14
The debacle of Tchaikovsky’s marriage had created a deluge of rumours in Moscow, and an urgent damage limitation exercise was mounted by his family and friends. A tale was put about that the couple were to be reunited in Berlin, and this required Antonina’s immediate removal from Moscow. Accordingly she was given money by Rubinstein and Anatoly, then packed off to Odessa, where she seems to have disappeared. Realizing what mischief she could create on the loose, Sasha had instantly headed thither, run Antonina to earth, then borne her off to Kamenka where she could be supervised. Since it was recognized that Tchaikovsky’s absence was going to be prolonged, some explanation was needed. The Paris International Exhibition of 1878 provided the answer. A Russian musical delegate would be required, and Tchaikovsky’s ‘honeymoon’ could be extended until it was time to take up this responsibility. Accordingly the appointment was sought and made. This posting would also provide subsistence. Meanwhile Rubinstein had arranged for the Conservatoire to continue paying a proportion of their absent professor’s salary. At this moment of crisis, Tchaikovsky had very good reason for gratitude not only to his family, but to his friends.
Yet the most significant intervention at this time came from an outside quarter. Tchaikovsky had finally to tell Nadezhda von Meck of the collapse of his marriage. Her private joy might easily be guessed; Tchaikovsky was now emotionally dependent on her more than ever, and to bind him yet more tightly, she sent him one thousand francs to clear his debts, promising a future monthly allowance of fifteen hundred francs. Her offer was very tactfully put: ‘Perhaps I am not a person who is intimate with you,’ she wrote:
but you know how I love you, how I wish you the best in everything. You know how many happy moments you afford me, how deeply grateful I am to you for them, how necessary you are to me, and how for me you must be exactly that which you were created to be. Consequently I am not doing anything for you, but everything for myself. And if I were to need something from you, you would do it for me, wouldn’t you? So this means we are quits – and so do not prevent me from giving my attention to your housekeeping, Pyotr Ilich!
Tchaikovsky’s gratitude can readily be imagined, and her allowance, continued over the next twelve years, would give him financial security, free him from his Conservatoire chores, and enable him to channel all his energies into composing.
So far the day-to-day thread in Tchaikovsky’s biography has been notable for its very lack of anything notable. Schoolboy, civil servant, Conservatoire student, Conservatoire teacher – each stage has followed naturally and smoothly. For a while, all that is now to change, and biographical detail will proliferate, sometimes recording a frenzy of activity precipitated by his overwrought condition, the legacy of his marital disaster. On leaving St Petersburg, Anatoly took his distraught brother first to Berlin, then Geneva, finally settling for the next three weeks for the quiet of a pleasant lakeside pension in Clarens, a tiny town on the north bank of Lake Geneva. Yet even here there was one factor that soon became oppressive. ‘Mountains are very fine,’ Tchaikovsky wrote to his old colleague, Albrecht, ‘but it’s very difficult for a Russian to stand their overwhelming grandeur for long. I’m dying for a plain, for a boundless, distant prospect, for an expanse of open country, and for wide horizons’ – in other words, something like the Russia he knew. Having received news of his patroness’s generosity, he could move on, and it was to Paris that he and Anatoly directed themselves. Now he could also afford to summon his valet, Alexey, from Russia.
This was the good news: the bad concerned Antonina. She was still at Kamenka and Tchaikovsky feared that she might be poisoning his family’s view of him. She wrote him wild letters, sometimes accusing him, at others cajoling him; worst of all, he was in terror that she might reveal publicly his sexual orientation. Modest and Sasha were now hoping for a reconciliation, but Tchaikovsky was adamant that this could never be. ‘Even if you are right that she is good-hearted,’ he wrote:
even if I am guilty all round because I have not known how to appreciate her, even if it’s true she loves me – yet live with her I cannot, cannot, cannot . Demand of me any satisfaction you will for her: when I return to Russia I’ll give her two-thirds of my earnings, I’ll hide myself in any backwater you like, I’m prepared to become a beggar – but, for God’s sake, never hint to me that I should return to Antonina Ivanovna. In a word, in the fullest sense of the expression, I do not love her!
From Paris the brothers moved on to Italy. Two days in Florence – and then it was Rome. If Tchaikovsky had seemed to be on the road to recovery while in Switzerland, there had now been a relapse. ‘I literally cannot bear any noise. Both yesterday in Florence and here today, every sound tears at my nerves. The mass of people moving through the narrow streets begins to irritate me so much that each stranger who comes towards me appears to be a rabid foe.’ He had asked for the Fourth Symphony material to be forwarded to him in Rome, but apparently it had not arrived, and he would have to wait. Moreover, in a fortnight Anatoly had to return to Russia. To fill the time he visited the Vatican, St Peter’s and the Colosseum, mainly to please Anatoly. Tchaikovsky was never particularly drawn to the visual arts, but one statue did hold his attention; that of the dying gladiator in the Capitol – much finer, he felt significantly, than the statue of Venus.
After three days the Fourth Symphony package was found (it had been mis-shelved), and they could leave Rome for Venice. Here his mood improved. Venice was a quiet, traffic-free city, and he loved the very narrow streets, especially in the evenings when the shops were lit by their gas lamps. He would remain nine days, scoring a little more of Onegin . He planned to part from Anatoly in Vienna, where he would also meet Alexey, and then he might return to Venice with his servant. In Vienna he had the delight of Kotek’s company, too. However, the return to Venice was not the pleasure he had anticipated. His mood had changed, and he drank heavily to drown his sorrows. Yet the most disturbing evidence of his condition was found in his personal library after his death. It was a copy of three tragedies by Euripides, translated into Latin, in a very rare edition that had been published in Antwerp in 1581. Inside, in Tchaikovsky’s own hand, was written: ‘Stolen from the library of the Palace of the Doges in Venice on 15 December 1877 by Pyotr Tchaikovsky, court counsellor, and professor at the Conservatoire’.
Now at last, however, his depression truly began to lift. Alexey’s cheerful personality helped, and finding he could resume productive work on the Fourth Symphony led to the establishment of a daily routine: rise at eight, drink tea, work till eleven, eat, walk with Alexey until one or one thirty, work till five, dinner, a walk by himself till eight, then tea. His voracious appetite for late-night reading had returned (among his current books was Thackeray’s Pendennis ). The news from Kamenka was cheering, too. By now his family had had their fill of Antonina, and she had been conducted back to Moscow, this reassurance being buttressed by letters from both Sasha and Lev making it clear he was redeemed in their eyes. Then Albrecht reported that Tchaikovsky’s Conservatoire colleagues were enchanted by the first act of Onegin . Best of all, Modest informed him that he and Kolya would leave Russia on 1 January for San Remo on the Mediterranean coast, where Tchaikovsky could join them. Their accommodation being not yet fixed, Tchaikovsky hastened to San Remo to seek lodgings, and then use the time before their arrival to complete the symphony.
Instantly there came the official notice of his appointment as a delegate to the Paris Exhibition. Now having Nadezhda von Meck’s generous allowance, Tchaikovsky wished to be rid of this commitment, especially when he learned all that would be required of him, which included residence in Paris. Forthwith he withdrew his acceptance, pleading that he was in no condition to take up the appointment. Rubinstein, who had arranged it for him, was understandably furious, and both Kashkin and Albrecht added their voices to his. The storm clouds raised by the affair took a long time to disperse.
The five and a half weeks spent in San Remo proved of great therapeutic benefit to Tchaikovsky. He had reservations about San Remo itself, and especially its olive-covered hillsides. But there were walks or donkey rides into the hills and along the beach, there was an opera house, and Kolya’s speech was improving. If the lad came to talk and ask questions when he was working on the symphony’s score, Tchaikovsky was always happy to suspend work. At San Remo he also completed Onegin . Though always, it seems, short of money (and Nadezhda von Meck came to his rescue several times during this period), his own generosity was well in evidence. Back in Moscow he had committed himself to helping a young violin student, Alexander Litvinov, through his studies, and he insisted on pursuing this to the end – just one of many such financial interventions he would make for impecunious students. As for his marriage, he insisted that the responsibility for this having taken place was his alone, that Antonina was blameless, and he proposed reflecting this in his alimony settlement – as long as she would leave him and his relatives alone. But when Jurgenson, who was handling the matter, commented on Tchaikovsky’s generosity, the latter’s reply uncovered a less charitable motive: ‘Only with money can I buy myself the right to despise her as much as I hate her!’
On 19 February Tchaikovsky and his companions left San Remo. Looking back over the previous seven months, he found he could detach himself from what was now past. As he wrote to Anatoly:
Only now, when I am completely recovered, have I learned to relate objectively to everything that I did during my brief insanity. That man who in May took it into his head to marry Antonina Ivanovna, who during June wrote a whole opera as though nothing had happened, who in July married, who in September fled his wife, who in November railed at Rome, and so on – that man wasn’t I, but another Pyotr Ilich.
Florence was their ultimate destination but passing through Pisa they paused to see the sights and climb the leaning tower for its spectacular view. On his previous visit to Florence Tchaikovsky had found the city hateful, and he interpreted his very different reaction this time as confirmation of his recovery. Even more cheering was to discover that his creative gift was reviving, for on the second day he composed a completely new song, a grim, powerful setting of a poem by Mikhail Lermontov, Pushkin’s great contemporary (like Pushkin, also dying young in a duel). ‘The love of a dead man’ ** was not only a totally new composition: its quality was first rate.
A second song resulted from a small incident that gives us graphic insight into Tchaikovsky’s inner sexual world. On his recent visit to Florence with Anatoly, Tchaikovsky had heard Vittorio, a boy of about eleven who sang to his own guitar accompaniment. ‘His voice was marvellously rich, with a finish and warmth that one rarely encounters in professional artists,’ he had written to Nadezhda von Meck. Now, with the help of a local inhabitant, a meeting with the boy singer was arranged. ‘The man was there, and a group of other men were also awaiting me with curiosity,’ he wrote to Anatoly:
In the centre of this was our boy. The first thing I noticed was that he had grown a little and that he was beautiful , whereas before he had seemed to us to be plain. Because the throng was still growing and it was a crowded spot, I set off a little in the direction of the Cascino. On the way I expressed doubt as to whether it was truly he. ‘When I sing you’ll know it’s me. The last time you gave me a silver half-franc piece.’ All this was spoken in a wonderful voice, and penetrated to the depths of my soul. But what became of me when he sang? It’s impossible to describe. I do not believe that you get greater pleasure when you are listening to the singing of Panayeva [a singer for whom Anatoly currently had an unrequited passion]. I wept, I broke down, languished with delight. Besides the song which you know, he sang two new ones, of which one, ‘Pimpinella’, is delightful.
Two days later he saw the boy again. ‘He appeared at midday in cos tume ,’ Tchaikovsky continued:
Only then did I examine him. He is positively beautiful, with an inexpressibly sympathetic look and smile. He is better when heard in the street than in a room; there he is cramped, and doesn’t fully open up his voice. I wrote down all his songs. Then I took him off to be photographed.
Tchaikovsky had arranged to meet Vittorio again in two days for more songs, but the latter did not appear, pleading a sore throat. Presumably to consolidate for himself a memory of this encounter, Tchaikovsky made an arrangement of one of Vittorio’s songs, ‘Pimpinella’, not hesitating to improve the tune a little, add a third verse of his own, and give it a piano accompaniment.
