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After the publication of the Essays, Batyushkov wrote very little else, or at least very little that has survived. Later on, he described his subsequent “silence” as deliberate, but this seems unlikely, the more so in that it was not complete. Indeed he had many ideas for writing, and did in fact produce some of his most memorable work in these years, notably the brief and brilliant poems translated from or inspired by the lyrics of the Greek Anthology.
Once he had more or less finished work on the Essays, at Khantonovo in May 1817, he wrote down some thoughts in a notebook. He kept notebooks at other times, but apart from this one, the only comparable texts to have survived are some reading notes of 1810 (discussed in chapter 3). Many of the jottings of 1817 are also reactions to books read; indeed, they are given the title “Other People’s Stuff is My Treasure”—a form of words that points up the close links of reading and writing for Batyushkov and his contemporaries. But there are also notes that give a more direct insight into his inner world. The first of these reads:
I must never lose the beautiful passion for the beautiful, which so attracts one to the arts and literature, but I must not become surfeited with it. Moderation in all things. The works of Racine, Tasso, Virgil and Ariosto can captivate a fresh soul: happy the man who at thirty can weep, can shed tears of emotion. Horace asked that Zeus should end his life when he became impervious to the sounds of the lyre. I very much understand this prayer…
(Essays, 410)
This sounds a note that we often hear in his letters to friends: the weariness that makes it difficult for him to maintain old enthusiasms, to settle anywhere, or indeed to write. He continues, a little later, with a fascinating account of his attempts to deal with this:
My illness hasn’t gone away, but it has calmed down a bit. All around me is a gloomy silence, the house is empty, it’s drizzling, the garden is muddy. What can I do? I’ve read all there was, even the European Herald. Let me recall the old days. Let me write spontaneously, impromptu, without narcissism, and see what comes pouring out—write as fast as you speak, with no ulterior motive, the way few people write, since narcissism is always plucking at your sleeve and getting you to put a different word in place of the one you first thought of. But Montaigne wrote whatever came into his mind. True. But Montaigne is a quite exceptional man. I compare his mind to a spring that has been dammed up—open the sluice and the water comes rushing out, endlessly flowing, foaming and boiling, always clear and healthy—and why? Because there was a great reservoir of water. With a small mind, a weak or sluggish one, like mine, it’s very hard to write spontaneously, but today I’m in the mood, I want to perform a tour de force. My pen will dispel my melancholy a little. So then…But I’m stuck already. How to begin? What to write about? Recall the past, describe the present, plan for the future. But you have to admit that’s all very tedious. Speaking of the past is all right when you’re old and very important or rich, talking to your heirs, who listen out of kindness: “On en vaut mieux quand on est écouté.”1 What can you say about the present? It hardly exists. And the future?…ah, the future’s been very burdensome to me recently! So then, write about something: discuss something! I’ve tried discussing things, but it never seems to work; when I discuss something—as kind people tell me—it’s like when other people show off. That’s a painful thought. Why can’t I discuss things?
And he goes into a comic routine, listing eleven reasons (such as his short stature) for his inability to think, then carries on:
But I must write. I’m bored without a pen in hand. I’ve tried drawing, but it’s no good; what shall I do? help me, good people—but I’ve no one to talk to. I don’t know how to cope with my misery. Let’s see. As it happens, I recall someone’s words—Voltaire’s, I remember now: “Et voilà comme on écrit l’histoire!”2 These words came back automatically, I don’t know why, and they set me off remembering events I have witnessed in my life and what I have subsequently read in descriptions of these events. What a difference, my God, what a difference! “Et voilà comme on écrit l’histoire.”
And he is off, telling stories of his wartime commander Raevsky and the gap between what actually happened and the legends that grew up around it, then moving on to a brief portrait of the general, “a great warrior and sometimes a good man, sometimes a very strange one.” And he concludes: “I’ve written all that without flagging. God be praised! An hour has flown past without my noticing it” (Essays, 410–16). Getting through the days could be a burden.
