List en quietly to what intelligent people are saying these days. Some raise the questions of whether Japan—whose future fate of course cannot be known—might be in danger of losing her independence, or will gradually progress to a high level of prosperity and civilization by keeping stride with the force of events, as she is now actually doing. Others are more skeptical. They feel we should reserve judgment concerning Japanese independence for two or three decades. Still others make the criticism that if we follow the advice of some foreigners who actually despise Japan, our national independence will be greatly endangered. Needless to say, these are only opinions; they do not immediately coerce our belief or weaken our self-confidence. But these attitudes towards Japanese independence must have some basis in fact, or they would not be consciously entertained.
Suppose that we now go to England and ask if British independence is in doubt. People will laugh; and indeed, why is it that no one doubts? For British independence is beyond the realm of doubt. This is quite different from our own case. Japanese civilization may seem to have advanced in certain respects over its past conditions, but in the final analysis we still cannot avoid raising this question of Japan’s independence in the modern world. Should not every native Japanese citizen be concerned about this state of affairs? I myself am a native Japanese. Already being Japanese, I, like every other, should understand and perform my duty. Of course, public administration is the duty of the government, but in human affairs there are also many areas in which the government should not get involved. Therefore, people and government must each contribute their share to the public good. We must perform our duty as people, and the government its duty as the government, each assisting the other to preserve national independence.
There must be a balance of power to maintain any system. For example, in order to maintain physical health, food, air, and sunlight are all necessary components. We respond internally to external stimuli such as cold, heat, pain, itching; in this way we harmonize our bodily movements. If the external stimuli were suddenly withdrawn and the body was left to its internal processes only, our physical health would not last a single day.
The same principle obtains with a nation of people. The government is a country’s internal processes. Their harmonious functioning for the maintenance of national independence requires a balance of internal governmental power with the external power of its people. The government is the body and the people are its outside stimuli. Our national independence would also not last a single day were the external stimuli removed and the government left with only its own inner organs. A person who understands the structure of the human body and can see the analogy with a country’s economic system will have no doubts about my comparison.
Judging from Japan’s present situation, we have not yet reached the level of the West in the areas of scholarship, business, and law. But modern civilization is chiefly built upon the foundation of these three areas of endeavor. Without sufficient progress in these three areas, a nation’s independence can clearly not be maintained. In Japan, however, not one of these spheres has reached maturity.
Since the Meiji Restoration, talented men in government offices have devoted their considerable abilities to national problems. But because of certain unavoidable obstacles in their path, progress has been slower than expected. The chief obstacles have been the ignorance and illiteracy of the people. The government well understands what these obstacles are, and is accordingly promoting learning, clarifying the law, and instructing the people in ways to engage in business enterprises. It has both given advice to the people and taken the initiative itself in certain enterprises. Still, while it has been trying all possible means, the results have not been successful up to now. In fact, the government is as despotic as before, and the Japanese people continue to be stupid, spiritless and powerless. The slight progress made is out of all proportion to the energies and money spent for it. Why is this? In the last analysis, it is because the civilization of a nation cannot be made to advance solely through the power of the government.
Some people are saying that it is only a temporary expediency to use governmental means to manage the stupid people until they have sufficiently developed their intellectual and moral levels to be able to enter the stage of modern civilization on their own. This theory is easy to enunciate but difficult to realize in practice. Since time immemorial, the people of the whole country have suffered under despotic rule which did not allow freedom of expression. They stole security by deception, and escaped punishment by telling lies. Fraud and subterfuge became necessary tools of life; injustice and insincerity became daily routine. No one felt ashamed and no one asked questions. Honor fell to the ground and disappeared with the wind of the times. How, then, did men have time to love their country? Trying to correct these evil tendencies, the government would brandish its false authority all the more to intimidate and reprove them. But forcing them to be sincere only had the contrary effect. The situation was like using fire to extinguish fire. In the end, the superior and inferior strata of society had grown further and further apart to form separate spiritual mind-sets.
These mind-sets (or so-called spirits) resist sudden change. In recent times, the external form of government has been overhauled, but its despotic and oppressive spirit continues as of old. The common people also retain their base and insincere spirit, even after acquiring their rights to some degree. This spirit is intangible, but quickly permeates an individual person. It is not describable from superficial observation, but its real effects are very strong. The truth of my argument can be seen in all forms of life today.