By early March, their finances being virtually exhausted, Tchaikovsky and his companions bade farewell to Florence and settled into the pension at Clarens. It now had an added attraction for him – that it was reasonably accessible from Berlin, where Kotek was studying with the great violinist, Joseph Joachim. Within days of arriving Tchaikovsky had begun a major piece, his one and only mature Piano Sonata **(*). There are divergent views about the quality of this work, and my personal opinion is that it is, of all Tchaikovsky’s large-scale compositions, perhaps the dullest. Tchaikovsky himself admitted that it was not the product of inspiration so much as of fabrication, and I find it mostly stodgy and lifeless, for all its grandiloquence. But some take a different view, so readers who investigate it and decide I have got it wrong can know they have supporters among other professionals. However, on the day after Tchaikovsky had begun the sonata, Kotek had arrived from Berlin with a pile of recent publications which he and Tchaikovsky instantly set about investigating. Among these was Édouard Lalo’s Symphonie espagnole , in effect a five-movement violin concerto, its music deliberately impregnated with musical echoes and manners from Spain. Tchaikovsky was instantly captivated by it; as he wrote to his patroness, ‘In the same way as Delibes and Bizet, Lalo does not strive after profundity, but he carefully avoids routine, seeks out new forms, and thinks more about musical beauty than about observing established traditions, as do the Germans.’ He laboured one more day on the sonata, but admitted that inspiration did not come. Thus the urge to direct his creative energies into composing a piece to match Lalo’s proved irresistible, and in Kotek he had to hand the ideal consultant on the solo violin part. Instantly abandoning the sonata, Tchaikovsky set about his own violin concerto.
Setting the Violin Concerto alongside its exact contemporary, the Piano Sonata, prompts a question: how could two symphonic works, so intertwined, be so different in quality, the sonata so stodgy and dull, the concerto so fresh and fertile. The speed with which the latter was written was prodigious. The first movement took a mere five days, the finale only three. And when Modest reinforced Tchaikovsky’s own reservations about the original slow movement, within twenty-four hours its replacement had been composed. There can be little doubt that Kotek provided the spur to Tchaikovsky’s inspiration in this concerto. A year earlier the twenty-two-year-old had been a student in Tchaikovsky’s class at the Conservatoire, and Poznansky’s assertion that, though himself heterosexual, Kotek was also, as least briefly, Tchaikovsky’s lover is plausible. Certainly Tchaikovsky was unusually devoted to the young man. But it was an uneasy relationship. Kotek’s attitudes and behaviour could be sources of annoyance to Tchaikovsky, most recently his over-willingness to continue living at his father’s expense. Yet the acrimonious moments this precipitated could make even sweeter those phases when they were in harmonious accord. Just such a phase was surely this interlude in Clarens, releasing briefly those creative forces which had brought into being the Fourth Symphony and Eugene Onegin ahead of his marriage.
Tchaikovsky had at first intended to dedicate the Violin Concerto to Leopold Auer, one of the most eminent violinists of his time. But Auer had procrastinated in performing it, and it was first heard in Vienna in December 1881, with Adolf Brodsky as soloist. It produced one of the most notorious verdicts in the history of music journalism when Eduard Hanslick, one of the most famed and influential critics of his time, declared that the concerto was made up of music in which you ‘hear how it stinks’. But under the continuing advocacy of Brodsky, to whom it was finally dedicated, the concerto rapidly acquired great success. Auer later excused his delay by claiming that he had wished to make revisions to the solo part, but had been unable to find time. In fact, when Auer finally paid attention to the concerto, he went much further, excising whole chunks of the first movement, and it was in this degraded form that for many years the concerto was played. It is important to note this here, since some early recordings may still be current that use Auer’s emasculated edition. Nowadays few violinists would dream of using (or daring to use) it.
[The Violin Concerto is one of Tchaikovsky’s most engaging works, yet do not underestimate it (as I confess I once did). No work of Tchaikovsky relies as heavily as this concerto on his melodic gift, and it never fails him. This is one of the great violin concertos.]
On the face of it, the Violin Concerto is one of the least sophisticated of Tchaikovsky’s symphonic pieces, and it certainly contains none of the novel structural adventures of, say, the First Piano Concerto. But why should it? Certainly a piano offers the composer far wider possibilities than a violin, for it can present harmony as well as melody, enabling him to make it a more equal and flexible partner to the orchestra. But where a violin scores is in its far greater melodic potential. Like a singer, it delivers melody that is unbroken sound, allowing for all sorts of inflections within a melodic line (and even within a single note) in a way that the piano cannot match, and by skilful use of the bow a violinist can completely alter the tone colour of a melody. It is melodic potential that is one of the great strengths of Tchaikovsky’s concerto. Its first movement’s application of sonata form (as applied in a concerto movement) is straightforward. First a fairly brisk introduction, which hints at the first subject to come; then the violin introduces itself, and leads us into the exposition, where the instrument is not only very rarely silent, but is almost always centre stage, eloquently delivering the melodies Tchaikovsky has composed for it, or dazzling with virtuosic figuration. As in so many of Tchaikovsky’s expositions there are three tunes, the first an invention of great charm, the second more sprightly and leading on to a brief burst of fireworks as a foil to the third (con molto espressivo ), a tender invention that spreads itself vastly, never faltering, and building to an expansive climax to round off the exposition. It is difficult to over-praise the achievement of this great melodic expanse (if you happen to know Tchaikovsky’s inspiration, the Symphonie espagnol , compare Tchaikovsky’s exposition with the parallel stretch of Lalo’s first movement, and I think the former’s greater melodic richness will become even more apparent).
As expected, an orchestral tutti marks the entry into the development. This is the first time since the concerto’s very opening that the orchestra has been allowed centre stage, and it is a substantial passage. The soloist goes on to offer a variation on the first subject, which is then extended – after which the orchestra returns, rather surprisingly perhaps, with a second ritornello. But the reason soon emerges: Tchaikovsky is going to follow the precedent of another of the most famous violin concertos, that of Mendelssohn, and insert his cadenza not near the movement’s end, but before the recapitulation. Thus this ritornello has been a punctuation mark as well as a grand build-up to that passage in which the soloist can be in the spotlight unchallenged. As in the Mendelssohn concerto, the cadenza leads straight into the recapitulation, which follows the same course as the exposition (though there are variations of detail along the way), and passes into a substantial and brilliant coda. If, after hearing the concerto’s first two or three minutes, we anticipated that because it sounded less grand this first movement would be shorter than that of the First Piano Concerto, we would be wrong; its performance time (and that of the whole concerto) matches that of the earlier concerto – yet it can sustain our interest just as much.
In the remaining two movements Tchaikovsky’s Russian voice is suddenly in evidence. He labelled the slow movement Canzonetta (literally ‘a little song’) and it was the most consistently melodic movement he had composed since the Andante cantabile of his First String Quartet. But this time all the melody is Tchaikovsky’s own. A wind introduction sets the tone, and the hauntingly Russian flavour of the violin melody that follows is very marked; it has a gentle melancholy about it which is perfectly complemented by the more impassioned tone of its companion to follow. No movement could be more unfussy or speak more directly to the listener. Now the introduction slips in on the strings beneath the soloist (this is so furtively done that it is easy to miss it), who returns us to the first theme, after which the woodwind introduction both closes the movement and provides the first part of a transition to the finale. It seems extraordinary that all this was composed in a single day.
There is no break between the Canzonetta and the finale, and this reinforces the extreme contrast in mood between the two movements. The finale, as Russian as the second movement, though now possessed of tremendous vitality, is surely some rural folk scene, the soloist now a folk fiddler (though prodigiously talented!), first tuning his instrument, testing it, then launching into his first item. While this one has enormous energy, his second is earthily robust, its sturdy double pedal (the two-pitch ‘drone’ that persists beneath) suggestive, perhaps, of peasant bagpipes. Tchaikovsky dwells on this theme, decorating it with different backgrounds, then suddenly slowing it to suggest, perhaps, a more tender, feminine persuasiveness. I cannot guess what (if anything) may be represented by the courteous dialogue between oboe, clarinet and bassoon, but do we need to decode this when the music itself, just as music, is so infectious that we succumb to it anyway? This movement is its own advocate, among Tchaikovsky’s own compositions the closest in spirit to that magnificent finale of his Second (Little Russian ) Symphony.
That said, perhaps we have a clue to the deeper motivation of these last two so contrasted, yet so Russian movements.
By now Tchaikovsky had been in voluntary exile from Russia for some six months, and his letters home had been increasingly filled with expressions of longing for his native land. Only six days after completing his Violin Concerto, he was on his way home. But he returned to Russia a very anxious man, and his initial encounter with the frontier staff did nothing to raise his spirits. First there was a drunken gendarme, then a custom’s official who charged him extortionate duty for a dress he had bought for Sasha, and finally another gendarme who seemed suspicious of him and delayed letting him through. Then there was the train journey: dirty railway carriages – ‘Yids with that poisonous atmosphere which accompanies them everywhere’ (despite his admiration for the Rubinstein brothers, Tchaikovsky had a streak of anti-Semitism in him) – a train full of typhoid victims, another with young recruits off to fight in the current Russo-Turkish war: all this depressed him. And how would he be received at Kamenka? In the event, his family’s greetings could not have been warmer or more reassuring. Sasha had tactfully prepared a peasant cottage for him some way from the main house where he could be alone if he wished. ‘My cottage is arranged very conveniently and comfortably,’ he reported to his patroness. ‘They have even got me a piano, and put it in the little room alongside my bedroom. Working will be good for me.’ He set himself to complete the Piano Sonata, and then produced a clutch of piano pieces, though none of them is of real significance – at least, as far as the larger ones are concerned. But another set, the humblest that Tchaikovsky ever composed, does still have some very real interest for us today.
As his relationships with his nephews and nieces had long shown, Tchaikovsky had a natural ability to get on with children: think only of that little ballet he had created for them seven years earlier, and which would be the seed of Swan Lake . Now some of Sasha’s children were well of an age to be playing the piano, and it was no doubt this that decided Uncle Pyotr to compose his Album for Children : 24 Easy Pieces (à la Schumann) **(*), completing them all within four days. His model was not Schumann’s well-known Scenes from Child hood (Kinderszenen ), which was a highly sophisticated presentation of experiences and incidents of childhood viewed from an adult perspective, but that same composer’s Album for Young People . Yet whereas Schumann here had presented a course of forty-three pieces of increasing difficulty composed for his growing family, Tchaikovsky’s Album for Children was simply a collection of charming morsels for young (and not so young) pianists at an early stage, and for those among my readership who are simply listeners, this set will be of little interest. However, for those who are also pianists, even though they would confess their skills to be limited, this set could be a real gift. What marks off Tchaikovsky’s pieces from so much of the elementary piano fodder of our time are those special touches which may initially be something of a challenge: patches of striking harmony that present some reading (and sometimes fingering) problems, and unexpected phrase structures that present problems of timing. But all such things, though they may demand a bit of extra patience before they are absolutely right, will have their reward. 1 Many of the pieces have titles that are imaginative pointers to how they should be played. A number are arrangements of existing tunes, some Russian, but others from both France and Italy (including one from the repertoire of Vittorio, the Florentine street singer). Others are dances. But some of the best music (and, admittedly, some of the trickiest) is to be found in the character or descriptive pieces: for instance, in the sprightly galloping of the little horseman (no. 4) and the brisk marching of the wooden soldiers (no. 5), in the sad portrait of the sick doll (no. 7), and in its solemn funeral (no. 8). At the other extreme is the peasant trying out his accordion (no. 13), which seems finally to get stuck on two chords, and the portrait of the grotesque witch, Baba Yaga (no. 20). Elsewhere there are some pretty twitterings from a lark (no. 22). The set had opened with a morning prayer, and it is in church that it closes (at least it did in the original published edition: no. 24).
