VIII. CONCLUSION (15:14–16:27)
A. Paul’s Past Labors, Present Program, and Future Plans (15:14–33)
OVERVIEW
The remainder of ch. 15 can be regarded as complementary to the introduction of the letter, since there is a similar prominence of personal matters that Paul senses will be of interest to the believers at Rome. In both portions, however, his own affairs are invariably regarded as important only as they relate to the gospel of Christ, which is the controlling factor in his life.
14I myself am convinced, my brothers, that you yourselves are full of goodness, complete in knowledge and competent to instruct one another. 15I have written you quite boldly on some points, as if to remind you of them again, because of the grace God gave me 16to be a minister of Christ Jesus to the Gentiles with the priestly duty of proclaiming the gospel of God, so that the Gentiles might become an offering acceptable to God, sanctified by the Holy Spirit.
17Therefore I glory in Christ Jesus in my service to God. 18I will not venture to speak of anything except what Christ has accomplished through me in leading the Gentiles to obey God by what I have said and done—19by the power of signs and miracles, through the power of the Spirit. So from Jerusalem all the way around to Illyricum, I have fully proclaimed the gospel of Christ. 20It has always been my ambition to preach the gospel where Christ was not known, so that I would not be building on someone else’s foundation. 21Rather, as it is written:
“Those who were not told about him will see,
and those who have not heard will understand.”
22This is why I have often been hindered from coming to you.
23But now that there is no more place for me to work in these regions, and since I have been longing for many years to see you, 24I plan to do so when I go to Spain. I hope to visit you while passing through and to have you assist me on my journey there, after I have enjoyed your company for a while. 25Now, however, I am on my way to Jerusalem in the service of the saints there. 26For Macedonia and Achaia were pleased to make a contribution for the poor among the saints in Jerusalem. 27They were pleased to do it, and indeed they owe it to them. For if the Gentiles have shared in the Jews’ spiritual blessings, they owe it to the Jews to share with them their material blessings. 28So after I have completed this task and have made sure that they have received this fruit, I will go to Spain and visit you on the way. 29I know that when I come to you, I will come in the full measure of the blessing of Christ.
30I urge you, brothers, by our Lord Jesus Christ and by the love of the Spirit, to join me in my struggle by praying to God for me. 31Pray that I may be rescued from the unbelievers in Judea and that my service in Jerusalem may be acceptable to the saints there, 32so that by God’s will I may come to you with joy and together with you be refreshed. 33The God of peace be with you all. Amen.
COMMENTARY
14–16 Paul now reflects on the character of his readers and what he can expect his letter to accomplish for them. If his assessment of them seems unexpectedly favorable after his admonition in the last chapter and a half, we need not conclude that he was beginning to chide himself for being too hard on the Roman Christians. Study of his epistles reveals that he had a sense of fairness that led him to strike a just balance between pointing out deficiencies and finding things he could honestly commend. Concerning the church at Rome, since he has already acknowledged their strong faith (1:8), it is now in order to acknowledge some other items he has apparently picked up from various sources of information, including people mentioned in the closing chapter.
14 First he mentions the “goodness” (agathōsynē, GK 20) of the Roman Christians. Having just written of the Holy Spirit, Paul undoubtedly has in mind the goodness that is the fruit of the Spirit (Gal 5:22). So it is not a native disposition but the moral excellence wrought into the texture of life by the Spirit’s indwelling. Paul may give it prominence as the preeminent quality needed to carry out the recommendations directed to both groups in the previous discussion.
Desire to do right and personal goodness are essential, but “knowledge” is also essential. Paul speaks of his readers as being “complete in knowledge” (peplērōmenoi pasēs [tēs] gnōseōs; lit., “filled with all knowledge”). Paul regards them as “competent to instruct one another.” Such language shows his confidence that the Roman church, which had been in existence for at least a decade, had been well taught (cf. 6:17). At the same time, this relative maturity did not make his contribution superfluous, because Paul confirmed what they knew, underscored it with apostolic authority, and made them the more capable of instructing each other. Noutheteō (GK 3805) reflects more than the imparting of information; it connotes the giving of counsel, reproof, or warning (cf. NASB, “admonish”; cf. Col 3:16; 1Th 5:14). The members of the Roman house churches were under mutual obligation (“one another”) to exercise such a ministry among themselves. Paul’s use of the term at this point reflects the admonition he had provided in the preceding chapter.
15–16 Though he was not the founder of the Roman church, Paul has been outspoken, and he proceeds to explain this, lest he be thought of as immodest or overbearing or simply tedious in going over things he now admits they already knew (“as if to remind you”). His boldness, however, has been in evidence “on some points” but has not pervaded the letter as a whole. He has simply been fulfilling the commission that God in his “grace” has granted him as “a minister of Christ Jesus to the Gentiles” (v.16). Since in this connection he emphasizes his call to go to the Gentiles, one may assume that most of his readers were Gentiles (cf. 1:13) and would be especially interested in this allusion.
It is particularly interesting that in v.16 Paul uses the language of the temple ritual and sacrifices and spiritualizes it so as to apply it to his own ministry. Paul seems to imply that what he is called to do is the fulfilling counterpart of the work of the priests in the temple. Thus the word underlying “minister” is leitourgos (GK 3313), which is the special word used for sacred or cultic service. “With the priestly duty” translates the participle hierourgounta (GK 2646), another special word reserved for the performing of the holy service or sacrifice done by a priest (the word for “temple” is hieron). Then Paul proceeds to describe the redeemed Gentiles as his special “offering” (prosphora, GK 4714), a sacrifice “acceptable” (euprosdektos, GK 2347; again the language of the temple sacrifices) to God (cf. the imagery of Isa 66:18–20 in reference to the offering of “all the nations”). One last word in this verse associated with the temple is “sanctified” (hagiazō, GK 39), where it is used in reference to “consecrating” or “making holy” the sacrifice that is offered. It was especially important that the Gentiles, otherwise by nature ritually defiled, be cleansed and made holy by the Spirit (cf. Ac 15:8–9). Paul thus sees his own function in terms of being a priest, and his missionary work among the Gentiles is described as a temple offering. The proclamation of the gospel and the winning of Gentiles to Christ is a holy work that Paul prays will be acceptable to God.
Paul used the same type of language in 12:1 in urging the personal commitment of the Romans to God, namely, as “living sacrifices, holy and pleasing to God.” Directly, he will refer to his labors in the East that have also involved a priestly ministry in behalf of the Gentiles. It was important for Paul to note that the acceptability of Gentiles to God comes not only from their reception of the gospel of Christ but also from the ministry of the Holy Spirit that sets them apart to God as the people of his possession (cf. 1Co 6:11). The Gentiles are fully a part of the people of God. This initial sanctification makes possible the progressive spiritual development that spans the two great foci of justification and final redemption—all through the agency of the Spirit (cf. 5:5; 8:11).
17 Paul refuses to boast in his ministry to the Gentiles. He will only “glory in Christ Jesus” (cf. Gal 6:13–14) when it comes to his “service to God” (ta pros ton theon; NASB, “things pertaining to God”), i.e., the gospel and all connected with it. As a minister of Christ, Paul must depend on Christ for everything that is accomplished in connection with his mission. Paul is merely the instrument by which God brings Gentiles to obey him in faith and life (cf. 1:5). Christ is the one ultimately responsible as he continues to work through his servant (cf. Ac 1:1).
18 The obedience of the Gentiles has been accomplished through Christ both by “word and deed.” As far as the ministry of the word is concerned, it is sufficient at this stage in the letter to express the content of it as the “gospel of Christ” (v.19), since he has been explaining the gospel from almost the first word he has written. So he elaborates the other aspect of his ministry (the “deed” aspect).