Batyushkov did have ideas for further writing. We have seen in the previous chapter his plans for a long poem on a theme from Russian folklore (“Rusalka”) and for a collection of translations from the Italian. The notebook of 1817 adds an unexpectedly ambitious outline for an “agreeable and useful book,” a very full history of Russian literature designed for a society readership who knew their own literature less well than those of Western Europe. ­Batyushkov had written earlier to Gnedich of his problems with the Russian language, but now, in the aftermath of the Napoleonic wars, he is pursuing the patriotic agenda he had suggested in “An Evening at Kantemir’s.” It is not clear whether he had any intention of embarking on this venture himself, but he develops his scheme in some detail, starting with the old Slavonic language and the literature of the Middle Ages, but devoting the vast majority of the volume to post-Petrine writing. He lists a huge range of writers, including his contemporaries, under twenty-eight different headings, and suggests a number of topical themes and questions:
The influence of the newborn German literature—and in part that of English literature. What have we achieved? Why has the lyrical genre [i.e. the ode] flourished and why must it decline? What is most characteristically Russian? The richness and poverty of the language. Can a language thrive without a philosophy, and why can it thrive, but not for long? The influence of church language on that of civil society, and the influence of civil eloquence on spiritual eloquence…
(Essays, 422)
It could have been a fascinating and timely book, but none of it was ever written.
Another aspect of this notebook is the new concern for morality that we saw also in the essays of 1815. It is here that we find the remarkable double self-portrait that is cited at length in the introduction. Batyushkov’s key value in these notes seems to be sniskhozhdenie, which can be translated as tolerance or indulgence. He sees this—somewhat contrary to his earlier satirical practice—as an essential value in literary life:
From whatever angle you look at man in himself and in society, you find that tolerance must be the first of virtues. Tolerance in speech, in deed, and in thought—that is what gives an attractiveness to goodness, which is almost more appealing than anything in the world. To frown and pick up Juvenal’s big stick is not very difficult, but to jest with life, like Horace, that’s the true philosopher’s stone…
Simplicity and tolerance are the signs of a mind made for art…The Savior’s words on the poor in spirit who inherit the kingdom of heaven can be applied to the literary world too.
(Essays, 418, 428)
This expresses the thirty-year-old poet’s new outlook, more Christian, more quietist, more conservative. It tended to separate him from his younger, more radical, more combative friends, those who would go on to form the Decembrist conspiracy against the autocracy that the poet was content to serve.
And indeed government service of some kind was becoming a pressing need for Batyushkov in 1817. His finances, already shaky, were dealt a further blow when his father died in November, leaving Konstantin as head of the family, responsible for paying his father’s debts and looking after his siblings, including two children of his father’s second marriage. He didn’t attempt to duck these responsibilities, taking out new loans and selling off some of his own property to prevent the sale of his father’s house. In particular his letters show his extreme concern for the welfare and education of his little half brother Pompey, born in 1811, who was to help with the edition of his works seventy years later. His income was barely adequate for all this. The success of the Essays brought in little money. In the light of his newfound fame, he was made an honorary librarian of the Imperial Public Library where he had served as a younger man—this gave him honor, but not cash. Consequently, he kept coming back to his old plan of obtaining a diplomatic post in his poetic homeland, Italy. As well as cultural riches, this would have the advantage of a warmer climate, which he found himself needing more and more as his various ailments continued to harass him. In June 1817, he had written to Zhukovsky: “Winter is the death of me. Even when I was quite healthy, I froze like a cabbage-stalk in France…imagine what it’s like for me here in Russia, with our killing frosts! Let’s go to the Crimea, ‘wo die Zitronen blühn’ ” (SP, 409).3
In fact, the following summer he went nearly as far as the Crimea, bathing assiduously in the sea at Odessa, while fulfilling his role as honorary librarian by studying the antiquities of southern Russia. But Italy was the real dream. In June 1818, on the persuasion—and with the help—of Zhukovsky and other friends, he plucked up his courage and submitted his case in a letter to the tsar. Describing his life, his campaigns, and his illnesses, he wrote of his desire to use his modest knowledge and abilities for the good of the Fatherland, while profiting from a climate “necessary for the restoration of my health which was shattered by my wound and the hardships of the Finnish campaign” (WP, 260–61). The following month he received an appointment to the Russian mission in Naples, with a modest salary.