Now that Tchaikovsky’s marriage had disintegrated, Nadezhda von Meck made a further offer to him which would bind him yet closer to her: she invited him to stay on her extensive estate at Brailov in the Ukraine at a time when she would be away. Thus he would come to enjoy – and share – a very real part of her world. To ensure everything would be to his liking she gave instructions to her staff that the guest was to have absolute freedom, be obeyed in everything and be left undisturbed: Alexey would be the intermediary between them and his master. The staff were told nothing of the guest’s identity, and they would finally conclude that he must be the fiancé of one of her daughters. Tchaikovsky took up residence at the end of May, and though he enthused unconditionally to his patroness about Brailov, he was more reserved to Modest. The house was splendidly furnished and comfortable, and there were some excellent musical instruments, but he found the estate itself less attractive. Nevertheless, walking in the surrounding countryside was a great pleasure, and he discovered a nunnery with a good, musically literate choir where he was able to attend services. He also developed a passion for collecting mushrooms. Best of all, perhaps, Brailov provided a relaxing environment in which he could work. As a gift for his absent hostess he composed two pieces, Scherzo and Mélodie , for violin and piano, which, together with a violin–piano transcription of the rejected slow movement of the Violin Concerto (now labelled Méditation ), he left behind him as a token of thanks. The collective title he gave the three pieces must have added to her pleasure: Souvenir d’un lieu cher (‘Memento of a beloved place’). In addition, he composed a set of six songs, op. 38, including two of his finest examples, ‘Don Juan’s serenade’, *** a splendidly rumbustious summons to the Don’s Nisetta to appear on her balcony, and, in total contrast, a haunting waltz song, ‘Amid the din of the ball’, *** in which the singer remembers the happy voice, but sad eyes, of a beautiful woman glimpsed across a crowded ballroom.
However, Brailov also saw the birth of a set of pieces quite unlike anything Tchaikovsky had yet composed, and which would have a profound consequence for the future of Russian church music. The initiative had come from Tchaikovsky himself back in February, when he had enquired of Jurgenson whether he would be interested in publishing some small pieces of church music or, preferably, a setting of part of the liturgy of the Russian Orthodox Church. Evidently the matter was discussed further, for by the time of his Brailov visit, Tchaikovsky could outline to Nadezhda von Meck the present situation. He conceded that some of the current composers of Orthodox church music were worthy artisans, ‘but,’ he added:
how little is their music in harmony with the Byzantine style of our architecture and icons, and with the whole structure of the Orthodox service. Did you know that the composition of music for the church is a monopoly of the Imperial Chapel’s musical establishment, which jealously guards this monopoly, and flatly refuses to allow new attempts to set sacred texts? My publisher, Jurgenson, has found a means of getting round this strange law, and if I write something for the church, he will then publish it abroad.
Having at Brailov sketched an unaccompanied choral setting of the Liturgy of St John Chrysostom (the main service of the Russian Orthodox Church), and completed it in August, Tchaikovsky now found Jurgenson in a more confrontational mood: he would challenge the Imperial Chapel’s monopoly head on, and issue Tchaikovsky’s Liturgy in Russia. As expected, on publication all copies were seized by the Director of the Imperial Chapel and a legal battle was joined. The case lasted over two years until, in 1881, judgement was given in favour of Jurgenson. From now on, the composition and publication of church music in Russia was open to all, and Tchaikovsky’s Liturgy of St John Chrysostom could find a rightful place in church services.
[To Western ears at least, Russian Orthodox church music has an eso teric character, and is likely to be of interest to only a minority of my readers. Nevertheless, some consideration should be given to it, though I shall be breaking the chronological sequence by taking account here of all three of Tchaikovsky’s contributions to Russian church music.]
The Liturgy of St John Chrysostom *** is the form of Mass most widely used in Eastern Orthodox Churches, and a substantial proportion of it is devoted to dialogue between the officiating clergy and the choir. A body of traditional chants had evolved for this, and Tchaikovsky used these chants scrupulously, furnishing them with the simplest of homophonic (that is, chordal) accompaniments. The result was an enormous amount of functional music; our main interest, however, lies in the half-dozen texts for which he composed free settings. These include the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, and Cherubim’s Song , the last the most substantial of all. In fact, though Tchaikovsky was free here to do as he liked, he gave the first two of these and a fourth piece, Praise ye the Lord , simple chordal accompaniments, but in Thee we hymn and Meet it is indeed , he allowed himself more freedom, in the latter using gentle imitation and, in the former, antiphonal rejoinders (that is, one vocal line briefly dialogues with another). On the page all this may appear to be music that will have little more impact than a traditional hymn sung in one of our churches, but in practice the effect can be very different. It is music that often demands a far more measured style of performance than we would accord a hymn tune, and at that slower speed its very simplicity informs it with a magisterial dignity, especially if a performance covers a very wide dynamic range (as one of my students observed after participating in a performance of Thee we hymn : ‘The earth moved!’). But the most elaborate piece is Cherubim’s Song , with its independent, hushed, awesomely slow opening that is the most powerful of foils for the blaze of antiphonal sound that follows. The first section returns as before; there is an Amen, and then a complete change of manner incorporating a fugalstyle passage so redolent of baroque music that, as used here, it is almost uncomfortable (or so, I confess, it is to me). But wait until you have heard it for yourself, for there are now some very good performances by Russian choirs available on CD.
Tchaikovsky would make two more sorties into the world of Orthodox church music. In 1881 he would turn his attention to another Service, the All-Night Vigil, ** in which he tried more deliberately to escape the ‘excessive Europeanism’ that had been audible in some of his settings in the Liturgy. In the All-Night Vigil he was far less a composer than an arranger, for now he was faced with a huge body of traditional chants, and he saw his role to be mostly that of providing these chant melodies with simple note-against-note harmonizations. Only rarely did he allow his added alto, tenor and bass parts some real independence so as to produce something that sounds like real composition. However, while the All-Night Vigil may be of interest only to those who are particularly drawn to the inner world of Russian Orthodox church music, the Nine Sacred Pieces **** for unaccompanied chorus, which Tchaikovsky composed in 1884–85, are free compositions with a wider appeal, and contain some very fine music. The three Cherubim’s Songs are very impressive, and especially the third, where the normal treble, alto, tenor and bass lines are all divided into two, thus producing an eight-part texture which can have a particular weight and sonority. This splendid piece achieved considerable popularity in Russia, and this gave it some seminal importance in the evolution of later Orthodox church music. An equally impressive piece is another eight-voice composition, Bliss I chose (to give it a rather awkward English title), a more freely composed piece which reinforces even more one’s regret that Tchaikovsky did not venture into this type of composition more often. Some of this music possesses a mystic aura and a special kind of grandeur quite different to anything I have met in our Western tradition – but seek out recorded performances by native Russian choirs; I have tried conducting English choral groups in this music, and our tradition and temperament are simply too different for us to do it real justice. Anyway, Russian choral singing is nearly always something rather special.
Tchaikovsky had now been back in Russia for some seven weeks. So far he had avoided Moscow, and he dreaded the moment when he would have to confront his long-term colleagues. He need not have feared, for they obviously welcomed him warmly. As for the matter of the Paris Exhibition, Rubinstein seems to have concealed any residual anger at Tchaikovsky’s default. Now, with the promise of generous monetary help from his patroness if a reasonable settlement could be agreed with Antonina, it seemed that a satisfactory outcome to his divorce proceedings could be in sight. But it required more co-operation from Antonina, and Jurgenson agreed to deal with her on Tchaikovsky’s behalf. Thus Tchaikovsky spent only three days in Moscow before, on 16 June, heading for Kondratyev’s estate at Nizy.
In three months the new Conservatoire term would begin, and it was assumed Tchaikovsky would return to his duties. It was not a prospect he relished, and what marks his behaviour during these months is its restlesssness. In a matter of only days he had once again fled from Nizy and its disordered servants, and headed for Kamenka. Only here, or at the neighbouring family estate at Verbovka, could he find peace, revelling in the company of those closest to him, joining in their corporate life, and seeming for a time able to blot out all thought of the trials and tensions besetting his wider world. At Kamenka he could shoot ducks or bustards with neighbours, roam the countryside with the Kamenka dogs, compose at leisure, be alone when he wished, then join in the family recreations, playing the piano for dancing, and participating fully in their more ambitious entertainments. A letter to Modest provides a vignette of his lifestyle. All sorts of relatives had assembled at Kamenka, and been drawn into proceedings:
During the last week I’ve transformed myself completely into some sort of Goddess Diana. I go hunting every day. On Sunday there was a big shoot with Vishnitsky, Volokhov, Roman, Tikhon, etc. Quite a lot were killed – but I, as usual, just banged away . Rehearsals for our performance [of Gogol’s play, The Marriage , which Tchaikovsky was producing] started yesterday. Lev doesn’t want Tanya to play the matchmaker, and Sasha Peresleny has taken her role. Dima, for want of anybody else, is playing Yaichnitsa. Vladimir Andreyevich declined to take part in the performance. Besides The Marriage we’re putting on two scenes for Tanya and Sasha: (1) the scene of the two women from Dead Souls [by Gogol], and (2) the scene of the two women from [Molière’s] Le Misanthrope . Yesterday’s rehearsal showed that Natalya Andreyevna will be delightful, but her delivery is a bit monotonous. Sasha plays the matchmaker superbly. Though Kolya Peresleny over-acts, he still isn’t bad as Zhevakin. Tolya plays Podkolesin very respectably. Biryukov didn’t know his lines.The day before yesterday we went to the Verbovka wood to collect mushrooms. We found aspen mushrooms in such quantity as I have never before seen anywhere. The same day Sasha went with the three youngest children and Miss Eastwood [the English governess at Kamenka] to the Rayevskys’, and had a whole series of adventures. On the return journey they were overtaken by a storm. Sasha was almost killed by the horses, they were all drenched, somehow or other got back to Kamenka, and arrived here when it was already late evening, where they found us all in a terrible state.
The dramatic performances took place a week later. To make a good audience, peasants from the estate were invited: Tchaikovsky was the prompter.
Tchaikovsky remained over seven weeks with Sasha and her family. By then feeling the need for solitude after the populous family life at Kamenka, on 23 August he installed himself at Brailov. His patroness had a splendid library, and he buried himself in her books, sometimes squatting on the floor for hours, engrossed in reading. He often went for walks accompanied by an army of dogs. But the urge to compose would not be quieted. ‘This morning I wanted so much to sketch an orchestral scherzo that I could not resist it, and spent a couple of hours working,’ he confided to his patroness. It marked the beginning of his First Suite for orchestra. But after a week at Brailov he had had enough of solitude, and he again directed himself to Verbovka where, within only days, he had sketched three further movements. Wanting to visit St Petersburg before settling back in Moscow for the new Conservatoire session, on 9 September he set out for the Russian capital. But on the way to Kiev he chanced on a scurrilous newspaper report. ‘At one point the article talks about professors’ love affairs with girls,’ he wrote in alarm to Modest, ‘and it adds at the end: “Love affairs of a different sort also go on at the Conservatoire, but of these, for a very understandable reason, I will not speak ” – and so on. It’s clear what he is hinting at.’
