughes was an active and gregarious fellow. He was a man’s man who mixed easily and enjoyed a range of masculine interests. In middle age he remained physically impressive. Although not considered an intellectual, he was ‘an alert, articulate, observant and sometimes irascible man [who] mixed urbanity and geniality with toughness and shrewdness’.⁸

Hughes took no part in the South African War; family legend states that he was prevented from going because he was married and had a family. It is said to have been ‘the big disappointment in his life’.⁹ Yet it seems that he could probably have gone if he had wanted to, as other married officers had already been accepted. Still there was not much call for colonial officers of his relatively high rank. It is possible his services were not sought, simply because there was no need for them.

In 1903, as a consequence of Federation, the former colonial mounted units were reorganised as regiments of light horse. Hughes, in a departure from his former artillery associations, was given command of the 11th Australian Light Horse, a regiment which had been raised from the old Victorian Mounted Rifles, with its headquarters at Warrnambool in the state’s Western District. Four years later he was promoted to colonel and made commander of the 4th Australian Light Horse Brigade. In 1912 he was placed in command of the 7th Light Horse Brigade, although this was more a change in nomenclature than organisation.

Although he was now a senior officer, Hughes had no war experience and much of his background lay in exclusive units better prepared for the tournament arena than the battlefield. His was the type of mind attracted by the pomp and prestige provided in this work. One of his officers wrote critically some time later: ‘In time of war, as in peace, our brigadier’s idea of soldiering was to salute smartly, roll a greatcoat correctly, and note the march discipline.’¹⁰ If it was so, then it is not surprising that one of the few surviving records of the 11th Light Horse should reflect this. Following the regiment’s camp at Langwarrin in 1906, Hughes had submitted a report in which he concentrated on the need to improve marching and saluting, ‘in order to maintain the prestige of the regiment.’¹¹

The military connections with the Clarkes had been retained when Reginald Clarke, Sir William’s youngest son, also transferred to the 11th Light Horse Regiment. He was appointed adjutant over the heads of some other officers and, when Hughes was given the command of a brigade, Clarke followed him and was appointed his brigade major.

Hughes was also active beyond his business and military spheres and was prominent in civic affairs. When the war commenced he was living in ‘Kantaka’ on Alma Road, St Kilda. He had a long involvement with the suburb, and in 1898 had been elected a local councillor. He served on the council for 24 years, including two spells as mayor, in 1900–01 and again in 1911–12. The city’s history recorded that ‘[he] gave to St Kilda of his best, and his name is one to be inscribed upon the list of the distinguished civic fathers’.¹² When he was accepted for the AIF, he did not foresee a long war and initially obtained 12 months’leave from the council. His occupation was then shown as company manager and sharebroker.

Among his business interests, Hughes was director of the Dunlop Rubber Company of Australasia Ltd, and before he embarked he was guest of honour at a smoke night arranged by the company. The general manager presented him with an illuminated address and a pair of binoculars; in proposing a toast, he declared that it was ‘men of the calibre of Colonel Hughes who assisted in keeping the British Empire in its proper position.’¹³ There were several other farewells, and more gifts, including some which may have been more appropriate for a senior officer at Waterloo but would be of little comfort on Gallipoli. The mayor presented a silver campaigning bottle on behalf of the council, and the members of the St Kilda Tradesmen’s Club gave a silver cigar case and matchbox.

Had circumstances been different, Hughes would probably have sought Reginald Clarke as his brigade major for his AIF command, but Clarke had taken ill while he was in militia camp and died in hospital on 17 March 1914. A South Australian-born permanent officer, Percy Muir McFarlane, began his association with Hughes when he was appointed Clarke’s replacement. Eventually, it was he who accompanied Hughes over to the AIF brigade, not as brigade major but in the more junior position as staff captain.

McFarlane made an important contribution to the new brigade during its formative months. He had a long career in the Australian army, beginning as a trooper in South Africa in 1900 with the 4th South Australian Imperial Bushmen’s Contingent, and ending in 1940 when he retired with the rank of brigadier. After obtaining a commission in the South African Constabulary, he had commanded a troop in the former Boer territories for some years after the South African War. When he returned to Australia he joined the light horse, then in 1910 transferred to the Administrative and Instructional Staff of the Commonwealth’s permanent forces. He was self-confident, active and hard-working, although his experience was described as having been gained more in the office than in the field. His nickname –‘Tin Tacks’ – was evidently derived from what a superior saw as ‘his anxiety to get to the bottom of things’.¹⁴

Hughes appears to have had little say in the appointment of his brigade major. Such appointments were usually reserved for trained professionals. He had already worked with McFarlane, his staff captain, but it is likely that he only knew his new brigade major, Lieutenant Colonel Jack Antill, by reputation, if at all.