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Meanwhile he had continued to play his part in the literary life of the capital. As already noted, his Essays in Verse and in Prose were received with great acclaim, and no dissenting voices, in the autumn of 1817—Batyushkov must have felt at least partly reassured by this success. Arriving in St. Petersburg not long before publication, he was at long last able to attend meetings of Arzamas. In fact, by this time the society was beginning to change—but also to decline and disperse. Since Derzhavin’s death in 1816, Arzamas’s old adversary, the Circle of Lovers of the Russian Word, was no longer active, so there was no obvious literary fight to be fought. Some members were departing from St. Petersburg—Zhukovsky to Moscow, Vyazemsky to Warsaw, others on foreign missions. At the same time, new members were seeking to inflect it more toward radical politics. In order to breathe new life into Arzamas, there was a proposal to found a new literary-political journal. In the end nothing came of this, but Batyushkov did produce one outstanding contribution, which was later published separately (and semi-anonymously). This is a group of translations of poems from the Greek Anthology, the famous collection of several thousand short Greek poems by a great variety of authors from the seventh-century BCE to the tenth-century CE.
Batyushkov knew no Greek, and the translations were done from French versions of the Greek produced by his Arzamas colleague Sergey Uvarov, a classical scholar who later played an important educational role in the reactionary government of Nicholas I. Indeed, Batyushkov’s poems were intended originally to provide illustrations for Uvarov’s article on the Anthology. They are for the most part love poems, a lot of them in the erotic mode that Batyushkov had earlier found in Parny. In many of them, love is threatened, and one or two, including the first one (taken from Meleager), are poems of loss and mourning. The very short final piece strikes a different note, celebrating courage in the face of death. In all cases, though, there is a memorable concision, a striking richness of imagery, a beauty of orchestration and a fluidity of construction characteristic of their author. As usual with his translations, they show a freedom that allows the poet to express his own vision and his own feelings, in his own voice. The meter is a characteristically Russian iambic, with lines of varying length, and there are irregular rhyme schemes mixing masculine and feminine endings (though my translations are largely unrhymed). Here is the full collection of thirteen poems:
FROM THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY
I
In nothingness’s gloomy mansion
O woman unforgettable! accept from me
Tears and despairing cries on your cold tombstone,
Roses ephemeral as you!
All is in vain. Eternal darkness
Will not give up your ever-grieving shadow;
We cannot call you back from envious Hades.
Here all is dumb and cold; here nothing speaks.
My funeral torch only reveals the blackness…
What have you done, you governors of heaven?
Say, why does beauty have so short a life?
But mother earth, take these my bitter tears,
Take her who sleeps, the faded flower of spring,
And may she rest in hospitable shade.
II
Witnesses of my love and sorrow,
Youthful roses, damp with tears!
Deck with your wreaths the modest cottage
Where my beloved shuns our eyes.
Remain, sweet wreaths, and do not wither!
But if she comes, pour out on her
All your sweet odor, and once more
Water with tears her lovely tresses.
May she stand wondering, and sigh;
And you, flowers, with your fragrant breath,
Water with tears my dear one’s tresses.
III
At last! Nikagor and fire-breathing Eros
With Bacchus’ cups have vanquished Aglaya…
O joy, that here they have unloosed the girdle,
Once the proud bulwark of her maidenhood!
See all around the room carelessly scattered
The gorgeous clothing of disdainful beauty,
The floating vestments of light, snowy gauze,
The shapely shoes, the flowers freshly picked.
All these, the ruins of her rich apparel,
Proclaim her love, Nikagor’s happiness.
IV
THE SYCAMORE TO THE PASSERBY
See how the vine entwines me in its tendrils!
See how it loves my half-decaying trunk!
Once I cast over it a grateful shadow;
Now I have withered…but the vine stays true.
So pray to Zeus,
If you are made for friendship, passerby,
That your friend too will one day be like mine
And love your dust while he remains alive.
V
Where is the fame, the beauty that undid you?
The busy streets, the happy citizens?
Where are the sumptuous halls, the noble temples,
The gold, the tessera that shone in them?
Alas, great many-pillared Corinth, gone forever,
Your very ash is scattered through the fields,
All is a void, we only cry to heaven,
The halcyon alone grieves in the mist!
VI
“Where are you going, my beauty?—Business, none of yours.
—And can I hope?—For what?—You know quite well.
—I haven’t time!—But look here, count this gold.
—And is that all? You’re joking! So, farewell.”
VII
Let’s hide forever from men’s envious eyes
The ardent raptures and the swoon of passion.
How sweet a kiss in the unspeaking night,
How sweet love’s hidden pleasures!