Let me give one example. There are not a few men of talent in government posts today. As I privately listen to what they have to say and observe their actions, I find they are all generally broadminded and magnanimous gentlemen; I not only cannot criticize them, but think that the speeches and conduct of some of them are admirable. From another point of view, even the commoners are not all foolish, spiritless, and powerless. There are some rare individuals who are just and sincere. But as I look at the actual accomplishments of these gentlemen in their government offices, I am disturbed at the way they administer the affairs of state. In addition, the good and faithful common people, as soon as they come in contact with the government, are prone shamelessly to abandon their principles in order to deceive the officials with fraud and tricks. Why is it that such mediocrity and baseness are the order of the day? It is as if they had a body with two heads. In private life they are wise; in office, stupid. If dispersed, there is light; when gathered, darkness. I might say that the government is an institution wherein the wisdom of the many gathers to conduct the affairs of foolish people. This is indeed an absurd state of affairs.
In short, the reason might lie in the fact that, having been oppressed by this spirit, the people have not been able to exercise their natural abilities to the full. Since the Meiji Restoration, the government has been trying to promote scholarship, law, and commerce, but without much result, for the same reason. But now, should the government control the people through a temporary expediency until their intellectual and moral capacities develop to an adequate level, and thus coerce the people to become civilized? Or if not that, must it devise a way to deceive them to be good? If the government imposes its authority, the people will respond with falsehood; and if the government uses fraud, the people will only superficially obey. This cannot be called the best policy. Even if it were skillfully executed, it would be of no real benefit to the advancement of civilization. I conclude therefore that Japan’s civilization cannot be made to progress solely by use of government power.
In consideration of the above, I hold that Japanese civilization will advance only after we sweep away the old spirit that permeates the minds of the people. But it can be swept away by neither government decree nor private admonition. Some persons must take the initiative in practice to show the people where their aims should lie. We cannot look to the farmers, the merchants, or scholars of Japanese or Chinese Learning to personify these aims. It is rather only the scholars of Western Learning who must fill this role. But they are not entirely measuring up to this assignment. Their numbers have increased of late, and they are giving instructions in Western texts or reading translations. They seem to be expending every effort, but in fact there are not a few about whose doings I have some misgivings. Many are merely reading the words without understanding, or, while understanding they do not have the sincerity to put the meanings into practice. I have more than a few doubts about their actual behavior: such scholars and gentlemen are aware of the existence of official posts but unaware of the existence of their private selves; they know how to stand above the government but not how to be under it. They have ultimately not been able to shake off the bad habits of the scholars of Chinese Learning. They have Chinese bodies dressed up in Western clothes.
Let me give actual proof. At the present time, most of this kind of scholars of Western Learning have entered government service. I can easily count on my fingers only a few of them who engage in the private sector. The reason for this trend is that the former are greedy for profit and desire to fulfill their long-cherished ambitions for fame. But the reason for this trend can never be ascribed to their greed for profit alone; because of their ingrained education, they have had the sole desire of becoming government officials, being obsessed with the idea that nothing can be achieved except through the government. Even persons of high authority and reputation fall under this category of scholar-officials. Their conduct appears to be slavish; their intentions, however, are not always bad: it is just that because they have become intoxicated with the spirit of society, they are unaware how contemptible their conduct actually is. This holds true for even scholars of great reputation. How, then, can the people at large fail to imitate them? If a young student reads only a few volumes, he immediately aspires for a post in the government. Young and ambitious merchants want to do business in the name of the government as soon as they have a few hundred gold coins for capital. Schools are licensed by the government, as are preaching, cattle grazing, and sericulture. Almost seventy to eighty per cent of private enterprises have some government connection. Therefore the minds of the people bend more and more to government ways. They admire and trust, or fear and flatter, the government officials. No one has the sincerity of mind to be independent. Their disgraceful conduct is hardly endurable.
Newspapers being published at the present time, as well as certain written memorials, also illustrate this trend. Though regulations for publication are not very strict, the newspapers never carry opinions unfavorable to the authorities. To the contrary, every commendable trifle about the government is praised in bold letters. They are like courtesans flattering their guests. If we read the memorials, we find that their wordings are always extremely base. They look up to the government as if it were some god. They look down upon themselves as if they were criminals. They use empty phrases which are unworthy of equal human beings. Yet no one thinks it shameful. From their writings alone we might surmise that these people were all madmen. Yet the publishers of these newspapers and the writers of these memorials are almost all scholars of Western Learning. In private life they are not necessarily courtesans or lunatics. Their extremes of insincerity are the result of the fact that, never having had an example of equal rights, they are oppressed and blindly led by the spirit of subservience. Thus they are not able to realize their real capacity as citizens. It is generally correct to say that in Japan there is only a government, and as yet no people. My conclusion is that the present crop of scholars of Western Learning cannot lead us in eliminating the old spirit of the people and in advancing Japanese civilization.