19 “The power of signs and miracles” (en dynamei sēmeiōn [GK 4956] kai teratōn [GK 5469]) served to accredit the messenger of God and validate the message he brought. It was so in the ministry of Jesus (Ac 2:22) and in that of the original apostles (Ac 5:12). Paul is able to certify the same for himself (cf. 2Co 12:12). A “sign” is a visible token of an invisible reality that is spiritually significant. The same act may also be a “wonder,” something that appeals to the senses and is recognized as a phenomenon that needs explanation. In the OT, God’s presence and power were indicated through such means, especially at the time of the exodus and during the wilderness sojourn. However, “the power of the Spirit” (v.19) was required to persuade people to make the connection between the miracles and the message and so to believe the gospel and be saved. Israel saw countless miracles, both in OT times and during the ministry of Jesus, but often without profit. Stephen supplied the explanation for this failure: they resisted the Spirit (Ac 7:51).
How well has Paul fulfilled his task in proclaiming the gospel as a minister of Christ? He now affords his readers a glimpse into his activity over many years (v.19b). There is no account of churches founded or the number of converts or the sufferings entailed in all this service. Paul is content to draw a great arc reaching from Jerusalem to Illyricum (a Roman province northwest of Macedonia) to mark the course of his labors. Years—perhaps as many as ten—were spent in Syria and Cilicia before his ministry in Antioch, which led in turn to travels in Asia Minor and Greece and to establishing congregations in those areas. Luke’s account of Paul’s final visit to Macedonia and Achaia before going up to Jerusalem for the last time is very brief (Ac 20:1–2). Yet it is at least possible that a visit to Illyricum or its border was made before settling down at Corinth for the winter. The Egnatian Way would have made travel easy from Thessalonica to the Adriatic Sea. Paul mentions Illyricum probably because he was closer to Italy there than he had ever been before. We can picture him anticipating in Illyricum the day when he would be free to cross the water and set foot in Italy, making contact with the Roman church. Stuhlmacher, 238, calls attention to Paul’s accomplishment: “This fulfillment of his commission to go out with the gospel, which Paul very briefly outlines here geographically, represents an enormous achievement. And it appears all the greater the more one takes into consideration ancient travel and living circumstances.”
The statement “I have fully proclaimed the gospel of Christ” is not intended to mean that he had preached in every community between the two points mentioned but that he had faithfully preached the message in the major communities along the way, leaving to his converts the evangelizing of surrounding districts. “Fully proclaimed” (peplērōkenai, GK 4444) is literally, “have fulfilled,” and suggests that Paul saw his work as bringing the gospel to its goal. His ministry in Jerusalem was brief and met with great resistance, for he was a marked and hated man, both for abandoning his former life as a Pharisee and for the persecution of the church he had carried on with such vigor in Jerusalem (Ac 9:28–29). But the very fact that he preached in Jerusalem at all displayed his determination to fulfill that part of his commission which included Israel (Ac 9:15; cf. Ro 1:16). His habit of visiting the synagogues wherever he went points in the same direction.
20 From this brief outline of his missionary activity, the apostle turns to the drive that kept him ceaselessly at his task. He had a godly ambition to preach the gospel where Christ was not known. This particular inclination was not a part of his call to service except by implication in connection with reaching the Gentiles. It represents Paul’s great burden to evangelize and to blaze a trail for the gospel, no matter how great the cost to himself (cf. 1Co 9:19–23). He longed to reach the unreached “in the regions beyond” and to avoid working in “another man’s territory” (2Co 10:16). This man Paul could not be an ordinary witness for his Lord. Somewhat parallel is his insistence on preaching the gospel without charge, supporting himself by the labor of his hands (1Co 9:18).
Verse 20 should be taken in close connection with vv.18–19 as providing a reason for the passing of so many years without a visit to Rome: Paul had been fully occupied elsewhere. When conditions in the Corinthian church detained him so long, it would have burdened him that he was not free to pursue his ambition to move on to another area. His dislike of “building on someone else’s foundation” did not come from an overweening sense of self-importance that could be satisfied only when he could claim the credit for what was accomplished. Actually, he preferred to work with companions, as both his letters and the book of Acts attest, and he was always appreciative of the service rendered by his helpers. His strong desire not to build on another’s foundation requires no more explanation than that he was impelled by the love of Christ to reach as many as possible. He felt deeply his obligation to reach all with the good news (1:14).
21 Paul supports his strategy by the quotation of Isaiah 52:15. Isaiah was for Paul a favorite source of quotations, especially from the sections dealing with the Servant of the Lord and his mission, to which this citation belongs.
22 Concluding this section of the letter is the observation that Paul’s delay in coming to Rome was the result (“this is why”) of his constant preoccupation with preaching the gospel elsewhere. The verb enekoptomēn (GK 1601, “have been hindered from”) is a divine passive indicating that the will of God has thus far kept him from visiting Rome. Now his readers will understand why he has not come from Jerusalem, the Holy City, directly to Rome, the royal city, with the message of reconciliation and life in Christ.
23 Only as we take into account the restless pioneer spirit of Paul can we understand how he could claim to have “no more place” to work in the regions where he had been laboring. Plenty of communities had been left unvisited, and several groups of believers could have profited from a visit, but his eyes were on the western horizon, to which they had been lifted during his stay at Ephesus (Ac 19:21). In view of his mention of “many years,” perhaps we may believe that his desire to go to Rome had been born even earlier, though not crystallized into resolve until the successes at Ephesus showed him that a move to more needy fields was in order. Others could carry on after he had laid the foundation.
24 Now a still more remote objective than Rome comes into view. Spain marked the frontier of the empire on the west. So the stay in Rome is seen as limited. Though Paul looks forward to fellowship with the believers there, in line with his earlier statement (1:11–12), he wants to go beyond. Openly he announces his hope that the Roman church will assist him in making the Spanish campaign a reality, becoming for him a base and a support. This sharing will naturally include their prayers on his behalf, their financial cooperation, and possibly some helpers to go with him to the limits of the West. If Paul were ever to reach Spain, he would no doubt feel that he had realized in his own ministry a measure of fulfillment of the Lord’s commission that his followers go to “the ends of the earth” (Ac 1:8).
Whether Paul actually reached Spain is not certain. The strongest positive evidence is found in 1 Clement 5.7, a late first-century writing: “He [Paul] taught righteousness to all the world, and when he had reached the limits of the West [to terma tēs dyseōs] he gave his testimony before the rulers, and thus passed from the world.” Spain fits “the limits of the West,” unless it reflects a Roman view that there was nothing to speak of west of Rome. The remainder of the statement applies more naturally to Rome but may be intended to refer to a later period in Paul’s life.
25 The contemplated trip to Spain by way of Rome would have to be postponed until another mission was accomplished, namely, his impending visit to Jerusalem. So three geographical points lie commingled in the mind of the apostle: Rome as the goal of much praying, hoping, and planning; Jerusalem as the necessary stop on (or out of!) the way; and Spain as the ultimate objective. One can see how absolutely necessary the journey to Jerusalem was in Paul’s thinking, since otherwise the lure of the West might have taken precedence over everything else; therefore Paul explains just how important this trip to the mother church is, so his readers will understand that his delay in visiting them is not the result of procrastination.
The principal reason, no doubt, for his having to remain in the East so long is the situation necessitating this final trip to Jerusalem. Paul’s churches were made up mainly of Gentile converts. While the Jewish-Christian element in the church, strongest in Jerusalem, had an interest in the growing work among the Gentiles (Ac 11:18, 21–22; 15:4), some were concerned that these Gentiles were not being required to accept circumcision in accordance with the OT provision for receiving proselytes into Israel (Ex 12:48) and were not keeping the various ordinances of the Levitical law, such as avoiding foods listed as unclean (Ac 15:1, 5). A further concern was the rapid growth of the Gentile churches, while growth in Jerusalem and Judea had diminished because of persecution and other factors. Jewish believers might be outnumbered before long.