VIII
I love the smile playing on Laisa’s lips,
Her talk that captivates the heart, but dearer
Than everything to me are her shy looks
And in her eyes the tears of sudden sorrow.
Last night at twilight, overcome by passion,
I knelt again before her, spoke of love:
My kisses led her on to pleasure
On the soft couch laid out for us…
I burned with love, she stood unmoving…
But suddenly grew pale, despondent
And tears came flooding from her eyes!
Taken aback, I pressed her to my bosom:
“What’s troubling you, my dear, what’s troubling you?”
“Don’t worry, it is nothing, God’s my witness;
Just one thought troubles me,” she said:
“You men are faithless, and…I feel afraid.”
IX
Is it for you to mourn your young days gone?
You are as beautiful as ever
And with the passing years
Ever more captivating to your lover.
I do not prize an inexperienced beauty,
Unskilled in all the mysteries of love;
Her bashful gaze is lifeless and unspeaking,
Her timid kisses by no feeling moved.
But you, love’s empress, could awaken
An answering passion in a stone
And in your autumn days the flame still burns
That through your bloodstream flows.
X
Alas! these eyes bedimmed by weeping,
The hours of suffering in these hollow cheeks,
They don’t awaken your compassion—
A cruel smile plays on your lips…
These are the bitter fruits of passion,
Sad fruits of passion that no joy relieves,
The fruits of love, worthy of favor
And not the fate that so benumbs the heart…
Alas! like sudden lightning up in heaven,
Passions eat up our early years,
Perfidiously, they leave us cheerless,
Afflicted by never-ending tears.
But you, my beauty, you whose love is dearer
To me than all my youth and happiness,
Take pity on me…and I will recover,
Younger and brighter than I was.
XI
An eloquent look, a passionate smile,
Which, like a mirror show the soul
Of my beloved…She
By a harsh Argus is kept away from me!
But passion’s eyes can see through walls:
You jealous man, beware the love in eyes!
Love showed me the mysteries of happiness,
Love will show me the way to my beloved,
Love did not teach you how to read our hearts.
XII
Life is exhausted in my frozen heart:
An end to struggle and to everything!
Eros and Aphrodite, you tormentors,
Hear my last words, my melancholy!
I fade away, yet undergo new tortures,
Half dead, but not consumed,
I fade away, my love is still as ardent,
And without hope I die!
So on the altar, round the sacrifice,
The fire grows pale and dwindles,
Then, flaring up before it dies,
Is quenched amid the ashes.
XIII
With courage in my looks, fire burning in my blood,
I sailed, but suddenly cruel death stormed the horizon.
Young sailor, don’t forget how beautiful your life is!
Trust to your boat! Sail on the flood!
(Essays, 344–48)
Together with their even more striking sequel, Imitations of the Ancients, these poems are a high point in Batyushkov’s writing and quickly came to be seen as a major contribution to Russian poetry, establishing a new genre, the “anthological poem.”4 Batyushkov was only identified by his Arzamas initial (A for Achilles) in the first publication, but his young contemporary Wilhelm Küchelbecker wrote that from the delight felt in reading them, from their beautiful melody, the skill of the translation and the perfection of the prosody, they could only be the work of Batyushkov or Aleksandr Pushkin—but more probably the former (WP, 258).
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In the late summer of 1818, having learned of his appointment to Naples, Batyushkov returned to St. Petersburg. Soon after his arrival he sent to the wife of the historian Karamzin a little poem in praise of her husband’s work. The eighth volume of his History of the Russian State had appeared earlier that year, and Batyushkov, who had always admired and loved Karamzin, was distressed that it was receiving too little attention; to make up for this, in a typically self-deprecating way, he composed these “poor lines.” “They just poured out from my soul,” he wrote to Aleksandr Turgenev:
TO THE AUTHOR OF THE HISTORY OF THE RUSSIAN STATE
When once at the Olympic Games,
In hopes of sweet applause, the father
Of history pronounced the names
Of Greeks who crushed the kings of Asia
And shattered all their proud batallions,
The people, all athirst for glory,
Forgot their games and entertainments
And stood enraptured by his story.
But in the midst of the great crowd
The noble young Thucidydes,
Beloved of the muses, stood
And drank the old historian’s words.
How thirstily he then would listen
To the old tales of mighty warriors,
And how he wept, what joyful tears
Came running down his burning cheeks!