If my above argument be allowed, the government cannot be taken as the sole beneficiary of promoting civilization and maintaining national independence. Nor are we to rely on the scholars of Western Learning. Therefore I feel I can take it upon myself to lead the way for both the foolish Japanese people and for those Western scholars. As for myself, my own learning is of course inadequate, but I have long been involved in Western studies, and I am above the middle class in present-day Japan. As for the recent reforms in society, if I did not chiefly initiate them, I think I may have been indirectly influential in bringing them about. Even if my influence has been slight, I am satisfied with the reforms, and I am certain that people will also consider me something of a reformer. As I already have the name of a reformer, and occupy a position above the middle class, there may be some who will regard my doings as their model. If this is so, it should be my responsibility now to lead the way for the people.
Now, to accomplish anything at all, it is better to persuade than to command; and it is better to give personal example than to persuade. While this is true, the government has only the power of commanding; persuasion and actual example belong to the private sector. Therefore let me first exercise my private enterprise to lecture on the art of learning, go into business, discuss the law, write books, publish papers, etc. Let me do any or all of these things within the limits of my capacities and without offending others. Let me correctly manage my own affairs within the bounds of the law. Should I suffer injustice due to bad government decrees, I should exhort the government severely without subservience. For it is the extreme urgency of today to make the government wake up to the need of sweeping out old abuses and to revive the rights of the people.
Of course, private enterprises are complicated things, and persons who are involved in them may also have their good points. Therefore, it is not right that only a few scholars should take care of the whole undertaking. But I am hardly just trying to trumpet my own skill in meeting these challenges. I am rather trying to point out the direction of private initiatives. But one actual example is better than a hundred arguments. That is why I am giving the example of my own private work. My point is that human affairs should not merely be under government control. Scholars and townsfolk also have their own roles to play. The government is what it is, a Japanese government; and the people are what they are, the Japanese people. Therefore the people should be shown that they can approach the government without fear and suspicion. As they then come gradually to understand their goal, the ingrained spirits of both the despotism of the government and the social subservience of the people will gradually disappear. For the first time a Japanese people will be born who will be a stimulus to the government instead of its plaything. Scholarship, business, and law will naturally return to their rightful owners. There will be a balance of powers between government and the people, through which we shall be able to preserve national independence as well.
In summary, I have discussed the merits and demerits of scholars today becoming officials or remaining in the private sector to promote the independence of Japan, and this book sides with the latter position. To state things in general, what is not advantageous is necessarily harmful, and what is not profitable is necessarily a loss; there is nothing which is half profitable and half harmful. I am not advocating the private sector for my own gain. I am only discussing it on the basis of my own daily experience. If others can reject my position with strong evidence, or if they can clearly state the disadvantages of the private sector, I shall gladly defer to them. For my ultimate interest is the nation’s welfare.
APPENDIX
There have been several objections to my main argument which I shall report here. The first states that there is no more convenient method than a strong government to get things done. To this I answer that we cannot solely rely on government power to promote civilization. This should already be clear from the main text. Moreover, despite its years of experience, the actual accomplishments of the government have not been so many. The private sector may also fail in the long run, but since there are clearly things to be said for it in theory, it should be given a try in practice. Those who doubt its efficacy without giving it a fair trial are not courageous men.
The second objection is that there are few talented men in the government, and if the government is impoverished of its personnel by these men leaving office for the private sector, this will be an embarrassment to the affairs of the government. To this I answer that the reverse is true. Today’s government labors under the burden of too many officials. Reduction of the numbers of office holders by means of simplification of the work will have a twofold effect. Offices will be streamlined, and the retired personnel can meet other needs of society. Indeed, the practice of multiplying offices and of using talented men in useless posts may be said to be a stupid policy. If these talented people leave public office, it will not be that they will leave Japan for foreign shores. They will still be contributing to Japan within Japan. Therefore this fear is ungrounded.
The third objection is that if private persons gather together outside the government, they will themselves constitute something like a government, so that the prestige of the original government will decline. To this I reply that this is the talk of small-minded men. Persons in both the private and public sectors are equally Japanese citizens. Therefore they only perform their functions from different positions. Actually they both contribute to the country as a whole through their several complementary efforts. They are not enemies, but truly profitable friends. But of course, if these men in the private sector violate the law, we should not have the least hesitation about punishing them.
The fourth objection is that even persons who desire to be privately based have no way to make a decent livelihood outside of government posts. To this I reply that these words are not worthy of scholars and gentlemen. A scholar, one who is concerned with the affairs of the nation, is already a man of no mean accomplishment. There is little danger that he will be forced to live in poverty for lack of talent. There is no reason why public office is an easier road of life than working from a private base. If the former were easier and more profitable than the latter, we should say that there is a disproportion between efforts and rewards. Greed for excessive profit is not the sign of a true gentleman. Persons who cling to public office through no talent of their own, who rely only on good luck, who covet excessive salaries so that they can live in luxury, and who only casually discuss matters of government, will be no friends of mine.