26 As the leading apostle to the Gentiles, Paul found this situation troubling. What could be done to cement relations between the Jewish and Gentile elements in the church? He was led to conclude that the answer might well lie in a great demonstration of love and desire for unity on the part of his churches toward the mother church in Jerusalem. This could take the same form as the gift of assistance to the poor Christians there that Barnabas and Paul had brought years before on behalf of the Antioch church (Ac 11:27–30). The gratitude of the recipients was real and lived on in Paul’s memory. One cannot help surmising that the quick trip Paul himself made to Jerusalem as reported in Acts 18:22 was undertaken with the definite purpose of conferring with the leaders of the church there about the plan taking shape in his mind, namely, to enlist the cooperation of all of his churches in establishing a fund to help the mother church (“in the service of the saints,” diakonōn tois hagiois, v.25), which had a hard time caring for its poorer members. At an earlier period, he had expressed eagerness to help the leaders at Jerusalem in ministering to their needy (Gal 2:10). Shortly thereafter, he began to inform his congregations of the plan and their responsibility to participate in it (1Co 16:1; cf. 2Co 8–9). Soon after writing to the Romans, he made preparation for the trip to Jerusalem, during which he was accompanied by representatives of the various churches bearing the offerings that had been collected over a period of time (Ac 20:3–4).
27 According to Paul’s remarks, this contribution could be looked at from two standpoints: as a love-gift (“they were pleased to do it”) and as an obligation (“they owe it to them”). The latter statement is then explained. Had it not been for the generosity of the Jerusalem church in sharing (“shared,” ekoinōnēsan, GK 3125) their spiritual blessings (the gospel as proclaimed by people from Jerusalem and Judea, as seen in Ac 10; 11:19–22; 15:40–41), the Gentiles would still be in pagan darkness. So it was not such a great thing that they should reciprocate by “sharing [leitourgēsai, GK 3310] with them their material things.”
Some have seen another aspect of this element of obligation. F. F. Bruce, 263–64, makes this observation:
Here indeed the question suggests itself whether the contribution was understood by Paul and by the Jerusalem leaders in the same sense. For Paul it was a spontaneous gesture of brotherly love, a token of grateful response on his converts’ part to the grace of God which had brought them salvation. But in the eyes of the Jerusalem leaders it perhaps was a form of tribute, a duty owed by the daughter-churches to their mother, comparable to the half-shekel paid annually by Jews throughout the world for the maintenance of the Jerusalem temple and its services.
This must remain a conjecture, though it gains somewhat in plausibility by the fact that Luke’s report of the arrival of Paul and his companions in Jerusalem says nothing about any word of thanks by James and the elders for the offering they brought (Ac 21:17–25).
Paul mentions only those of Macedonia and Achaia as taking part in the “contribution” (calling it a koinōnia [GK 3126], a “sharing” or “participation,” v.26) perhaps because he was in Achaia at the time of writing and had recently passed through Macedonia (2Co 8–9 reflects the last stages of preparation by these churches). From 1 Corinthians 16:1 and Acts 20:4 it is clear that believers in Asia Minor participated also.
28 Evidently Paul looks forward to a great feeling of relief when he will be able to convey the monetary offering into the custody of the Jerusalem church. It will mark the completion of an enterprise that has taken several years. He speaks of the gift as “this fruit.” This may mean that the generosity of the Jerusalem church in dispersing the seed of the gospel to the Gentiles will now be rewarded, the offering being the fruit of their willingness to share their spiritual blessings. On the other hand, it could be conceived of as the fruit of the willingness of the Gentiles to share their material blessings. In either case, it is God who has given the fruit growth. Paul’s deep investment in and connection to the gift seems indicated by the words “have put my seal [sphragisamenos, GK 5381; NIV, “have made sure”] on this fruit of theirs” (NASB). F. F. Bruce, 264, emphasizes the significance of the collection for Paul: “It was, indeed, the outward and visible sign of that ‘offering up of the Gentiles’ which crowned his priestly service as an apostle of Jesus Christ.”
29 The completion of the service to be performed at Jerusalem will free Paul to make good on his announced purpose to visit the saints at Rome. He looks forward to it as a time when the blessing of Christ will be poured out on all. It will be a time of mutual enrichment in the Lord, a time of “the full measure of the blessing of Christ.” Paul’s expectations were somewhat shadowed, as it turned out, by the emergence of a group in the Roman church that he characterizes in Philippians 1:15 as motivated by envy and rivalry, but his initial welcome was hearty, despite his coming as a prisoner (Ac 28:15).
30 At the time of writing, Paul was aware of Jewish opposition to him and his work. The attempt on his life when he was about to leave for Jerusalem (Ac 20:3) clearly shows that his apprehension was justified. Paul had received prophetic warnings of what awaited him in Jerusalem (21:11), and he seems to have had a premonition of what lay ahead (Ac 20:22–25). He had experienced deadly peril before and knew that prayer was the great resource in such hazardous times (2Co 1:10–11); so he requests prayer now—the kind involving wrestling (“join me in my struggle”) before the throne of grace, that the evil designs of his enemies may be thwarted (cf. Eph 6:18–20). In doing so, he enforces his request by presenting it in the name of him whom all believers adore, “our Lord Jesus Christ”—and adding “by the love of the Spirit.” This is a subjective genitive and could mean the love for one another that the Spirit inspires in believers (Gal 5:22). But since the phrase is coupled apparently equally with that of the person of Christ, it is probably better to understand it as the love that the Spirit has (cf. 5:5). The warmth of the expression is enough to warn us against thinking of the Spirit rather impersonally as signifying the power of God. Paul had already affirmed the Spirit’s deity and equality with Father and Son (2Co 13:14).
31 The request for prayer includes two immediate objectives. One was deliverance from unbelieving Jews in Judea. This group had forced his departure from the city at an earlier date (Ac 9:29–30), and there was no reason to think they had mellowed. The other objective concerned the attitude of the Jerusalem church to the mission that was taking him and his companions to the Jewish metropolis. Evidently the opposition of the Pharisaic party in the church (Ac 15:5) had not ceased, despite the decision of the Jerusalem Council (Ac 15:19–29). This opposition, as it related to Paul, was nourished by false rumors concerning his activities (Ac 21:20–21), so there was reason for concern. It would be a terrible blow to the unity of the church universal if the love-gift of the Gentile congregations were to be spurned or accepted with only casual thanks. The body of Christ could be torn apart into Jewish and Gentile churches.
32 These two items are intimately related to the successful realization of his hope of reaching Rome safely, coming “with joy” because of the goodness of God in prospering his way, and being “refreshed” (synanapausōmai, GK 5265) in the fellowship of the saints. Yet he knew that all of this, as with everything, was conditional and depended on “God’s will” (cf. 1:10). As it turned out, this meant that he would reach Rome, but not as a free man. Yet that very circumstance enabled him to demonstrate the all-sufficient grace and power of Christ (Php 1:12–14; cf. 2Ti 4:17).
33 However strife-torn may be Paul’s lot in the immediate future, he wishes for his friends the benediction of “the God of peace” (cf. v.13; 16:20).
NOTES
16 See D. W. B. Robinson, “The Priesthood of Paul in the Gospel of Hope,” in Reconciliation and Hope: New Testament Essays on Atonement and Eschatology Presented to L. L. Morris, ed. R. Banks (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974), 231–45.
19 “Of the Spirit” (πνεύματος, pneumatos) has the support of B. The other principal reading, πνεύματος θεοῦ, pneumatos theou (“of the Spirit of God”), is found in P46 
et al., but θεοῦ, theou, is quite possibly a scribal addition.
20 See N. A. Dahl, “The Missionary Theology in the Epistle to the Romans,” in Studies in Paul (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1977), 70–94.