So I too wept in exultation
On reading your immortal words
And blessed your genius, sweetly stirred
With irresistible emotion.
What if I have no gift, no talent!—
The muses spoke to me of art,
Beauty could move me, I was able
To feel your genius in my heart.
(CP, 233–34)
Meanwhile he was preparing himself for his posting to Naples. It was what he had long wanted, yet he was far from overjoyed at the prospect of leaving Russia and his friends. In September he wrote an occasional poem of thanks to Prince Shalikov (a poet whose work he had previously scorned in private letters), speaking of the new life that awaited him and of his intention of giving up the literary life:
I shall leave my fathers’ place for a new world,
A new sky and new faces far from home,
Vesuvius on fire, Etna’s eternal pall,
Castrati, opera, clowns, the Pope in Rome,
The sacred dust of the world’s capital.
But everywhere (or so I say on my good days)
My soul will be the same, I shall stay true,
I shall remember when I die
Moscow, the fatherland, my friends, and you!
(CP, 235)
A similar attachment to his Russian friends is expressed in a gloomy and prophetic letter sent on September 10 to Turgenev, who had worked hard to get him this posting:
I know Italy without having been there. I shan’t find happiness there: it doesn’t exist anywhere. I’m even certain that I shall feel homesick for the snows of home and the people who are so dear to me. Neither the magnificent spectacle of nature, nor the wonders of art, nor the grandiose memories will make up for you and the friends whom I have got used to loving. Got used! Do you understand me? But the first thing is to live, and it’s cold here, and I am dying daily. That’s why I desired and still desire Italy.
In spite of misgivings, he set out. On November 19, he was given a champagne send-off from Tsarskoe Selo by a great company of writers, including Gnedich, Zhukovsky, and the young Pushkin. He traveled first to Vienna, from where he sent a miserable letter to his aunt Muravyova: “I dare not say what I was thinking on the second and third day after my departure, but these days were the saddest of my life and I shall remember them a long, long time” (CP, 11). But by January 1819 he was in Rome, and apparently more cheerful, writing to Olenin: “One stroll in Rome, one glance at the Forum (with which I am totally in love), are more than enough to repay me for all the discomforts of my journey” (SP, 425).
He was to stay in Rome for a few weeks, devouring the sights, and seeing a good deal of the young Russian artists who had received grants from the Russian Academy of Arts to study there. Since Batyushkov’s protector Olenin was responsible for this scheme, he had given the poet the task of checking on the grant-holders and reporting on their work. He went beyond this commission to argue for improving their conditions (which were much inferior to those of their French equivalents). He also struck up a particular friendship with the landscape painter Silvestr Shchedrin, who had been in Italy for some months and who later came to stay with him in Naples.
The Naples stay lasted nearly two years, from March 1819 to the end of 1820. These were crucial years in Batyushkov’s life, coming after the success of the Essays and preceding his collapse into madness, but we have very little information about them—only a few letters, three short poems, and occasional mentions in other people’s letters and memoirs. No doubt there were many more letters, since correspondence with friends at home was a lifeline; in August 1819 he wrote to Zhukovsky: “I begin this letter as usual with reproaches that you have completely forgotten me, dear friend. I am constantly writing to Turgenev, writing to everyone, occasionally (very rarely) I get a reply, but to my annoyance not a line from you…The day when I receive a letter from Russia is the best of all days for me” (SP, 436). In the same letter he notes: “I am quite unable to write verse,” but adds that he is writing assiduously in prose, “notes on the antiquities around Naples.” All this prose has disappeared, perhaps burned by Batyushkov together with poems and other material in 1822.
A major disappointment in Italy was his failure to recover his health. He complains:
Unfortunately, and I can’t speak of this without a feeling of indignation, my health is constantly declining: neither the sun, nor the mineral waters, nor the strictest diet have been able to put it right; it seems to have been irretrievably destroyed. My chest too, which until now only rarely troubled me, has completely failed. Italy is no help to me; I’m freezing here, what would I be like in the north? I daren’t think about going home.