This decided Tchaikovsky: he would resign his professorship – not immediately, because that would cause chaos, but at Christmas. But he would now depend on his patroness’s continuing bounty, and she had to be informed. So he wrote to her, detailing the reasons for his decision: the offensive newspaper article, overhearing (so he claimed) strangers in a train talking about his marriage and his madness, Rubinstein’s despotism, and the oppressiveness of the Conservatoire. ‘And so, my friend, what would you say if I were to quit the Conservatoire? I am going to Moscow and I shall try to accustom myself to it. But I must know for certain how you regard this. Not for anything in the world would I wish to act other than according to your counsel and instruction. Please give me your answer.’ Of course he knew what it would be.
Tchaikovsky’s decision merely exacerbated his aversion to the Conservatoire. He returned to Moscow, term began, and he felt worse still. After a week he poured out his feelings to Anatoly:
I’m utterly dispirited and regard everything around me with cold loathing. Moscow is thoroughly offensive to me. I try to avoid all society and all encounters with people. Everybody I see I find intolerable, and this includes Kashkin, Albrecht, Jurgenson and Laroche. I go straight to my class when I arrive, and I leave forthwith after the class, trying not to talk with anybody or encounter anybody. To various greetings such as ‘Hello!’, or ‘Who’s that I see?’, I respond with a sweet-and-sour face, and immediately rush off in another direction. I walk for a couple of hours, and go home to dine.
There was one good thing, however: Antonina was keeping to the rules of the financial arrangement made with her, and seemed to have left Moscow.
Rubinstein having returned to Paris, it would be early October before Moscow saw him again, and so negotiations about Tchaikovsky’s resignation could not be opened. When Rubinstein duly reappeared, there was a dinner in his honour, and in his first speech he heaped praise on Tchaikovsky for the international reputation he was building for himself, adding how fortunate the Conservatoire was to have such a celebrity on its staff. But there was a double edge to this accolade: Tchaikovsky felt he would have to postpone his resignation until the following summer. However, the very next day the matter was taken out of his hands. For all the prestige that Tchaikovsky brought to the Conservatoire, Rubinstein realized he could no longer detain him, and between them the two men devised a strategy that would allow Tchaikovsky to leave unobtrusively at Christmas: Taneyev would be invited to undertake a temporary piano class, and when Tchaikovsky slipped away, Taneyev would take his place. ‘I shall go off to the country as though on family business,’ Tchaikovsky explained, ‘and from there I’ll write and say I cannot return because of illness.’ The same day he heard that his patroness fully approved his intentions.
However, Tchaikovsky then saw the opening that would enable him to leave before the year’s end: why should not Taneyev also take over his theory class ahead of December? Straight away he informed Rubinstein that he would be leaving at the end of the week. On 19 October he took his last ever class. The next day he dined with his friends: Rubinstein, Kashkin, Albrecht, Jurgenson and Taneyev. ‘Despite all my joy at my longed-for freedom, I experienced some sadness at parting from the people among whom I have lived for more than twelve years,’ he would confess to Mrs von Meck three days later. ‘They all seemed very grieved, and this touched me.’ But already, on that day of farewell, he had enthused to her unreservedly on the prospect before him. ‘Yesterday I gave my last lesson. Today I leave for St Petersburg. Thus I am a free man !’
1 An edition of Album for the Young (edited by Howard Ferguson) is published by the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. The above numbering follows that of this edition, except for the final item.
15
The narrative is about to quicken, for where Tchaikovsky would now settle was a matter entirely in his own hands, and he could remove himself whenever he chose if he found the environment growing uncongenial, or simply wanted a change of scene. Thus it might have been expected that, relieved of the personal tensions that had sprung from his disastrous marriage, and with a more than adequate lifestyle assured by his patroness’s allowance, works would have flowed freely from him. Indeed they did, and the quantity is impressive; the problem is sometimes their quality. In technique they are as fluent as ever – but sometimes almost too much so. There is a detachment about some of them, an absence of that so precious personal element, of that edge, that sense of striving that truly excites, and sometimes disturbs; at their best they are like images, beautiful in concept and executed immaculately – but only passive, not living organisms. Not until 1885, when he settled into a dacha near Klin, some fifty miles outside Moscow, did he rediscover that stability that would enable his creativity to operate freely and fully as it had done before Antonina had entered his life. True, in the intervening years there would be at least two notable exceptions where some human element, one from real life, the other from fiction, really touched his creativity. The first was the death of a close colleague, the second the predicament of a young woman and her elderly husband as told in one of Pushkin’s great narrative poems. These, together with the Second Piano Concerto, will receive closer attention. Nevertheless, that said, there is still much very acceptable music to be found in the compositions of the next five years, and they make generally easier listening than have some of the masterworks already examined, and some to come.
Such a one is his First Orchestral Suite. Tchaikovsky had begun sketching it back in August while still with his family at Kamenka, but its completion was delayed for a year, mainly because he was uncertain about the overall effect of what would be a very substantial piece, matching the Fourth Symphony in performance time (about forty minutes). In addition, while presenting a wide variety of styles and moods, it had to add up to a coherent, satisfying experience, and this caused Tchaikovsky much difficulty.
[This, the first of Tchaikovsky’s three true orchestral suites (the fourth is a series of orchestrations of pieces by Mozart), is the least important, though the little Marche Miniature is very engaging.]
A suite may be simply a selection of, say, half-a-dozen pieces extracted from a larger composition, and chosen primarily for their popularity, real or potential (Tchaikovsky’s Nutcracker Suite is a famous example). But historically the suite has at times existed as a form in its own right. Probably the most famous suites are those composed by Bach in the late baroque period (the first half of the eighteenth century) – namely, his French and English Suites for keyboard. These are made up mainly from dances of the time (allemandes, courantes, sarabands and gigues especially). Tchaikovsky’s four orchestral suites are, by contrast, a very diverse bunch. Nevertheless, the first does reveal Bach as a formative influence, for it opens with an introduction and fugue, and closes with a gavotte, a baroque dance. Yet there is little risk that any listener already familiar with some baroque music will believe that these pieces could credibly be by Bach, even though Tchaikovsky’s fugue is clearly of an ‘academic’ nature, for its climax steps right outside baroque practice. It is the only movement that may present a challenge to the listener, following on a very spacious and, later, portentous slow introduction (the baroque equivalent of a prelude). However, the constant recurrence of the fugue’s subject gives the whole piece a very precise focus, and it culminates in a very powerful, very nineteenth-century climax – though its end will, in fact, prove to be quiet.
The remaining five movements are built mainly from fairly self-contained sections shuffled in various ways, their orchestration exploiting especially the colour contrast between the wind and the strings. Nowhere does Tchaikovsky’s melodic gift ever fail him, even though the expressive temperature is never really high. The Divertimento (no. 2) could perhaps have been fairly labelled Valse . Tchaikovsky seems to give the solo clarinet at this movement’s opening the task of ‘discovering’ the first tune – and note also the charming chattering of the three flutes a little later (anticipating their use in the famous Mirlitons’ Dance in Nutcracker : older readers may also recall a once famed ‘fruit and nut-case’ TV commercial). The Intermezzo (no. 3) is more restrained, its main theme (in fact, a very slow ‘ghosting’ of the first movement’s fugue subject) alternating with a broad, sustained melody, all deployed in a five-section ABABA structure, but with a climax after the fourth section and a quietly arresting rewriting of the fifth. But the pièce de résistance , though by far the shortest movement, is the cute Marche Miniature (no. 4). Scored for the upper woodwind, with only very discreet contributions from the violins, plus triangle and bells, it is an irresistible confection that would have fitted perfectly into the Nutcracker to come. After this the Scherzo (no. 5) may lose out a little – but it was the first number to be composed, and perhaps Tchaikovsky had not then discovered exactly what kind of piece he was trying to create for this suite. As for the final Gavotte , here Tchaikovsky was deliberately choosing to model himself on a stately baroque dance, but his music has nothing to do with Bach style; indeed, in its discreet piquancy, it could perhaps be an ancestor of that famous gavotte to come some thirty-eight years later in Prokofiev’s Classical Symphony .
But how is Tchaikovsky to finish some forty minutes on after so much different music? His solution is simple: slip seamlessly back into the fugue music from the first movement, though this time rounding it off triple forte.
On resigning from the Moscow Conservatoire Tchaikovsky had headed for St Petersburg, remaining some three weeks with the intention of going on to Clarens. But his patroness was now in Florence, and had suggested he should spend some time there; she would make all the arrangements he required, and defray all his expenses. This was very acceptable in principle, but Tchaikovsky’s reservations began to build once he had installed himself, for her behaviour seemed to suggest she wanted their relationship to be less distant. They exchanged letters every day, and though, in order that they should not accidentally come face to face, she gave him a timetable of her regular routes and outings, he sensed that she might be moving towards a face-to-face meeting with him. She asked him to see where she was staying, and the following day he saw her pass his own villa. Then she invited him to inspect hers when she was absent. But he declined. ‘All this makes me feel less than free and, to tell the truth, in the depths of my heart I very much wish she would leave Florence,’ he confided to Anatoly. It was worse a few days later when he went to the theatre and saw she was also there. ‘This embarrassed me, just as her proximity in general also constantly embarrasses me. For instance, every morning I see how, when she passes my villa, she stops and tries to see me [fortunately she was very short-sighted]. How ought I to behave? Go to the window and bow? But in such circumstances, should I not also call out from the window: “Hello!”?’ Finally she suggested he should postpone a visit he intended to make to Paris until February, when she would also be in the French capital; she would then provide an apartment for him, and make all arrangements. This was simply too much, and he declined this proposal emphatically, declaring that he could not put off his visit. Yet when she left Florence ahead of him, his own reaction surprised him. ‘I feel a great longing for her. I pass her uninhabited villa with tears in my eyes,’ he confided to Modest. ‘What had at first embarrassed and confused me now forms a subject for the most sincere regret.’ It had become truly a relationship that he both loved yet feared.
When Tchaikovsky had told his patroness that he could not delay his visit to Paris until her own arrival there in February, he was speaking the truth, for he was now embarking on a major new piece. Back in November, while browsing through Lev’s library during a brief stay at Kamenka, he had come across a translation of Schiller’s drama, Die Jungfrau von Orleans , had skimmed through it, instantly decided it should be the subject of his next opera, and within three days of his arrival in Florence had set about The Maid of Orleans , as it would be called. He devised his own libretto from Schiller’s play, and so overwhelmed was he by the subject, and so full of ideas, that he had a nervous reaction and had to break off composition. But in any case, before proceeding further, he needed to discover what other literary sources might have relevance to his project, and France was most likely to provide these. Accordingly, at the end of December he set off thither. But having scoured Paris for materials relating to Joan, he concluded that Schiller’s play would still be his best source, though he would also borrow bits from other writers. Moving on to Switzerland, he settled into his favourite hotel in Clarens on 11 January; the following day he set about his new opera in earnest.
The speed with which Tchaikovsky composed The Maid of Orleans was prodigious. His routine was as ordered as ever. ‘I drink morning coffee with a light breakfast. A walk while my room is being cleaned,’ he told Anatoly. ‘Composing the opera until lunch at 1 p.m. After lunch a long walk. On returning, reading, and writing the libretto for tomorrow’s work. At 8 p.m. supper with tea. Then letter-writing and reading. At 11 I go to bed.’ Yet within fourteen days half the opera was sketched. Four days’ break, and he was back at work; five more days, and something like three-quarters of The Maid of Orleans was drafted. When the opera’s vocal score (that is, the voice parts, with the orchestral part arranged for piano) was published, all this would fill some three hundred pages. Looking back on what he had done, he wrote to Modest, ‘In general I am pleased with myself – but I am a bit tired’ – surely an understatement.