24 See R. Jewett, “Paul, Phoebe, and the Spanish Mission,” in The Social World of Formative Christianity and Judaism: Essays in Tribute to Howard Clark Kee, ed. J. Neusner et al. (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988), 142–66.
26 See L. E. Keck, “The Poor Among the Saints in the New Testament,” ZNW 56 (1965): 100–129.
29 Many late manuscripts have “the blessing of the gospel of Christ” (so KJV), but this appears to be a later addition, and the shorter reading, “the blessing of Christ,” is to be preferred.
B. Personal Greetings, Warning Concerning Schismatics, and Doxology (16:1–27)
OVERVIEW
The main content of the letter has come to an end. The final chapter contains a variety of practical instructions that concern named individuals. In typical fashion, however, Paul cannot resist returning to an earlier concern, namely, the unity of the church (vv.17–20), before finally concluding. On the question of whether or not this chapter was part of the letter sent to Rome, see Introduction p. 23.
1I commend to you our sister Phoebe, a servant of the church in Cenchrea. 2I ask you to receive her in the Lord in a way worthy of the saints and to give her any help she may need from you, for she has been a great help to many people, including me.
3Greet Priscilla and Aquila, my fellow workers in Christ Jesus. 4They risked their lives for me. Not only I but all the churches of the Gentiles are grateful to them.
5Greet also the church that meets at their house.
Greet my dear friend Epenetus, who was the first convert to Christ in the province of Asia.
6Greet Mary, who worked very hard for you.
7Greet Andronicus and Junias, my relatives who have been in prison with me. They are outstanding among the apostles, and they were in Christ before I was.
8Greet Ampliatus, whom I love in the Lord.
9Greet Urbanus, our fellow worker in Christ, and my dear friend Stachys.
10Greet Apelles, tested and approved in Christ.
Greet those who belong to the household of Aristobulus.
11Greet Herodion, my relative.
Greet those in the household of Narcissus who are in the Lord.
12Greet Tryphena and Tryphosa, those women who work hard in the Lord.
Greet my dear friend Persis, another woman who has worked very hard in the Lord.
13Greet Rufus, chosen in the Lord, and his mother, who has been a mother to me, too.
14Greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermes, Patrobas, Hermas and the brothers with them.
15Greet Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, and Olympas and all the saints with them.
16Greet one another with a holy kiss.
All the churches of Christ send greetings.
17I urge you, brothers, to watch out for those who cause divisions and put obstacles in your way that are contrary to the teaching you have learned. Keep away from them. 18For such people are not serving our Lord Christ, but their own appetites. By smooth talk and flattery they deceive the minds of naive people. 19Everyone has heard about your obedience, so I am full of joy over you; but I want you to be wise about what is good, and innocent about what is evil.
20The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet.
The grace of our Lord Jesus be with you.
21Timothy, my fellow worker, sends his greetings to you, as do Lucius, Jason and Sosipater, my relatives.
22I, Tertius, who wrote down this letter, greet you in the Lord.
23Gaius, whose hospitality I and the whole church here enjoy, sends you his greetings.
Erastus, who is the city’s director of public works, and our brother Quartus send you their greetings.
25Now to him who is able to establish you by my gospel and the proclamation of Jesus Christ, according to the revelation of the mystery hidden for long ages past, 26but now revealed and made known through the prophetic writings by the command of the eternal God, so that all nations might believe and obey him—27to the only wise God be glory forever through Jesus Christ! Amen.
COMMENTARY
1–2 Paul has referred to his hope of coming to the believers at Rome (15:32), but he has also mentioned a circumstance that prevented his immediate departure (15:25). Another person, however, is about to leave for the imperial city, so Paul takes this opportunity to commend her to the church. It was customary for believers who traveled from place to place to carry with them letters of commendation (cf. 2Co 3:1) roughly similar in function to letters of transfer used today when Christians move from one church to another. Here “sister” refers to a woman who is a believer rather than to a blood relative. The name “Phoebe” means “bright” or “radiant”—a well-known epithet of the Greek god Apollo. She belonged to the church at Cenchrea, located some seven miles from Corinth and serving as the seaport of the city for commerce to the East. Paul had sailed from this port when he went from Corinth to Ephesus several years before (Ac 18:18). It was one of the communities to which the gospel spread from Corinth during and after Paul’s original ministry in that city (2Co 1:1).
Phoebe is called a “servant” (diakonos, GK 1356) of this church. The same word can be rendered “deaconess” (RSV, NJB) or “minister” (REB). Women as well as men served in leadership positions in the early church, and there is no reason to exclude the possibility that some of the diakonois of Philippians 1:1 were women (cf. 1Ti 3:11). Women clearly held positions of responsibility in local congregations. Stuhlmacher, 246, rightly comments, “Women played a role in the work of the early Christian mission churches which was in no way merely subordinate, but rather fundamental.” In the present passage, there is not the slightest controversy associated with Phoebe’s being a deacon. Her service in that role is taken for granted (v.2).
Phoebe, it seems, had stopped at Corinth on her way from Cenchrea to Rome. A logical inference from what is said about her is that Paul is sending his letter in her care. She is accustomed to serving, so this will be in character for her. Many had reason to thank God for her assistance in the past, Paul among them. Possibly, as with Lydia, Phoebe was a businesswoman as well as someone active in Christian work and would need help in connection with her visit to the great metropolis.
3–16 Certain observations are in order before plunging into the greetings to individuals. It has seemed strange to some Pauline scholars that the apostle would know so many people in the imperial city, seeing that he had never been there. The theory that this chapter was sent to Ephesus has therefore become popular. Still, it remains probable, as we will see, that Paul greets persons now in Rome. Clearly if they are in Rome, he must have met them or at least heard of them elsewhere. Travel, however, was facilitated by peaceful conditions in the empire, by the fine network of Roman roads connecting the principal centers, and by available shipping in sailing season. As F. F. Bruce, 268, has noted, “Rome was the capital of the world; all roads led to Rome, and it is not surprising that many people whom Paul had come to know in other places should in the meantime have made their way to Rome.” With regard to references to travel in early Christian documents, William Ramsay (Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia [Grand Rapids: Baker, 1904]) comments, “Probably the feature in those Christian writings which causes most surprise at first to the traveller familiar with those countries in modern times, is the easy confidence with which extensive plans of travel were formed and announced and executed by the early Christians.”
But on the assumption that many, if not most, of those mentioned in ch. 16 were obliged to leave Rome because of Claudius’s edict expelling the Jews (Ac 18:2), and that they crossed Paul’s pathway in different places prior to returning to Rome after the death of the emperor, a problem is created by the almost complete lack of Semitic names. (“Mary” in v.6 is an exception.) However, this is not an insuperable difficulty. K. P. Donfried (“A Short Note on Romans 16,” in The Romans Debate, 48) has observed, “We have sufficient evidence from papyri and inscriptions which indicates that both in the Diaspora as well as in Palestine, the changing of personal names was a common practice. The Jews acquired not only Greek, but Latin and Egyptian appellations as well.” Paul’s kinsfolk (vv.7, 11, 21) were Jews but do not bear Jewish names.
An element of doubt may remain, however, because most of Paul’s letters lack personal greetings. How are we to account for so many here? A clue is provided by the letter to the Colossians, which also contains greetings and is written to a church he did not personally establish. In his letter to the Romans, Paul is taking advantage of all the ties he has with this congregation that he hopes to visit in the near future. To send greetings to individuals in churches where he knew virtually the entire congregation could expose Paul to the charge of favoritism. But the congregation at Rome was not such a church. Paul is preparing the way for his visit, and he mentions as many as he can who know him and are able to vouch for him.