(SP, 438)
Nevertheless, he was well enough at times to respond enthusiastically to the life and natural scenes surrounding him. The letter from which I have just quoted was written from the island of Ischia in August 1819 and contains an eloquent description of “the most magnificent sight in the world”—the whole stretch of the Bay of Naples from Sorrento to the hills near Rome—and of the amazing brightness of the starry sky and the Milky Way. The previous March, not long after his arrival, he painted for Turgenev a dramatic picture of the contrasts of life in Naples:
Every day the people flood into the immense theatre to go into raptures over the music of Rossini and the mellifluous singing of their sirens, while at the same time our neighbor Vesuvius is preparing to erupt; they say that in Portici [near Herculaneum] and places nearby the wells are beginning to go dry—a sign, according to the observers, that the volcano is about to go into action. What an amazing country! Here there are earthquakes, floods, eruptions with burning lava and ash, there are also fires, epidemics and fevers. Whole mountains disappear and mountains emerge from the sea; others suddenly begin to breathe fire. Here the marshes or the exhalations from the earth infect the volcanic air and give birth to contagions: people die like flies. But on the other hand, here there is eternal, blazing sunshine, quiet and gentle moonlight, and the very air which contains death is sweet and perfumed! Everything has its good side. Pliny died in the ashfall, his nephew describes his death. On the ash grow sweet grapes and luscious vegetables.
(SP, 430–31)
In many respects, Batyushkov warmed to his new surroundings, but the beauty and interest of Naples could not overcome his sadness and longing for home: “By day it is fun to wander along the seafront in the shade of flowering pomegranates, but in the evening it’s not a bad thing to sit with friends round a good fire and have a good talk” (SP, 432). He felt lost without the company of such bosom companions as Gnedich and Zhukovsky. He had no great success in his contact with local people, and the Russian company was limited. What made matters worse was his situation in the Russian mission, where he found himself at odds with his superior, Count Gustav Ernst Stackelberg, an experienced diplomat who liked to throw his weight around. According to one of Batyushkov’s close friends, when he disagreed with a paper he had been given to copy, Stackelberg cut him off, saying: “You’re not here to discuss things” (WP, 279). Such treatment pushed him inward, into greater isolation, hypochondria, and actual illness. Nor was he roused from his lethargy by the revolution of the carbonari in the summer of 1820—in its way a prefiguration of the Decembrist uprising in which several of Batyushkov’s young friends would be involved. His only reaction, as far as we know, was a note to his aunt saying: “I’m really fed up with this stupid revolution. It’s time to be sensible, in other words, be quiet” (WP, 282).
Nevertheless, even if he felt incapable of writing poetry, the Naples period did produce at least three remarkable short pieces (more may well be lost). The first was triggered by a visit to Baia (in antiquity, Baiae), a fashionable seaside resort for the rich in Roman times, whose ruins were largely submerged by volcanic activity. Batyushkov responded with intense nostalgia for a lost world. His beautifully shaped piece is one of his most perfect creations; it was not published until 1857, two years after his death:
You wake, o Baiae, from the tomb
With the first coming of Aurora’s rays,
But rosy dawn will not return to you
The radiance of vanished days.
She will not bring again the cool retreats
Where swarms of beauties played,
And never will your porphyry colonnades
Rise from the depth of the blue waves.
(Essays, 348)
The second poem, written a month or two later, is, like many of Batyushkov’s poems, a free translation. He knew little English, but on Ischia in August 1819 he came across an Italian translation of the fourth canto of Byron’s Childe Harold, which was first published in English the previous year. This was the period when Byron’s fame was sweeping through Europe; as Aleksandr Turgenev noted, Zhukovsky was dreaming of him in St. Petersburg and Vyazemsky was enthusiastic about him in Prague while the Italians were translating him. But the first Russian verse translation of Byron appears to be that of Batyushkov, whose version echoes in some respects his poems from the Greek Anthology. He started from the following lines (Canto IV, stanzas 178–79):
There is a pleasure in the pathless woods,
There is a rapture on the lonely shore,
There is society, where none intrudes,
By the deep Sea, and music in its roar:
I love not Man the less, but Nature more,
From these our interviews, in which I steal
From all I may be, or have been before,
To mingle with the Universe and feel
What I can ne’er express, yet cannot all conceal.
Roll on, thou deep and dark blue ocean—roll!