In mid-February, after some five weeks, it was with much sorrow that Tchaikovsky left Clarens, and especially the Pension Richelieu and the Mayor family who ran it. As he wrote to his patroness, ‘It is very nice to know that there is a corner of Western Europe where I shall always be received with joy, care, and friendliness, where my habits and requirements are well known, where they always manage to arrange it so that, while I’m there, I feel I am at home.’ As usual, during all this labour he had found some diversion in reading, and his current preoccupation had been Little Dorrit . About the British generally he currently felt very badly, for he was still outraged by Britain’s part in the recent Russo-Turkish war. But his delight in Dickens’s novel moved him to cast a crumb of redemption. ‘Dickens and Thackeray are about the only people I forgive for being English,’ he declared to Anatoly. ‘One must add Shakespeare, but he lived at a time when that vile nation was less ignoble.’
After Clarens Tchaikovsky returned to Paris, and it was there on 8 March that The Maid of Orleans was drafted down to the last detail. Paris was, of course, a centre of fashion, including menswear, and Tchaikovsky indulged himself. ‘I walk along the streets in a new grey coat (demi-saison ) with a most elegant top hat, showing off a silk shirt front with coral studs, and lilac-coloured gloves. Passing the mirrored piers in the Rue de la Paix or on the boulevards, I invariably stop and admire myself. In shop windows I also observe the reflection of my elegant person.’ But his expenditure had been indiscreet, and on leaving Paris, his remaining funds would get him only to Berlin. Here he tried to extract money due to him from Jurgenson, but the despatch of this from Moscow was delayed, and finally Kotek, with whom he was lodging, had to pawn his own watch. In desperation he telegraphed his patroness for an advance on his allowance. She replied by return, and he could at last head for St Petersburg.
As in 1878, Tchaikovsky passed most of the spring and summer of 1879 on country estates: Brailov, nearby Simaki, Nizy – and, of course, Kamenka. His preoccupation was scoring The Maid of Orleans , and preparing the vocal score. He took great pleasure in the first of these operations. ‘It is difficult to convey the delight you experience when an abstract musical idea takes on a real form as the result of its assignment to this or that instrument or group of instruments,’ he told his patroness. ‘If not the most pleasant, it is one of the pleasantest moments in the compositional process.’ Tchaikovsky was now taking longer over orchestration, studying in particular Wagner’s scoring in his opera, Lohengrin , since, however unpalatable he might find so much of Wagner’s actual music, he recognized that the German was a master of operatic orchestration. Whereas it had taken Tchaikovsky about three weeks to score Vakula , The Maid of Orleans took some four months.
The premiere of The Maid of Orleans took place in St Petersburg on 25 February 1881. The cast was good, and with Nápravník as conductor, cuts and revisions were required which probably helped the opera’s fortunes, for it is still second only to Tchaikovsky’s later The Enchantress in length. The staging and production were very different matters. Funds being short, there was no special scenery, some used was inappropriate, and the costumes were threadbare: ‘wretched, grubby and pitiful’ was how Tchaikovsky himself described it all to his patroness. The opera’s initial success was not maintained, and it was revived in only one more season, never again to be heard in Russia in Tchaikovsky’s lifetime.
[The Maid of Orleans, for all its scale and grandeur, is not one of Tchaikovsky’s better operas. It is a grandiose piece, clearly written to match some of the blockbusters being composed for West European opera houses. Despite one very fine scene (Joan’s narration) and some good love music, only those readers really dedicated to opera are like ly to revel in this one.]
The Maid of Orleans is in three acts, divided into six scenes. Its plot is briefly as follows:
Act 1: A country setting . Thibaut, Joan’s father, rebukes some girls for singing when France is in a dire state, and all their futures uncertain; he wishes Joan to marry Raymond. Joan struggles with inner feelings, realizing she has a different destiny. The offstage glow of a fire and a tocsin indicate the approach of the English enemy; a crowd enters, and prays for deliverance. Bertrand, a peasant, reports French defeats, and that Orleans is besieged. Joan tells the crowd to wipe their tears, prophesying that an armed maid will lead a victory at Orleans. She declares to a bewildered crowd that the English commander, Salisbury, is dead. A soldier rushes in to report that this is true. Joan exhorts the people to pray, and leads off a hymn for victory. All leave except Joan, who bids a sad farewell to her native region and childhood companions. As daylight fades and Joan is suddenly bathed in bright moonlight, an offstage women’s chorus tells her to don the armour of battle, and to shun earthly love. Joan struggles against this call but, seeing her destiny is inescapable, she pledges herself to her mission.
Act 2: A hall in the palace at Chinon . The French King and his mistress, Agnès Sorel, listen to a choir of minstrels, but finding this melancholy, the King summons his gypsies, dwarfs and tumblers to raise his spirits. A ballet. Dunois, a knight, describes the French predicament, and Agnès leaves, saying she will give all she has to the King’s cause. Dunois reproves and then exhorts the King when the latter declares he would abdicate for love of Agnès. Dunois prevails, and the two men resolve to lift the siege of Orleans. A further defeat is reported, and Dunois upbraids the King for now deciding to withdraw across the Loire. Alone, the King despairs; even Agnès’s re-entry with a promise of everything she has cannot revive him. A love duet. Trumpets herald the approach of Joan, and Dunois announces a French victory. The Archbishop relates how, as defeat seemed imminent, a maid had rushed in, rallied the troops, and routed the enemy; she had promised to lift the siege of Orleans. Joan enters. A series of tests directed by the King confirms her miraculous status, and she begins her narration. A shepherd’s daughter, she had had a vision of the Virgin, who had disclosed that a sword predestined for her was on the grave of St Catherine at Fierbois. All accept Joan as divinely led, the King entrusts his army to her, and the Archbishop blesses her. Joan also demands a white banner with a purple stripe. Dunois leaves to collect Joan’s predestined sword. All leave after the King.
Act 3 Scene 1: A place near a battlefield . Lionel, a follower of the treacherous Duke of Burgundy, rushes in, pursued by Joan. She falls on him, tears the helmet from his head, but is struck by his appearance. She spares him, and signals him to flee, but he scorns escape. She tells him to kill her – and he is perplexed. Mutual attraction develops into an impassioned duet. Dunois is seen approaching, and Joan again tells Lionel to flee. Instead Lionel offers Dunois his sword. Dunois reports a great French victory. Joan collapses, and is seen to be wounded. Supported by Lionel and Dunois, she leaves.
Act 3 Scene 2: The square before Reims Cathedral . A coronation cavalcade enters, led by Joan and the King, and goes into the cathedral. Thibaut and Raymond emerge from the crowd, and Thibaut, who sees his daughter as having renounced God, declares he must save her, even if she is to be reduced to ashes. The procession emerges from the cathedral. The King praises Joan as the agent of victory, but Thibaut steps forward and denounces her as the devil’s agent. The crowd is outraged. As for Joan, she feels guilt at her love for Lionel, and remains silent when Thibaut challenges her virtue. Bewildered, the King and the crowd pray God to reveal the truth. Lionel steps forward as Joan’s champion: an enormous clap of thunder. Thibaut denounces her: again thunder. The Archbishop confronts her: thunder. The crowd turns on Joan, but the King assures her of a safe conduct. All leave except Joan and Lionel. Joan rejects Lionel, and rushes out. He follows.
Act 4 Scene 1: A wood . Joan remains torn between her divine mission and her love for Lionel. She longs for him, and he enters. They embrace. Love duet, interrupted by angels’ voices. Joan tears herself away, and is transfixed by the choir. English soldiers are heard approaching. She urges Lionel to flee. The soldiers enter, Lionel confronts them, and falls dying. Joan kisses him, and predicts they will meet in heaven. She surrenders to the soldiers.
Act 4 Scene 2: A square in Rouen . An unsympathetic crowd hears the approach of the procession bringing Joan. It enters, Joan clearly fearful; the crowd now pities her. ‘Give me a cross!’ she cries, and a soldier fashions one out of two twigs. Joan is bound to the stake, and the pyre is lit. As the flames mount, Joan cries out for acceptance into heaven. Offstage chorus of angels. Joan declares ‘with an expression of joy on her face’ (sic !), ‘My suffering is at an end!’
*
The Maid of Orleans is a piece for opera buffs. It marked a new direction in Tchaikovsky’s handling of opera, and the reason for this is clear. All four of his preceding examples had been on Russian subjects, but with The Maid he was clearly targeting the international opera scene. Joan of Arc was French, and her story was universally known in Europe; likewise, Tchaikovsky was self-consciously adopting the manners of European grand opera: a powerful subject, strong (melo) drama, spectacle scenes and choruses, massive scale – all these characteristics employed to achieve the maximum impact. But with these as the guidelines, there was little room for that wonderful, so human quality that had made for many of the best moments in his earlier operas – in, for instance, such a contrasting pair as Vakula and Onegin .
But there are some points that are worth noting here and, more important, some good, even excellent things in The Maid . The overture is largely drawn from material in the following drama – but note the lengthy flute solo that links it to the first scene: the flute was a symbol of innocence, and doubtless this solo is connected with the country maid who will go on to drive the epic events to come. The girls’ chorus that opens Act 1 has great charm (and sounds, frankly, much more Russian than French), and the scene and trio that follow offer a splendid instance of Tchaikovsky’s professionalism: the singer’s line clear, inventive enough to sustain our interest, and the orchestra the most sympathetic and unobtrusively varied companion. When dialogue becomes more impassioned, the orchestra will respond appropriately with a more heightened accompaniment, and the dramatic pace never falters. But this is efficient heightened prose, the fluency unfailing; speaking personally, I can admire it all, but I am not drawn into it, as I am so often in Onegin (and it must be said that the theme that runs through the hymn is far from one of Tchaikovsky’s best). Tchaikovsky himself seems truly touched only when Joan is finally alone and can reveal her ambivalence to her calling, her pain at what she will have to sacrifice in order to obey her God-given call. Here the melody now extends itself more freely, there are some lovely individual touches, and the offstage celestial voices are strikingly handled – though perhaps some readers will agree that the act’s last stages are rather stiff.
But the most precious music of the opera (for me) will come near the end of the following act. Set in the French court at Chinon, it opens with the opera’s obligatory dose of ballet. If the theme of the chorus of minstrels sounds familiar to some readers, they are probably right: it is a French tune, ‘Mes belles amourettes’, which Tchaikovsky had also used the previous year in one of his Album for Children pieces. Required to produce ballet music, Tchaikovsky always rose to the occasion splendidly, and the energy and impact of the opening Gypsy Dance is exceeded only by that of the final Tumblers’ Dance . By contrast, the Dance of the Pages and Dwarfs , which precedes the latter, is a minuet, one of Tchaikovsky’s rococo pastiches. The love scene between the King and Agnès has much to commend it, especially its rapt conclusion. Yet the best stretch of Act 2 is the scene between the King and Joan, and especially Joan’s following narration. This is the jewel of the whole opera. Here there is no formality or gratuitous grandeur, but a simple account of a wondrous experience from a young woman who can speak with unaffected eloquence of earthly things and heavenly visions through music that touches the listener more deeply than all the heightened rhetoric of the finale that follows.