Since his letter to the Philippians was in all probability written from Rome, the greetings he sends from “those who belong to Caesar’s household” (Php 4:22) to the believers at Philippi may well have been from slaves and freedmen serving in the imperial establishment—people who had been converted before Paul wrote to the Roman church. That this is so seems evident from the fact that many of the names in Romans 16 appear also in the burial inscriptions of households (establishments) of emperors of that period, notably those of Claudius and Nero (the reigning emperor when Paul wrote). In a study of the inscriptions available in his time, J. B. Lightfoot (Saint Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians [London: Macmillan, 1879], 177) concluded that even though it is not demonstrable that the individuals mentioned in Romans 16 are identical with those whose names occur on the inscriptions, at least it can be said that “the names and allusions at the close of the Roman Epistle are in keeping with the circumstances of the metropolis in St. Paul’s day.” So the appropriateness of this chapter as the close for a letter to Rome is confirmed.
3–5a First to be greeted are Priscilla and her husband, Aquila, Paul’s very close friends. Priscilla is usually listed before her husband, as here, indicating her great gifts and prominence in the work of the church. Paul’s friendship with them went back several years to his mission at Corinth, when they gave him hospitality, encouragement, and cooperation in the Lord’s work (Ac 18:2). Their usefulness is confirmed by his taking them with him as he left Corinth (Ac 18:18). When he left Ephesus for Jerusalem, they remained in Ephesus to lay the groundwork for his long ministry there (Ac 18:19) and were used by God in the life of Apollos (Ac 18:24–28). It was during the mission at Ephesus that these “fellow workers” proved their mettle and personal devotion to Paul. Paul says that they “risked their lives” for him (v.4). Probably the reference is to the dangerous riot that broke out and endangered the apostle’s life (Ac 19:28–31; cf. 1Co 16:9; 2Co 1:8–10). Their presence with him at Ephesus just prior to this incident is confirmed by 1 Corinthians 16:19 (cf. 16:8). At that time they had a church in their house, so it is not surprising to find that the same is true of their situation in Rome (v.5a).
So important was Priscilla’s and Aquila’s work in assisting Paul that he says “all the churches of the Gentiles” (v.4) join in offering them thanks. Their return to the imperial city fits with their earlier residence there (Ac 18:2), even though Aquila came originally from Pontus. He had a Roman name meaning “eagle.” It is quite likely that their return to Rome was encouraged by Paul so that they could prepare for his arrival by acquainting the church with his work in some detail and with his plans for the future (cf. Ac 19:21). It may have been their business interests that dictated the return of this couple to Ephesus at a later time (2Ti 4:19), but the work of the Lord must have engrossed them along with their occupation.
Since several women are mentioned in this chapter, we do well to note that in addition to single women who served Christ, there was one gifted married woman whom Paul encouraged to labor in the gospel along with her husband.
5b Epenetus (“praiseworthy”) is the next to be greeted. It is understandable that Paul should speak of him as “my dear friend,” since this man was “the first convert to Christ” in connection with the mission to the province of Asia, of which Ephesus was the leading city. In referring to him as “the first convert,” Paul uses the Greek word aparchē, the “firstfruits” (GK 569) of that area, which hints that many more were expected to follow as the full harvest; and this indeed came to pass. This individual, however, naturally held a special place in the heart of the missionary.
If the statement is somewhat differently rendered as “the first of Asia’s offerings to Christ” (NJB), then the emphasis falls more on what Epenetus meant to the believers who came after him. His dedication to the work of the Lord as well as his faith may be implied. The presence of Epenetus in Rome, in view of travel conditions, creates no more difficulty than that of Priscilla and Aquila.
6 Mary (Miriam) is a Semitic name borne by several women in the NT. Paul indicates his precise knowledge of her, testifying to her hard work for the saints but without any hint as to the nature of the work. Emphasis falls rather on her willingness to grow weary in serving them. If Paul had been writing to Ephesus, as some assert, it is doubtful that he would have made this precise observation; where he knew so many Christians, it would have been inappropriate to single out one in this way. He could safely make such a comment, however, in writing to a church where he knew a limited number of people.
7 Andronicus and Junias are Latin and Greek names respectively. To begin with, there is uncertainty about whether Junias refers to a man or a woman—in the latter case, “Junia” (the feminine form of the name) would be the wife of Andronicus. (The NRSV and REB translate the name as “Junia.”) The patristic writers up to the Middle Ages understood the name as referring to Andronicus’s wife. Three out of the four things said about the two create difficulty for the interpreter. What is the meaning of “relatives” (lit., “kinsfolk”)? The identical word (syngeneis, GK 5149) is found in 9:3, but there it is qualified by the addition “according to the flesh” (NASB) indicating that the meaning is fellow Jews. Here in Romans 16, other Jewish people are named (e.g., Aquila and Mary) who are not described in this way. Yet even so, this may be the best conclusion if one adds mentally, “who are also Christians.” To take the word in the ordinary sense of “relative” is a little difficult because of the improbability of his having three kinsfolk in Rome (cf. v.11) and three more in Corinth (v.21). William M. Ramsay (The Cities of St. Paul [New York: Armstrong, 1908], 175–78) suggests that all these were fellow tribesmen in the sense that the Jews at Tarsus were organized into a “tribe” by the civil authorities, as in other leading communities where Jews were prominent. A possible objection to this solution is that Greek has a word for “fellow tribesmen”—and it is not used here.
Paul adds that these have been in prison with him. Since he was imprisoned many times (2Co 11:23), the expression in this case is doubtless intended to be taken literally, even though we are left uninformed as to the specific circumstances.
The two are further described as “outstanding among the apostles” (episēmoi en tois apostolois). We cannot well reduce the word “apostle” (apostolos, GK 693) to “messenger” in this instance, however suitable it may be in Philippians 2:25, and it goes without saying that Andronicus and Junias do not belong in the circle of the Twelve (cf. R. Schnackenburg, “Apostles Before and During Paul’s Time,” in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970], 287–303). What is left is the recognition that occasionally the word is used somewhat broadly to include leaders in Christian work (cf. 1Th 2:7, as numbered in the Greek text and the NRSV, but 2:6 in most translations). To interpret the statement as meaning that they were outstanding in the estimation of the apostles scarcely does justice to the construction in the Greek. Evidently their conversion to the faith occurred in the early years of the history of the church, so they have had ample time to distinguish themselves as leaders. Perhaps they were considered “apostles” because they had seen the risen Lord (so Bruce, 272). If Junias is really Junia, then we have the further remarkable fact of a woman with the title of “apostle.”
8 Ampliatus is a Latin name. Again, as in the mention of Epenetus (v.5), Paul confesses to a very warm personal attachment, “whom I love in the Lord,” demonstrating the reality and depth of Christian friendship that developed between him and others who remain rather obscure to us. Paul was a man who gave himself to the people among whom he served and to those who worked alongside him.
9 Urbanus, another Latin name, means “refined” or “elegant.” Paul seems to indicate that this man helped him at some time in the past and that he assisted others also in the work of the Lord (“our fellow worker in Christ”).
Regarding Stachys, Paul contents himself with indicating, as with Ampliatus, a very close bond of affection: “my dear friend.”
10 Apelles was a fairly common name, but this man has an uncommon pedigree, for he is one who is “approved [dokimon, GK 1511] in Christ.” This was Paul’s desire both for Timothy (2Ti 2:15) and for himself (cf. 1Co 9:27, mē . . . adokimos).
Something of an enigma confronts us in trying to identify those who belong to “the household of Aristobulus.” J. B. Lightfoot (Philippians, 174–75) identified Aristobulus as the grandson of Herod the Great who lived in Rome and apparently died there. If this is correct, Aristobulus was either not a believer or had died before Paul wrote, since he is not personally greeted. Those addressed would then be family members, slaves, and employees who had become Christians. On the other hand, if this identification is incorrect, we must think of an otherwise unknown figure whose family is mentioned here.