Ten thousand fleets sweep over thee in vain;
Man marks the earth with ruin—his control
Stops with the shore…
What in Byron is a personal digression at the end of a long narrative becomes a freestanding lyric poem in which the romantic appeal of nature to the disillusioned man is heightened. The translation is quite close, closer than in many of Batyushkov’s earlier versions of Parny, Tibullus, and others, but Byron’s stanzaic form is replaced by the elegiac couplets that Batyushkov often favored. It seems strange to “retranslate” Byron back into English from a Russian text, itself based on an Italian translation of the English, but this will give an idea of Batyushkov’s poem:
There is delight too in the forests’ wildness,
And gladness on the ocean’s shore,
Harmony in the sound of breakers
Exploding in their rush and roar.
I love my neighbor, but you, nature,
Are dearer than all things to the heart!
With you, my sovereign, I no more remember
The man I was, and I forget
What I am now in my decrepitude.
In you my feelings live again:
I cannot put them into shapely words,
Yet how can I not speak of them?
Roar then, o roar, tremendous ocean!
Man, the ephemeral tyrant, he
Busily in the dust builds future ruins,
But how should he command the sea?…
(Essays, 349)
The final poem written in Naples was composed in January 1820 as an inscription for the tomb of a little girl. It was written at the mother’s request, and takes up a theme that haunted Batyushkov:
INSCRIPTION FOR THE TOMB OF MALISHEVA’S DAUGHTER
Dear friend who come here from my distant home,
I pray you: look upon this humble stone.
Two parents here have laid to rest their hope,
And I lie here in peace, their little one.
Report my words to them: “Dear ones, don’t cry!
Envy my ephemerality;
   I did not know this life,
     And know eternity.”
(Essays, 350)
This little poem had an unexpected destiny. It was shown by Batyushkov’s friend Bludov to the editor of the journal Son of the Fatherland, who took the liberty of publishing it without the author’s consent or of course the consent of the woman who had asked for it. The poet’s displeasure at this indiscreet behavior was one element in his rejection of the Russian literary establishment as he descended into mental illness.
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For health reasons, Batyushkov had himself transferred at the end of 1820 to Rome, where he had a more sympathetic superior. Soon, however, he was putting in official requests for retirement, and in May 1821, without waiting for an answer, he left Rome for Teplice, a spa town now in the Czech Republic, on the German border and close to the places where he and Petin had fought in 1807. He went there in search of a cure, bathing and taking the waters assiduously and cutting himself off from most Russian contacts. Even so, he was still interested in his literary work; in June he made marginal corrections on a copy of the Essays of 1817 with a view to a new edition—which never appeared. In this he proposed to omit some weaker pieces, replacing them with a new sequence consisting of six very short pieces in a similar vein to his translations from the Greek Anthology, but this time entirely original. They were virtually the last thing he wrote, and were not published until long after his death, in 1883, but they have been seen by many critics as his masterpiece.5 With hindsight one can see them as marked by the crisis that Batyushkov was undergoing; they seem to be written less for conventional readers than for the poet himself. The third piece pursues the love theme that had dominated the Greek Anthology poems, but the rest are all concerned with life and death, courage and resignation. From a formal point of view, they are on a par with “You wake, o Baiae,” but the melancholy beauty of the earlier poem is replaced in some of these with an excitingly unexpected choice of words and images, from the sun as “tsar of the azure desert” to the “crocodile waters” of life:
IMITATIONS OF THE ANCIENTS
I
Life without death’s not life. What is it then? A bowl
With a drop of honey in a sea of wormwood.
Magnificent the ocean! Azure king of the desert,
O sun, you are a wonder amid heaven’s wonders!
And there is so much beauty on the earth!
Yet silver is all counterfeit and pointless.
Weep, mortal, weep! Your earthly fortune
Is in the hands of ruthless Nemesis.
II
Mountains can feel the pull of music;
The camel is attentive to love’s tune,
Groaning beneath his load; you see the rose
Blush deeper red than blood at songs
Of nightingales in valleys of the Yemen…
But you, my beauty…I don’t understand.
III
Look how the cypress, like our steppe, is barren—
But always fresh and green.
Citizen, you can’t bear fruit like the palm tree?
Then imitate the cypress;
Like it, alone and dignified and free.
IV
When a girl in agony is fading
And her body is blue and chilled,
It is in vain love pours out flowers
And amber; she must lie still,
Pale as a lily of the fields,
Like a waxen form; and now
Flowers cannot warm her cooling hands
And perfume has no power.
V
O mortal! Do you wish to go unharmed
Through the sea of life’s commotion?