The first scene of Act 3 consolidates the impression that Tchaikovsky was more truly engaged by the individual predicaments of his players than by the grand, sometimes seismic events in which they are caught. This is a love scene, though its battlefield context is unusual. But while we may be sceptical about whether mutual love can spring up between two characters who, only moments before, had been trying to kill each other, I think we can accept that, given that a love scene was now required, Tchaikovsky rose to the challenge; indeed, I have to say on a personal note that, returning to this music after a good many years, I am again struck by how fine it is. The preliminaries that signify the offstage battle, followed by the fraught entry of the two combatants, are handled, as expected, with workmanlike efficiency – but it is with Lionel’s so quiet expression of incipient love for his young and beautiful captor that the music fills out with genuine tenderness and musical richness, bearing witness to Tchaikovsky’s personal engagement with the predicament of this young woman who will, like Tatyana before her, become a victim of Fate because of love. There is, indeed, some great music here.
Act 3’s second scene could hardly provide a greater contrast. This is the pivot on which the whole tale turns, but it is also the most unabashed spectacle of the whole opera. From the portentous introduction and the march to which the crowd add its glorifications of the King and Joan, all is played out at length to produce the maximum effect. And once the procession has disappeared into the cathedral and the foreground drama unfolds further onstage, a backstage organ reminds us that a solemn service is proceeding within the cathedral. Further comment is unnecessary here; the whole scene is designed to rouse an audience, not to address its inner sensibilities. Suffice it to add that Tchaikovsky rises to all the histrionic demands of the situation, but the scene’s success (or otherwise – as at the first production) depends as much on the designer and the scale of the theatre’s resources as on the composer.
This is certainly not true of Act 4’s first scene. While the first scene of Act 3 had presented the burgeoning of love, this one deals with its joys and torments. The turbulent orchestral introduction, followed by Joan’s agonized weighing of the conflicting demands of love and duty, makes a powerful foil to the quiet rapture she will share with her beloved after he appears. There are two love themes, the first (on Lionel’s sudden appearance) full-blooded and passionate, the other tender, quietly ecstatic – music that is the more striking because there is nothing like it elsewhere in the opera: this love scene is beautifully managed. But the heavenly voices from the opera’s first scene are heard and the rapture is broken, offstage trumpets signal the approach of English soldiers, Lionel dies defending Joan, and the latter is led away in chains.
I could well do without the final scene, but I suppose the last incident in the drama had to be presented. This execution scene is little more than a tableau, with only one significant incident, which, for obvious reasons, can be no more than a grotesque parody of the reallife event (here only made worse by Joan’s eyes-heavenward declaration, added in an attempt to sanitize it). All that this scene required was a solemn march laced with appropriate comments from the crowd, followed by agitated music and celestial choir to back the final obscene act. To say that all this is little more than orchestral wallpaper would be unfair, but it is purely functional. Perhaps, however, this makes us the more grateful for the admirable, sometimes moving music in some of what has gone before.
One of the problems for writers on Tchaikovsky before the repeal of censorship in Russia in the 1990s was to define clearly his sexual behaviour. Alexander Poznansky was one of the first Western-based scholars to capitalize on this new freedom, and among his discoveries in the archives at Klin (Tchaikovsky’s final home and now the Tchaikovsky Museum) was a letter to Modest that included an account of a one-night stand in late February 1879, when Tchaikovsky was in Paris putting the finishing touches to The Maid of Orleans . At last, in Tchaikovsky’s own words (as translated by Dr Poznansky), we had a description of such an assignation, and of his own subsequent reaction to the incident. The degraded condition in which the young man lived shocked him:
A bed, a pitiful little trunk, a dirty little table with a candle-end, a few shabby trousers and a jacket, a huge crystal glass, won in a lottery – those make the room’s only decorations. Yet it did seem to me at that moment that this miserable cell is the centrepiece of the entire human happiness … There occurred all kinds of calinerie [tenderness] as he put it, and then I turned frantic because of amorous happiness and experienced incredible pleasure. And I can say in confidence that not only for a long time but almost never have I felt so happy in this sense as yesterday. 1
The next morning his reaction to the experience was very different:
I woke with remorse and a full understanding of the fraudulence and exaggerated quality of that happiness I felt yesterday and which, in substance, is nothing but a strong sexual inclination based on the correspondence with the capricious demands of my taste and on the general charm of that youth. Be that as it may, this young man has much good at the root of his soul. But, my God, how pitiable is he, how thoroughly debauched! And instead of helping him to better himself, I only contributed to his further going down.
As I noted earlier in this book, Tchaikovsky’s sexuality has long been (and, perhaps, still is) a subject provoking sometimes violent dissent. I therefore leave each reader to draw his or her own conclusions from these two extracts.
1 A. Poznansky, Tchaikovsky’s Last Days: A Documentary Study (Oxford, 1996), p. 21.
16
It must already be obvious that Tchaikovsky’s relationship with his secret patroness was extraordinary, and one that some would say, probably unfairly, ‘could have happened only in Russia’. But, strange as it may seem to our West European eyes, it did happen, and its consequences for music (and therefore for us) were incalculable. Without Nadezhda von Meck Tchaikovsky’s existence during the whole of the latter half of his composing years would have been very different – above all, far less productive because of the necessity of earning his own living. But we do not have to thank his patroness only for the works we would otherwise have been denied; their huge correspondence is a mine of information about Tchaikovsky’s attitude to other issues, other composers, to music generally – above all, to the workings of his creative mind, both conceptual and practical. So, for a while, we shall break the chronological narrative, and uncover some of the insights that these letters afford.
It was back in his first peripatetic year after his disastrous marriage that Tchaikovsky began providing his patroness with his views on, and reactions to, a variety of personal matters. Concerning religion, he had passed beyond inherited belief, could find no sense in the Christian doctrine of retribution after death, and could not accept the concept of eternal life. But the Orthodox Church was part of the Russia he loved, and he still was drawn to its rituals. He held the Orthodox Mass (the Liturgy of St John Chrysostom) to be ‘one of the greatest of artistic works’, but the service that really gripped him was the All-Night Vigil on the eve of Easter Day.
To direct myself on Saturday to some small, ancient church, to stand in the semi-darkness filled with the smoke of incense, to delve deeply within myself in search of a reply to the eternal questions: to what purpose, when, whither, why? – to waken from my reverie when the choir sings, ‘Many a time from my youth have they afflicted me’, and to surrender myself to the captivating poetry of the psalm, to be filled with a certain quiet rapture when they open the central doors of the iconistasis and there rings out, ‘Praise God from the heavens!’ – O, I love all this passionately. It is one of my greatest delights!
Manifestly it was not the hard doctrine that claimed him; it was the aura of mysticism that enveloped it.
Tchaikovsky’s response to her round question: ‘Pyotr Ilich, have you ever loved?’ seems direct enough, but deftly evades the dangerously specific, instead deflecting attention to the expression of love in his music:
You ask, my friend, whether I am familiar with non-platonic love . Yes and no . If you phrase the question somewhat differently, that is, if you ask, have I experienced complete happiness in love, then I will reply: No, no, no! Yet I think the answer to this question is contained in my music. If you ask me, do I understand the full power, the full boundless strength of that feeling, then I will reply: Yes, yes, yes! – and again I will tell you that more than once have I tried lovingly to express in music the torment and, at the same time, the bliss of love. Whether I have succeeded I do not know – or, rather, I leave others to judge. I totally disagree with you when you say that music cannot convey the all-embracing characteristics of the feeling of love . I believe quite the contrary – that music alone can do this. You say that here words are necessary. O no! It is precisely here that words are not necessary – and where they are ineffectual, the more eloquent language, that is, music, appears in all its power.
As for the intrusive question his patroness was really asking, I doubt she was any the wiser.
More interesting are his comments on his Russian fellow composers. These were written in December 1878, when Tchaikovsky probably felt some estrangement from a real world that was still theirs, but also perhaps harboured some jealousy that they were still functioning in it when their professional competence was so inferior to his own. Rimsky-Korsakov, the one of their number who had tried to repair this deficiency, and who had turned to Tchaikovsky himself when trying to strengthen his own technique, comes off best:
All the latest St Petersburg composers are a very talented lot, but all of them are infected to the core with the most frightful conceit and a purely dilettantish confidence in their superiority over the rest of the musical world. The exception among them in recent times is Rimsky-Korsakov. He is just as self-taught as the others, but he has made a complete about-turn. His nature is very serious, very upright and conscientious. When he was a very young man he fell into the company of people who first assured him that he was a genius and, second, told him there was no need to study , that training kills inspiration, dries up creativity, and so on. Korsakov is the only one of them to whom, some five years ago, the thought occurred that the ideas preached by the Balakirev circle had, in fact, no foundation. I have one of his letters from that time. It deeply touched and amazed me. He had become profoundly despairing, then asked what he had to do. Of course he had to study. And he began to study. During one summer he wrote countless contrapuntal exercises and sixty-four fugues, ten of which he promptly sent me to look over …
Perhaps we may detect in this last phrase the main reason why Tchaikovsky was so disposed towards Rimsky. As for others of the St Petersburg bunch –
Cui is a talented dilettante. His music has no originality, but is elegant and tasteful. Borodin is a professor of chemistry at the Medical Academy. Again he has talent, even a strong one, but it has perished through neglect because of a blind fate which led him to a chair of chemistry instead of into the living profession of music. Thus he has less taste than Cui , and his technique is so weak that he cannot write a single line without outside help [simply not true]. Musorgsky you rightly call a hopeless case. In talent he is perhaps superior to all the preceding, but his nature is narrow-minded, devoid of any urge towards self-perfection, blindly believing in the ridiculous theories of his circle and in his own genius. In addition he has a certain base side to his nature which likes coarseness, uncouthness, roughness. He flaunts his illiteracy, takes pride in his ignorance, mucks along anyhow, blindly believing in the infallibility of his genius. Yet he has flashes of talent which are, moreover, not devoid of originality.
Finally Tchaikovsky homed in on the group leader to whom he himself owed so much:
The most important personality of this circle is Balakirev . But he has fallen silent after doing very little. He possesses an enormous talent which has perished because of certain fateful circumstances which have turned him into a religious fanatic , whereas formerly he had long vaunted his disbelief. Now he is constantly in church, fasts, bows to relics, and does nothing else. Despite his colossal endowment he has done much harm. For instance, he destroyed Korsakov, having assured him that training was harmful. He is the general inventor of all the theories of this strange group which unites within itself so many undeveloped, undirected, and prematurely blighted talents.
This blistering indictment of Balakirev was, of course, wild, and grossly unfair. No one knew better than Tchaikovsky himself the huge benefit that could come from that old autocrat’s often blunt and sometimes tactless directives and interventions – but also encouragements. It is a verdict that tells us more, perhaps, about Tchaikovsky himself than about his target. Yet there are some perceptive points in his verdicts, in particular, his assessment of Cui and, more surprisingly, of Musorgsky, for the latter’s music demonstrated almost everything that would have irritated, even repelled Tchaikovsky, the ultimate professional among Russian composers: Musorgsky’s technical roughness, even illiteracy (as Tchaikovsky would have perceived it), and inability to maintain a large-scale musical structure. Yet Tchaikovsky still rightly could recognize Musorgsky as perhaps the most talented of the group (though I personally would give Borodin equal billing).