11 The former alternative is somewhat favored by the fact that the next person to be greeted is Herodion, a name suggestive of association with or admiration for the family of Herod. Even though no actual relationship may have existed, such close placement of the two names with Herodian association may support Lightfoot’s thesis. That Herodion was a Jewish Christian is evident from the use of the word “relative” (syngenēs).
Regarding the household of Narcissus, Lightfoot (Philippians, 175) judges that again contemporary history furnishes a clue:
Here, as in the case of Aristobulus, the expression seems to point to some famous person of the name. And the powerful freedman Narcissus, whose wealth was proverbial . . . whose influence with Claudius was unbounded, and who bore a chief part in the intrigues of this reign, alone satisfies this condition. . . . As was usual in such cases, his household would most probably pass into the hands of the emperor, still however retaining the name of Narcissus.
12 Similar in name, Tryphena and Tryphosa were likely sisters, since then, as now, it was not uncommon to give daughters names with a certain semblance (e.g., Jean and Joan). Possibly they belonged to an aristocratic family, since “dainty” and “delicate” (or “luxuriating”), as their names mean, would seem to fit this category. If so, their Christian convictions would have led them to put aside any tendency to live a life of ease. They are given an accolade for having “work[ed] hard” in the Lord’s cause.
To these two Paul adds another, probably a single woman. Persis means simply “a Persian lady.” She too was close to Paul, who describes her as “my dear friend.” Possibly from their correspondence he was able to know enough about her efforts to commend her as having “worked very hard [polla ekopiasen] in the Lord.”
13 A person bearing the name of Rufus (Latin for “red”) is also mentioned in Mark 15:21, where it is indicated that he was one of the sons of Simon, the man who was compelled to bear the cross of Jesus. On the supposition that Mark’s gospel was composed at Rome, all is clear: Rufus is referred to in Mark because of being well known to local readers as a member of the Roman church. He is designated here as “chosen [ton eklekton, GK 1723; NASB, “a choice man”] in the Lord.” The NASB rightly provides an unusual translation of the word “elect,” since the whole Roman church would qualify as “elect.” What seems to be meant is something about his character, e.g., that he was “noble,” or “eminent” (cf. REB, “an outstanding follower of the Lord”). There may also be a hint that the incident involving his father brought him a certain fame among believers at Rome. This possibility is heightened if he was a tried and true Christian workman.
Paul cannot think of Rufus without turning his thoughts to Rufus’s mother. Though she remains unnamed, she was special in the eyes of the apostle because she evidently had served as a surrogate mother to him. This required great understanding and tact, but Paul sensed her loving purpose and did not resent her ministrations. Where this occurred remains unknown (though Syrian Antioch is a possibility), but her presence in Rome made him look forward with special anticipation to his visit. Incidentally, the Mark 15:21 reference serves as a confirmation that ch. 16 is genuinely a part of the Roman epistle rather than being intended for the church at Ephesus, as some scholars contend.
14–15 In vv.14–15, two groups of believers, consisting of men and women, are mentioned without accompanying descriptions or commendations. Apparently Paul’s ties with them were less strong than his ties with those previously mentioned. Lightfoot (Philippians, 176) notes that “Hermes” (v.14), like its variant “Hermas” (name of the famous messenger of the gods), was a name often borne by slaves. In connection with both groups, a greeting is extended to the believers associated with them. This appears to indicate a house church in both cases. Rome was a large place, making it probable that there were circles of believers in several sections of the city. They would certainly maintain communication and, when necessity dictated, could arrange to meet together. “All the saints” (v.15) corresponds to “the brothers” (v.14).
16 The admonition to share “a holy kiss” may well be intended in this case to seal the fellowship of the saints when the letter has been read to them (cf. 1Co 16:20; 2Co 13:12; 1Th 5:26). The reminder that it is a “holy” kiss guards it against erotic associations. It was like the kiss or embrace exchanged in many cultures even today but served the church as a sign of the love of Christ mutually shared and of the peace and harmony he had brought into their lives.
Desiring to encourage warm relations among churches as well as among individuals within them, Paul takes the liberty of extending the greeting of the churches he has founded in the East. Reference to “all the churches of Christ” sending greetings makes far better sense in the view that this chapter was also directed to Rome rather than to Ephesus.
17–18 This warning concerning schismatics raises questions that cannot be answered with certainty. How can we account for its position between greetings from Paul to members of the Roman church and greetings from those who are with him? Could it be an insertion from a later time? This is improbable, for if both groups of greetings were originally one unit, it is doubtful that anyone would destroy this unity by placing something between them. The language and style are certainly Pauline. Could it be simply that at this point the danger Paul speaks of gripped him so powerfully that he felt urged to mention it at once? Dodd, 243, may be right in thinking that here Paul took the pen from his secretary and wrote this final admonition himself. That v.20b contains the usual benediction found in his letters is somewhat favorable to this conclusion.
Is it possible to identify the troublemakers? Could this passage be intended to glance back at the problem of the strong and the weak already discussed in 14:1–15:13? One conceivable link is the word “obstacles” (ta skandala, GK 4998; lit., “causes of stumbling”), found also in 14:13. However, the general tone of vv.17–20 is so much sharper than the earlier one that any relationship is questionable. If the church read it as related to the foregoing discussion, it could well have been offensive and could have undone the good that Paul’s irenic approach had already accomplished.
What sort of people were those the apostle singles out here? Were they already in the church at Rome, or were they simply in the offing? Dealing first with the latter question, one gets the impression that they had not yet come on the scene but posed a threat of doing so. If they had already been active in Rome, those who corresponded with Paul, such as the spiritually discerning Priscilla and Aquila, would surely have given information to enable him to point out specifically the nature of the danger the false teaching of these schismatics presented. Observe that Paul does not specify the particular content of the doctrine of these interlopers. Apparently he is counting on the instruction given the Roman church by others (6:17), buttressed by his own teaching in this letter, to enable his readers to recognize the propaganda as spurious when they hear it, even though it may be sufficiently attractive to some to cause division in the church.
By contrast, Paul is much more pointed in identifying the motives and tactics of these people, which suggests that his warning is based on his missionary experience that had brought him into contact with false teachers who tried to build their own work on the foundation he had laid (Ac 20:29–30; Php 3:18–19). Some of them may even have kept track of Paul’s movements and, being aware of his plan to visit Rome, were hoping to arrive there before him. If they could gain a foothold in this influential church, it would be a notable success.
17 Paul urges vigilance regarding the troublemakers. Alertness to the danger is the main consideration, because failure to be on guard could result in being deceived. “Obstacles” (skandala) is too general a term to yield anything specific for our knowledge of these propagandists. Whatever they did, their activity could affect the whole church; therefore they should not be identified with those in 14:13, where the singular “obstacle” (skandalon) occurs, since the latter seems to have been a problem to only one segment of the congregation.
As an antidote to the corrupting influence that may threaten the Roman believers, the apostle points them to “the teaching you have learned.” This is hardly to be identified solely with the contents of this letter but is more particularly intended to refer to the instruction they have already received in the basics of the faith (cf. 6:17). This should serve as the touchstone enabling them to discern error. But such counsel is not enough. As a practical measure, it is necessary to “keep away from them,” giving them no opportunity for inroads into the congregation.
18 Paul speaks of “such people” rather than “these people”—a slight distinction, perhaps, but nevertheless an important one confirming the opinion already given that he does not have in mind a group he could name or identify precisely, but a class he has become all too familiar with in his travels. They may talk about the Lord, but they do not serve him. Rather, they serve “their own appetites” (cf. Php 3:18–19; 1Ti 6:3–5). With their smooth talk and flattery intended to deceive, they brand themselves as sophists and charlatans. Those they aim to reach are “naive people,” the simpleminded folk so innocent of ulterior motives themselves that they imagine others are like them. Their gullibility can be their downfall. (Compare “the simple” in Psalms and Proverbs—a class distinguished both from “the wise” and “the foolish.”)