Do not be haughty; let the following wind
Spread your sail aloof and happy.
Don’t quit the wheel when the fierce tempest roars!
Scipio when happy, Peter in life’s storms.
VI
Do you want honey, son?—Never fear stings;
The crown of victory?—Fight bravely!
Or is it pearls you long for?—Dive down deep
Into the crocodile waters.
Fear not! God loves the brave; they are his own,
He keeps for them honey, pearls, death…a crown.
(Essays, 351–52)
At about this time, Batyushkov became aware of the unauthorized publication of his epitaph for a little girl in Son of the Fatherland. This was swiftly followed in the same journal by a poem that gave even greater offense. The culprit this time was the poet Pyotr Pletnyov, a great admirer of Batyushkov, who without any malicious intent wrote an epistle entitled ‘‘B…ov from Rome,” where he takes the liberty of speaking in the poet’s name. It was published in the journal anonymously, so that even some of his friends thought it was by Batyushkov. It was not in itself particularly hurtful, but Batyushkov, by this time feeling vulnerable and persecuted, took it very badly—and Pletnyov, attempting to put things right, made the situation even worse by publishing in the same journal a brief and laudatory poem, “On a Portrait of Batyushkov.” The poet, convinced that Pletnyov was a stalking horse and complicit in a plot hatched by unnamed enemies, dispatched an open letter to the editor of Son of the Fatherland, declaring that he had given up writing and that he was not a contributor to the journal. In fact this announcement, which was sent by way of Gnedich, never appeared.
Batyushkov wrote again to Gnedich—for the last time—a few days later to explain his position as he saw it. Recognizing the value of his friend’s work on the Essays, he declares, not quite accurately, that since its publication he has written nothing: “I promised myself that I would give up literature, at least with a view to publication, and I have kept this promise.” Then came the business with Son of the Fatherland and “some person called Pletaev [sic]”—all of which filled him with indignation. He concludes:
How can a person you don’t know be so malevolent? I don’t know, but it’s plain to see. What did I do to deserve it? If Mr. Pletaev wrote verse under my name, why did the editors of Son of the Fatherland have to print it? No, I can’t find words for my indignation: it will only die when I die. But the blow has been struck, and this is the consequence: I shall write no more, and I’ll keep my word. Maybe I had a spark of talent; maybe with time I might have written something worthy of the public—I say it with pardonable pride—and worthy of myself, since I am 33 years old and six years of silence have made me not more foolish, but more mature. Things have turned out differently. I shall be a man without honor if ever I publish something in my name. What’s more, insulted by praise, I have decided not to go back to Russia, since I fear people who, in spite of the fact that I shed my blood on the field of honor and am now in the service of my beloved monarch, use such an unworthy and base method of hurting me behind my back.
(SP, 442–43)
This was Batyushkov’s last surviving letter to any of his friends, and it marks the beginning of a steep decline. In the autumn of 1821 he moved to nearby Dresden and spent the winter there. His friends in Russia began to be seriously worried, having received alarming reports from his friend Bludov who had visited him in the summer; Aleksandr Turgenev wrote to Vyazemsky at the beginning of October: “Batyushkov is very depressed, he has fallen out with everybody, and according to Bludov he is on brink of the worst kind of melancholia” (WP, 287). Then, the following month, Zhukovsky, who had been traveling in the West, called to see him in a village near Dresden. His notebooks suggest that Batyushkov read aloud some poems, then tore them up, but one short but affecting poem does survive, a little piece written in Zhukovsky’s album. The opening lines refer to Derzhavin’s famous final lines about the river of life and death, then there is an allusion to loving sentiments expressed in Zhukovsky’s own work, before the final obsessive return to poor Pletnyov, yet again transformed into Pletaev:
Zhukovsky, time swallows everything,
Both you and me, and fame and art,
But what we cherish in our hearts
Will not be drowned by oblivion.
It cannot die, the heart, o no!
Goodness outlasts the funeral bell…
And what lives in your heart, I know,
Not even Pletaev can tell.
(CP, 239)
After this, Batyushkov disappeared into silence during the Dresden winter, except that in December he wrote to the head of the diplomatic service, describing his situation in Naples and asking again to be allowed to retire from the service. Eventually he was given indefinite leave, and finally, contrary to what he had said to Gnedich, he reappeared in St. Petersburg. The story of his remaining tragic years can be quickly told.