But most precious of all are Tchaikovsky’s descriptions of his own compositional processes, and of that elusive but most essential of all factors: inspiration. No other composer, to my knowledge, has ever written in such detail or so vividly about this mysterious phenomenon. He cannot, of course, take us inside the actual experience of inspiration – into how the musical ideas materialized in his conceptual faculty, and how he transferred these into the complex of notes, rhythms, harmonies and structures that these abstract ideas finally took, and which we hear. But what Tchaikovsky writes gets us about as close as would be possible to ‘feeling’ what it must be like to be a creator at the moment of ‘conception’, and then ‘gestation’. So what is the experience of ‘inspiration’ like?
The seed of a future composition usually reveals itself suddenly, in the most unexpected fashion. If the soil is favourable – that is, if I am in the mood for work, this seed takes root with inconceivable strength and speed, bursts through the soil, puts out roots, leaves, twigs, and finally flowers: I cannot define the creative process except through this metaphor. All the difficulties lie in this: that the seed should appear, and that it should find itself in favourable circumstances. All the rest happens of its own accord. It would be futile for me to try and express to you in words the boundless bliss of that feeling which envelops you when the main idea has appeared, and when it begins to take definite forms. You forget everything, you are almost insane, everything inside you trembles and writhes, you scarcely manage to set down sketches, one idea presses upon another.Sometimes in the middle of this enchanted process some jolt from outside suddenly wakens you from this somnambulistic state. Somebody will ring, a servant will enter, the clock strikes and reminds you that you have to go about your business. These breaks are painful, inexpressibly painful. Sometimes inspiration flies off for a while, and you have to go in search of her, sometimes in vain. Very frequently you have to resort to a completely cold, intellectual, mechanical process. Perhaps this is why you can find moments in even the greatest masters where organic cohesion is lacking, where a seam shows, where there are bits of the whole which are artificially stuck together. But there is no other way. If that state of the artist’s soul which is called inspiration , and which I have just been trying to describe to you, were to continue unbroken, it would not be possible to survive a single day; the strings would snap and the instrument shatter into smithereens. Only one thing is necessary: that the main idea and the general contours of the separate parts appear not through searching but of their own accord as the result of that supernatural, incomprehensible force which no one has explained, and which is called inspiration .
However, Tchaikovsky knew well from experience that not all works were blessed with a conception and gestation such as is described above. After all, the whole musical language through which inspiration found its embodiment was a very rational and systematic one with its own very strict and complex set of rules; if these were violated, the offence would become apparent (put simply, if a wrong note is played, even a listener who admits to complete ignorance of musical theory will know). And so Tchaikovsky moved on from this description of the ultimate state for which the composer longs to a more down-to-earth situation where, say, the composer has accepted a commission which has to be fulfilled and perhaps performed within a certain period. But it should not be assumed that such a piece would necessarily prove to be an inferior piece:
Very often it has happened that a work belonging to the second [that is, commissioned] category has turned out to be completely successful despite the fact that the initial stimulus to its appearance in this world came from outside – while, conversely, a piece that I had thought up for myself has, because of secondary circumstances, been less successful. These secondary circumstances, upon which depends the state of mind in which a work is written, have great significance. Complete calm is necessary for the artist at the moment of creation. In this sense artistic creation is always objective , even when it is musical creation. Those who think that the creative artist at the moment of emotional excitement is able, through the resources of his art, to express what he feels are mistaken. Both sad and joyful feelings express themselves always, one might say, retrospectively . Having no reason to be happy, I can fill myself with a happy creative humour and, conversely, in a happy situation produce a piece that is imbued with the most gloomy and hopeless feelings. In a word, the artist lives a double life: that common to mankind, and that of the artist, and sometimes, moreover, these two lives are not congruous. However this may be, I repeat that, for composition, the most important condition is the possibility of separating oneself, if only for a while, from the cares of the first of these two lives, and devoting oneself exclusively to the second.
Tchaikovsky then moves on to describe how he would set about a work that had been commissioned, and where he has to find his own way towards getting started. For such works –
Sometimes you have to attune yourself . Here you very often have to overcome laziness, reluctance. Then certain things happen. Sometimes victory comes easily, sometimes inspiration slips away, eludes you. But I consider it is the duty of an artist never to give way, for laziness is a very powerful human trait. For an artist there is nothing worse than to give way to this. You cannot simply wait. Inspiration is a guest who does not like visiting those who are lazy. She reveals herself to those who invite her. You must, you have to overcome yourself .I hope, my friend, that you will not suspect me of vainglory if I tell you that my appeal to inspiration is rarely made in vain. I can say that that power, which above I called a capricious guest, has now for so long been familiar to me that we live inseparably, and she only flies away from me when, in consequence of circumstances which in some way or other are oppressing my more public life, she feels herself superfluous. Yet scarcely has the cloud dispersed, and she is there. Thus, if I am in a normal state of mind, I can say that I am composing every minute of the day, whatever the circumstances. Sometimes I observe with curiosity that unbroken labour which, of its own accord and irrespective of the subject of conversation in which I am engaged, or of the people with whom I find myself, goes on in that region of my head which is given over to music. Sometimes this is some preparatory work, that is, finishing off details within the accompaniment of some already planned bit, while on another occasion a completely new, independent musical idea appears and I try to retain it in my memory. Whence all this comes is an impenetrable secret.
Next Tchaikovsky describes how he sets about writing down his ideas:
I write my sketches on the first piece of paper that comes to hand, sometimes on a scrap of music manuscript paper. I write in a very abbreviated form. A melody can never appear in my head without its harmony. Both these musical elements, together with the rhythm, can never be separated from each other, that is, every melodic idea carries its own implicit harmony, and is unfailingly furnished with its own rhythmic structure. If the harmony is very complicated, then in the sketches I may happen to notate details of the part-writing. If the harmony is very simple, then sometimes I set out only the bass; sometimes I figure it [i.e., use a system of numerals to indicate the accompanying harmony], but on other occasions I do not outline the bass at all – I remember it. As for instrumentation, then if I have in mind the orchestra, the musical idea appears already coloured by this or that scoring; sometimes, however, when I am scoring, my first intention is changed. Words can never be written after the music, for as soon as music is being composed to a text, then that text draws out an appropriate musical expression. You can, of course, attach or fit words to a trivial tune, but when the composition is a serious one, such a matching of words is unthinkable. In exactly the same way you cannot write a symphonic work and afterwards seek out a programme for it, for here again each episode of the chosen programme elicits a corresponding musical illustration.This phase of the work, that is, sketching, is very pleasant, absorbing, at times affording utterly indescribable delights, yet at the same time is accompanied by anxiety, by a certain nervous excitement. During this phase you sleep badly, sometimes you forget completely about food. On the other hand, the realization of the project and its execution are carried out very peacefully and calmly. Scoring a work which is already ripe, and which has been completed in my head down to the finest details, is very enjoyable.You ask whether I keep to established forms. Yes and no. Certain kinds of composition imply the observance of a familiar form – for instance, the symphony . Here, in general outlines, I keep to the form established by tradition, but only in general outlines, that is, in the sequence of the work’s movements. In details you may diverge as much as you wish if the development of the idea in question demands it.Talking with you yesterday about the compositional process, I expressed myself inadequately about the work phase in which the sketch is brought to fulfilment. This phase is of capital importance. What was written in the heat of the moment must subsequently be critically scrutinized, amended, supplemented and, in particular, abridged in the light of structural requirements. Sometimes one has to do oneself violence, be merciless and cruel to oneself, that is, cut off completely bits that had been conceived with love and inspiration. If I cannot complain of poverty of fantasy and inventiveness, I have, on the other hand, always suffered from an inability to produce a finished form. Only by dogged labour have I managed to make the form of my compositions correspond more or less to the content. In the past I have been too casual, insufficiently aware of the full importance of a critical scrutiny of the sketches. Because of this the seams were always noticeable in my work, there was a lack of organic continuity in the sequence of the separate episodes. This was a major defect, and only with the years have I begun little by little to put this right. But my works will never be models of form , for I can only improve, not completely eradicate, the essential characteristics of my musical organism.
All this is so precious. It provides us with vivid insights into what it feels like – and takes – to be a great composer during the creative act itself, and then into the uncompromising way Tchaikovsky himself was prepared to endure even the self-inflicted pain of destroying something conceived with love simply because it did not fit into the final scheme. It scotches the old, patronizing view, still prevalent in my youth, of Tchaikovsky as a composer with an easy flair for rousing us with less than first-rate ideas, of manipulating us – a creator, therefore, of questionable integrity. Nothing was further from the truth, and now, at last, we have come to recognize this. Tchaikovsky was, quite simply, a tremendous working professional, endowed with one of the greatest creative gifts of the whole nineteenth century, yet ruthlessly and tirelessly self-critical in revising and reworking what he had produced so as to present it to us in the most perfect form possible for our never-ending enjoyment.
*
Ever since he had quit Russia in October 1877 in the wake of his marital disaster, Tchaikovsky had pursued a rootless existence, but by the spring of 1879 Kamenka was becoming increasingly his base, and it was here that he would spend most of the summer. His income now allowed him to contribute more to the cost of his living there, and he could ask for accommodation that suited his own wishes, install his personal belongings, feel free from the constraints and courtesies expected of a guest, and organize his existence as he chose. Clearly the domestic life at Kamenka could be lively, but in his new semi-independent state he could observe with amused detachment the personality clashes between the female members of the household. Here there were clearly strains. His elder nieces were now in their mid-to late teens, and Tchaikovsky himself would experience the temperamental challenges they presented on the two occasions when Sasha and Lev were absent, and he found himself in charge of the female menagerie. But mostly he could view these problems objectively, and even with relish – as, for instance, when the arrival of a new French teacher raised the hackles of the two incumbent governesses.
As he wrote to Modest:
Mademoiselle Gautier is forty and a bit, her appearance is plain but not unpleasant: to wit, she has a good complexion, a slightly snub nose, and very kind eyes. She dresses well. She eats with her knife!! She behaves very decorously and simply. From the beginning she has tried to display her talents, which are numerous. Among these she models in clay and does it very well . But Tasya [Tchaikovsky’s niece, Nataliya] has conceived a most ferocious hatred of her, and has suddenly been smitten with a very touching love for Miss Eastwood. The latter also received the Frenchwoman very grimly, and in her turn is suddenly manifesting a passionate partiality for Tasya. Yesterday there was a quite dramatic scene. Poor Tasya, who is now miserable, tearful, won’t eat, won’t smile, wanted to go to Trostyanka with her brothers and Miss Eastwood. The Englishwoman expressed a willingness to take her, but Sasha told Tasya she should ask Mlle Gautier’s permission. But Tasya ran to complain to Miss Eastwood, and a minute later the latter flew into the drawing room looking white and grim, and let forth a stream of reproaches at Sasha. ‘What’s this! I’ve looked after Tasya for five years, I love her, she loves me, yet you won’t let her go to the woods with me! Look how miserable she is, how awful she looks, yet you still won’t let her have a break!’ – and so on, and so on. Sasha calmed her down and explained that the Frenchwoman had been engaged for Tasya, and that Tasya had to be under her control. Persephone [the other governess] is triumphant. For some reason she looks upon Mlle Gautier as an ally, and has received her with open arms. There now fly from her lips streams of such refined French words that it’s getting awful. She’s even stopped speaking Russian with us …
And so on, and so on. Yet however much amusement Tchaikovsky may have derived from observing the lively family politics and rebellions of Kamenka, it could in no way mitigate that ache that recurred inexorably every year. As he wrote to his patroness on 25 June, ‘On this day exactly twenty-five years ago my mother died. I remember every moment of that terrible day as though it was yesterday.’