19 Here, despite the warning, the apostle affirms his confidence that his readers will be able to handle the situation (cf. a similar expression in 15:14 after dealing with the weak and the strong). This assurance is based chiefly on their “obedience” (cf. 1:5; 6:16), which is so well known in the church at large as to make it almost inconceivable that there will be a failure in the matter under discussion. So Paul strikes a balance: on the one hand, he has joy as he thinks of the good name of this congregation; on the other hand, he wants to make sure that they are discerning, able to spot trouble and to avoid falling into it. The proverbial-sounding “wise about what is good, and innocent about what is evil” is similar to what Paul says in 1 Corinthians 14:20.
20 Perhaps the mention of “what is evil” (to kakon, GK 2805; v.19) leads Paul to think of the ultimate instigator of it—Satan—and then of God, who blocks Satan’s efforts and will thwart his hoped-for triumph. God is “the God of peace” (cf. 15:33; Php 4:9; 1Th 5:23), who is concerned to preserve harmony among his people and protect them from divisive influences. He is able to defeat the adversary, who delights to sow discord among Christians. Probably in view here is the eschatological deliverance that God will bring at the end of the age. That future victory will come “soon” (en tachei), and it will mean not only the end of Satan but also the end of all evil, including, of course, those who oppose the work of God in the church. The expectation of an imminent eschatology was common in the early church. The word “crush” (syntribō, GK 5341) suggests that Paul may have in mind Genesis 3:15 as the background for his statement.
As usual, the benediction magnifies “the grace of our Lord Jesus” (cf. 1Co 16:23; Gal 6:18; Php 4:23). The odd feature, however, is that it does not conclude the letter. Did Paul intend to stop here but then as an afterthought decide to allow his companions to send greetings when they requested the privilege?
21–23 Paul usually had coworkers and friends around him (cf. E. E. Ellis, “Paul and his Co-Workers,” NTS 17 [1970–71]: 437–52). This occasion is no exception, and they take this opportunity to send greetings.
21 Timothy, named first, had been Paul’s helper on the mission to Macedonia and Achaia (Ac 17–18; cf. Php 2:19–22) and his assistant in handling problems in the Corinthian church (1Co 4:17; 16:10).
The next three persons named are called “relatives,” raising the same problem of interpretation faced in vv.7, 11. Though Lucius could be an alternate form for Luke, this is not the spelling Paul uses for the beloved physician (Col 4:14). And if “relatives” is the proper meaning of the word so rendered here, Luke is excluded from this group anyway, because he was a Gentile (cf. Col 4:11, which excludes him from “the circumcision” [NASB]). It seems likely that Luke was with Paul at Corinth (cf. Ac 20:5), so the temptation is strong to identify him with Lucius. Yet it should probably be resisted. Jason could be the individual who entertained Paul and his two helpers at Thessalonica (Ac 17:5). But here, too, there is uncertainty, because he is not named as a representative of the Thessalonian church traveling to Jerusalem (Ac 20:4). Sosipater, on the other hand, could be the Sopater mentioned in that passage, since these are forms of the same name (cf. Hermes/Hermas in Ro 16:14). His home was in Berea.
22 At this point, Paul’s amanuensis, who by this time had become thoroughly wrapped up in the message and had developed a feeling of rapport with the Roman Christians, asks for the privilege of adding his personal greeting (cf. R. N. Longenecker, “Ancient Amanuenses and the Pauline Epistles,” in New Dimensions in New Testament Study, ed. R. N. Longenecker and M. C. Tenney [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974], 281–97). Beyond his name, Tertius (Lat., meaning “third”), we know nothing about him. Though it was Paul’s habit to dictate his letters except for the close (2Th 3:17), we may be sure he was careful to use believers rather than public secretaries who would do their work without any spiritual concern or special care. We also may be sure that people such as Tertius would undertake the task as work for the Lord, so that it would cost the apostle nothing.
23 Resuming his closing remarks, Paul passes on the greeting of Gaius, with whom he had been staying while he wintered at Corinth. Evidently this man had a commodious house that he made available for the meetings of the congregation. He seems to have been one of the early converts in Paul’s mission to the city (1Co 1:14), and the very fact that Paul made an exception in his case by personally baptizing him suggests that his conversion was a notable event due to his prominence. Because of Paul’s remark that the whole church enjoyed Gaius’s hospitality, it is tempting to suppose that he is the man (Titius Justus) who invited believers into his home after the break with the synagogue (Ac 18:7). This involves the supposition that Paul is giving only a part of his name and that Luke provides the remainder. (Romans bore three names.) At any rate the mention of Gaius as Paul’s host is strong evidence that the apostle was writing from Corinth rather than from Cenchrea or from some point in Macedonia.
Erastus, a notable figure because of his public office as “director of public works,” also sends a greeting. Oscar Broneer, a prominent Greek archaeologist who did considerable excavating at the site of ancient Corinth, reported the following in “Corinth: Center of St. Paul’s Missionary Work in Greece” (Biblical Archaeologist 14 [1951]: 94):
A re-used paving block preserves an inscription, stating that the pavement was laid at the expense of Erastus, who was aedile (Commissioner of Public Works). He was probably the same Erastus who became a co-worker of St. Paul (Ac 19:22; Ro 16:23, where he is called oikonomos, “chamberlain” of the city), a notable exception to the Apostle’s characterization of the early Christians: “Not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble are called” (1Co 1:26).
One should add, however, that the correlation with the Erastus named in Acts 19:22 is uncertain.
Nothing more is known of Quartus than what is stated here. He was probably a member of the Corinthian church and may have had some contact with the congregation in Rome.
25–27 The doxology that begins with v.25 presents problems. One of these is the varying position it holds in the manuscripts. Though most of the best manuscripts (P61 B C D and others) have it here at the end of the letter, a few place it after 14:23 (L Ψ and TR), one after 15:33 (P46), and a few others both after 14:23 and after 16:24 (A P and a few others). Marcion, the second-century heretic, apparently refused to include the doxology and the last two chapters.
Another source of difficulty is the style and content of this portion. It has been said that nothing like it is to be found elsewhere in Paul’s acknowledged writings (Eph 3:20–21 and 1Ti 1:17 are held by most scholars to be post-Pauline). It must be granted that a few terms do not occur elsewhere in the Pauline corpus: “eternal God,” “prophetic,” and “hidden” (sigaō, GK 4967), though a synonym for the latter (apokryptō, GK 648) is fairly frequent in Paul, used as here in contrast to “revealed” or “manifested.” On the other hand, most of the items in vv.25–27 agree very well indeed with Paul’s teaching in his letters and especially with his teaching in Romans, as we have already seen. Hence there is no insuperable difficulty in ascribing the doxology to him.
Since Paul has already given his usual benediction of grace (v.20) found at the close of all of his letters, we must see some explanation for the doxology here. The greetings in vv.21–23 may have seemed to Paul a somewhat ill-fitting close, leading him to write this magnificent doxology that draws into itself words and concepts found in his earlier epistles and that gives special emphasis to the leading matters broached in the preceding chapters of the present letter. Whereas a benediction is the pronouncing of a blessing from God on his people, a doxology is an ascription of praise to him. This concluding doxology is so lengthy and so comprehensive that after all the material following the initial ascription, “to him,” the ascription itself must be resumed in v.27 in order to bring it to a close, “to the only wise God.”
25 The opening words express confidence in God’s ability to do what is needful for the readers. The same formula is found in Ephesians 3:20 (cf. Jude 24). In his introduction (1:11), Paul wrote that he was looking forward to his ministry at Rome as a means of strengthening the congregation. Now he acknowledges that, in the ultimate sense, only God can bring this result (stērizō, “make strong,” “establish” [GK 5114], being used in both places). This establishing of the saints is in agreement with, or “according to” (kata), the purpose of the gospel itself. Paul is not being egotistical or possessive in calling it “my gospel” (cf. 2:16; 2Ti 2:8). Doubtless the possessive pronoun points up the fact that in Paul’s case it came by direct revelation (Ro 1:1; cf. Gal 1:12), though confirmed as to its actual historical content by leaders of the Jerusalem church (1Co 15:1–11). Another term for the gospel is “the proclamation of Jesus Christ,” by which we should understand not a subjective genitive, i.e., the proclaiming done by the Lord Jesus while on earth, nor his proclamation through his servant Paul (2Co 13:3 uses this conception but with emphasis on authority). Rather, it is an objective genitive, i.e., the proclamation that has Jesus Christ as its content (cf. Ro 1:2–3). This is the only time the word kērygma (“preaching,” “proclamation,” GK 3060) occurs in Romans, though Paul had used it earlier (1Co 1:21; 2:4; 15:14).
“Proclamation” follows “revelation” (apokalypsis, GK 637), and both stand in contrast to “mystery” and “hidden.” There is a similar tension between mystery and revelation in 1 Corinthians 2:7–10. In fact, this is usual in the apostle’s reference to mystery. What is hidden in the divine purpose ultimately is revealed and becomes then the truth known to all his people. The only other allusion to “mystery” in Romans (11:25) is more restricted in its scope than in the present passage, but it too refers to something previously hidden but now made plain. The mystery was hidden “for long ages past” (chronois aiōniois, GK 5989, 173). This includes at least the OT period (though the Scriptures contained data on the gospel, according to 1Co 15:3–4), but may refer to “all eternity” (cf. the same phrase, translated by the NIV as “beginning of time,” in 2Ti 1:9; Tit 1:2; see also the KJV for Ro 16:25 “since the world began”). This understanding finds some support in the matching description of the deity as “the eternal God” (tou aiōniou theou, v.26).
26 The disclosure of the mystery has been made known in the present (“now revealed”; cf. 3:21 for the same verb) through Jesus Christ. The content of the mystery is not specified by Paul in this doxology. But it seems clear that it has to do with the full acceptance of the Gentiles into the people of God by the grace embodied in the gospel (cf. Col 1:25–27). Salvation is thus for Israel and the nations. Paul makes three points that substantiate his assertion here. First, the truth of the salvation of the Gentiles is clear from “the prophetic writings” (dia te graphōn prophētikōn), as they can now be understood through the fulfillment brought by Christ (cf. Lk 24:44–45; 1Pe 1:10–12). This has been shown by Paul’s continual appeal to the Scriptures throughout the present epistle (cf. 1:2). Second, this climactic development in the history of salvation is due to “the command [epitagē, GK 2198] of the eternal God.” It is nothing other than the working out of his sovereign will, as Paul often insists. And third, this good news has been “made known” to “all nations [panta ta ethnē].” With these words Paul undoubtedly has in mind the Gentile mission that has been his life’s calling (cf. 1:1, 5; 11:13; Tit 1:3). The result of the gospel’s going to all the nations, including Israel, has been the hypakoēn pisteōs (GK 5633, 4411), lit. “obedience of faith” (NIV, “believe and obey”). And with that phrase Paul has brought us back to the opening words of the epistle, where he wrote, “Through him [Jesus] and for his name’s sake, we received grace and apostleship to call people from among all the Gentiles to the obedience that comes from faith” (1:5).
27 God is described under two terms. “Only” (monos, GK 3668; cf. 1Ti 1:17) may well be intended to recall the line of thought in 3:29–30. He is God of both Jew and Gentile, with a provision for all in the gospel of his Son. “Wise” (sophos, GK 5055) invites the reader to recall the outburst of praise to God in his wisdom (11:33) that brings to a close the long review of God’s dealings with Israel in relation to his purpose for the Gentiles. Wisdom is also allied to the hidden/revealed tension noted in v.25, as we gather also from 1 Corinthians 2:6–7. So the God whose eternal purpose has been described as hidden and then manifested in the gospel of his Son draws to himself through his Son the praise that will engross the saints through all the ages to come. The mystery of the gospel as “the power of God for the salvation of everyone who believes: first for the Jew, then for the Gentile” (Ro 1:16), gives rise in the last words of Romans to vocal and unending praise: “To the only wise God be glory forever through Jesus Christ! Amen.”
NOTES
1–16 See especially P. Lampe, “The Roman Christians of Romans 16,” in Romans Debate, ed. K. P. Donfried, 216–30; J. A. D. Weima, Neglected Endings: The Significance of the Pauline Letter Closings (JSNTSup 101; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1994): 226–28.
1–2 On the role of women in the early church, see D. M. Scholer, “Paul’s Women Co-Workers in the Ministry of the Church,” Daughters of Sarah 6 (1980): 3–6.
2 The word “help” (προστάτις, prostatis, GK 4706), as applied in the last clause of this verse to the service of Phoebe, is not the same as that used for assistance (παρίστημι, paristēmi, GK 4225) to be given her; it is a somewhat rare term used nowhere else in the NT and conveying the idea of affording care and protection (for papyri examples, see MM). One may conclude that she was outstanding in her ministry of aiding and befriending others.
7 The male name “Junias” (nowhere else known in the ancient world) and the female name “Junia” (a common name) have exactly the same form in the accusative case, ᾽Ιουνιᾶν, ᾽Iounian, as in our text, leaving the nominative form unclear (P46 actually has the name Julia here; cf. v.15).
On the possible identification of Junia with Joanna (Lk 8:3; 24:10), see R. Bauckham, Gospel Women: Studies in the Named Women in the Gospels (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002), 166–72.
24 This verse (see NIV text note), which consists of a benediction that is a slightly expanded version of v.20b, is a part of the complicated textual history of Romans (see Introduction). It is omitted by leading witnesses, including P46 A B C. It is included by Western witnesses (D G et al.), which omit its counterpart at v.20b. A few manuscripts put this benediction after the doxology of vv.25–27.
25–27 See L. W. Hurtado, “The Doxology at the End of Romans,” in New Testament Textual Criticism, Its Significance for Exegesis, ed. E. J. Epp and G. D. Fee (Oxford: Clarendon, 1981), 185–99; I. H. Marshall, “Romans 16:25–27—An Apt Conclusion,” in Romans and the People of God, ed. S. K. Soderlund and N. T. Wright (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), 170–84.
Two summary observations can be made concerning the greetings found in vv.3–16, since the church at Rome was destined to become the strongest in all Christendom. First, as J. B. Lightfoot (Philippians, 173–77) has pointed out, several of these names appear in inscriptions of the period at Rome in reference to slaves of the imperial household. If many of Paul’s friends were actually slaves, this may seem a rather inauspicious beginning for an influential church. But slaves in the Hellenistic age were often people of education and outstanding ability. Frequently they were able to gain their freedom and play a larger role in society. The very fact that at Rome believers were found in the service of the emperor (Php 4:22) augured well for the growth of the church in subsequent days. Yet it should be remembered that God’s grace, not human nobility, is the important thing (see 1Co 1:26–31).
Another notable feature of this list of names is the prominence of women in the life of the church. They occupied various stations—one a wife, another a single woman, another a mother—and all are represented as performing valuable service for the Lord. Evidently Paul esteemed them highly for their work. His relation to them and appreciation for them makes more than suspect the verdict of those who would label him a misogynist or one opposed to the active leadership of women on the basis of such passages as 1 Corinthians 14:34 and 1 Timothy 2:11–15. Paul’s real heart can be gauged more effectively from such seemingly insignificant greetings as these in Romans 16 than in positions he sometimes took because of the pressures of contemporary Greco-Roman culture.