It comes as no surprise that Tchaikovsky would periodically need to escape from such a turbulent milieu, and Brailov provided the best guarantee of solitude. In May he visited his patroness’s estate while she was away, staying a fortnight, and during this period receiving from his patroness a proposal that would permit both of them next time to be simultaneously living in the same locality, but still without personal contact. ‘Near Brailov I have a cottage, Simaki,’ she had written:
This cottage is very pretty, lying in a shady garden with a river at its end. Nightingales sing in the garden. This cottage stands about three miles from Brailov, and there are six rooms. I am sure you would like it. It is such a solitary, poetic spot that if you would agree to come to it for a whole month or even more during the time I am in Brailov, then I should be unspeakably happy. Although, of course, at Brailov I would not be able to walk near your apartment each day, yet each day I would feel you near to me, and from that thought I should likewise be calm and happy.
Tchaikovsky was uneasy, but in August when he returned to Brailov and saw Simaki, he was delighted with it. ‘A house as old as the hills,’ he reported to Modest:
A well-stocked garden with ancient oaks and limes, very neglected and thus for some reason delightful, a river at the end of the garden, a wonderful view from the balcony on to the village and a distant wood, absolute quiet, the accommodation arranged with uncommon comfort, consisting of a hall, a large study, dining room, bedroom, and a room for Alyosha – all this could not have corresponded more with my tastes and inclinations.
There could be bathing in the river, there were mushrooms to pick in the woods, books to read (he asked his hostess whether she could also supply any Dickens volumes in French translation), rabbits in the fields, cats in the roof (to scare off bats and mice): all was so much more relaxing than Kamenka.
But, for all his patroness’s assurances, he was still uneasy about their proximity, despite her promise that, as in Florence, she would forewarn him of each day’s itinerary and its timing. His fears proved well founded. One afternoon he set out on his walk too early, she inadvertently delayed her return home, and suddenly they confronted each other. ‘It was frightfully embarrassing,’ Tchaikovsky informed Anatoly:
Although we were face to face for only an instant, I was still terribly confused. Nevertheless, I raised my hat politely, but she, so it seemed to me, was utterly disconcerted, and did not know what to do. It wasn’t enough that she was riding in a barouche, for behind were two more carriages with her family. I wandered for a long time in the wood looking for mushrooms, and when I returned to the picnic table where tea had been prepared, letters and newspapers were lying on it. It seems she had sent a rider to look for me in the wood and to give me the post before tea. Altogether there are no bounds to her attentions. What a wonderful person she is for me!
In the end, nothing had changed. Indeed, it was during his visit to Simaki that he and his patroness had hatched the idea of engineering a match between one of her sons and one of Sasha’s daughters that would vicariously consummate their own relationship, a proposal that Sasha proved happy to endorse.
During the summer Tchaikovsky had paid visits to other friends, but on 11 October he was back in Kamenka. For three days he worked on correcting the proofs of his First Suite, but then found himself without occupation. For a couple of days he filled in the time by sharing in such domestic chores as hemming and marking towels, but this in no way provided satisfaction. ‘I experienced an over-frequent and almost irresistible desire to sleep,’ he wrote to Modest,
a certain emptiness, and finally boredom . There were times when I did not know what to do with myself. Finally yesterday it became fully apparent to me what was the matter. I had to get on with something: I find myself absolutely incapable of living long without work. Today I began to create something, and the boredom vanished as if by magic.
Tchaikovsky had made a beginning on his Second Piano Concerto.
It did not, in fact, come easily – or so he reported to Anatoly after a week’s work. Yet only three days later the first movement was sketched. This done, he suspended work, and it was only in late November that, now in Paris, he returned to it. Again it was his patroness’s wish that he should visit the French capital while she also was in residence, and with the splendid piano in the accommodation she had arranged for him, he resumed work on the concerto, shifting his attention to the finale. Again ideas were sluggish in coming, though when they did the movement was quickly sketched, and the second movement was already in his head – so he reported to his patroness. This was completed by mid-December, Tchaikovsky expressing himself especially pleased with it.
Yet it would be five more months before the concerto was scored. There remained the question of the dedication. Tchaikovsky had determined to offer this to Rubinstein, yet memories of the latter’s initial reaction to his earlier piano concerto made him pause. In the end his solution was neat: send the concerto to Rubinstein, who was invited to make comments and suggestions on what details needed changing, and then asked to pass it on to Taneyev to make the actual changes – but whatever Rubinstein might think of the concerto’s substance, under no circumstances would Tchaikovsky change anything. Thus direct contact with the autocrat himself would be avoided. ‘Taneyev has replied that there’s absolutely noth ing to change . That means that’s Rubinstein’s opinion,’ he could in due course report to his patroness. In fact, it was not quite the end of the matter, for in October he revealed how Rubinstein had told him that ‘the piano part appears too episodic, and does not stand out sufficiently from the orchestra. If he is right [which he was not] this will be very galling because I took pains precisely on this: to make the solo instrument stand out in as much relief as possible against the orchestral background.’ Nevertheless, as far as Tchaikovsky was concerned, the concerto was already in its final form.
However, before proceeding further, I must issue a health warning. Like Leopold Auer with the Violin Concerto, so Alexander Ziloti, a former pupil and then a friend of Tchaikovsky, prepared his own truncated edition of the Second Piano Concerto, presumably daring to do this because Tchaikovsky had himself been prepared to make certain cuts. Ziloti submitted his proposals to Tchaikovsky, but the latter firmly rejected them, mainly because Ziloti had re-ordered some sections. Nevertheless, four years after Tchaikovsky’s death Ziloti published his edition which, like Auer’s of the Violin Concerto, soon became the universally performed version. Earlier recordings of this perversion may still be currently in the catalogue. Beware!
[This is a work that has, at last, come into its own. Its past neglect may have been partly due to its technical difficulty (it has some very chal lenging passages for the soloist) – and I must still give my prize to the First Concerto. That said, however, I admire the Second greatly: its first movement presents a relationship between soloist and orchestra that makes for a rather unusual experience; the slow movement is gorgeous, and its finale irrepressible. For some readers it could become quite a favourite.]
Tchaikovsky’s close friend, Hermann Laroche, remembered that, when they were students together, Tchaikovsky had told him more than once that he would never compose a piece for piano and orchestra because he could not bear the sound of this mixed media. This is interesting. Of course, the mastery with which Tchaikovsky had handled the interaction of these two so different sound sources in his First Piano Concerto could show that this dislike no longer applied, but the Second Piano Concerto suggests otherwise, for perhaps the most striking single feature of its first movement (composed, as in both his earlier concertos, in sonata form) is the degree of segregation of the piano and the orchestra. For listeners trying to orientate their way through the movement this, in fact, makes matters rather easier, for the abrupt changes from one medium to the other are sometimes useful in fixing exactly where you are.
But before scrutinizing the concerto itself, there is a small but fascinating element in the first movement that is better dealt with separately. Ever since Tchaikovsky had written that finest stretch from his finest opera – Tatyana’s letter monologue in Eugene Onegin – the stepwise-descending six-note scale which she had sung at this, her most critical moment of decision, would become a symbol of Fate that would run through Tchaikovsky’s later music, and it occurs in the first movement of this concerto, some two minutes in, after a momentous pause. Its entry is abrupt and intrusive, the tremolando orchestral background dramatic, and the music that very briefly follows these six notes has a certain pathos heard nowhere else in the concerto. The whole incident will recur at the corresponding point in the recapitulation, and between these two appearances it will also provide the nucleus of an orchestral ritornello. Sometimes we can guess why this Fate theme is present (in Tchaikovsky’s operas, and works written to a programme, or with a text), but elsewhere, as here, we can, at best, only speculate why it should appear.
There is no kind of preamble to the concerto, no huge introductory section, as in its predecessor; it opens with the first subject itself – a bluff, rather blunt tune, effective enough, but not one of Tchaikovsky’s best (evidence of the difficulty he confessed to in getting started?). The piano repeats it, then briefly accompanies a woodwind tune; otherwise, orchestra and piano are virtually segregated, dialoguing with each other until the piano finally takes over, then grinds (I use the word deliberately) to a halt on a thunderously repeated chord, followed by silence. This is the dramatic moment at which the Fate music breaks in – and it is also the point, for me, where the concerto really takes off. The slender theme that follows, introduced by the piano, is the first of the two themes such as normally occur in Tchaikovsky’s second subjects, and after a piano flourish, it is succeeded by its partner, an impassioned invention from which Tchaikovsky goes on to build the climactic end to the exposition.
The Fate theme launches, then generates, the powerful ritornello that introduces the central development, whose volume, expansiveness, orchestration and long dying end give this section a particularly portentous tone. From this point there is surprisingly little more that need be said to orientate the listener, for the movement’s remaining structure is easy to follow: the piano re-enters and delivers a cadenza that muses briefly on the gentle first theme of the second subject, then builds to a second and larger orchestral ritornello before a second, massive, five-minute cadenza initially gives its attention to the Fate theme. By this time my point about the segregation of piano and orchestra will have become very apparent.
All this has been very extensive, and the recapitulation is easily sorted out; the first subject will be shortened, but the remainder (from the Fate theme) will be run virtually complete as in the exposition. The orchestra will lead off the brilliant coda.
Any listener introduced to the concerto by its second movement could very reasonably believe this to be a triple concerto. Why Tchaikovsky should have decided to give a solo violin and solo cello parity with the piano in this Andante non troppo is not known, but it makes for a very sharp contrast with what had gone before: with these two string soloists it will probably, for some listeners, bring to mind the great pas de deux for Odette and Siegfried in Swan Lake . The slow introduction suffices to tell us we are entering a very different world, confirmed by the tender eloquence of the initial violin solo (which opens with what sounds like a quotation from the once very famous Ave Maria , which the French composer Charles Gounod had devised by adding a solo vocal part to the first prelude in Bach’s 48 Preludes and Fugues : could the fact that T chaikovsky was composing the concerto in Paris have anything to do with this?). The solo seemingly complete, the cello nevertheless forbids closure, itself now retracking through more than half the melody, then extending it as though loath to let it go, the violin all the while freely partnering it. All this is ravishing. It is now the piano’s turn with the tune – nor can the orchestra be denied its own brief bite of the cherry before moving us towards the movement’s central section.
This is a movement that also needs little further comment. A measure of agitation enters with the new melody, at the climax of which is briefly heard what sounds to be a memory of the fateful brass theme from the Fourth Symphony. Then the two string soloists exult in a succession of short cadenzas before leading us back to the first theme, all three soloists now collaborating. From this point, as I have sometimes written elsewhere, this music is surely its own advocate.
The contrast with the third movement could not be sharper. This Allegro con fuoco might almost be a twin of the First Piano Concerto’s finale – the same energy, though far more playful. It seems to start as though a rondo were in prospect, but then events occur that challenge this. No matter: this music carries the listener along with its unfaltering exuberance and resourcefulness, and the collaboration of soloist and orchestra is total (no one can say here, as they might of the first movement, that the pianist and orchestra are talking at rather than to each other). Only once, just before the end, does the movement briefly pause – but not to catch its breath, merely to make the end sound even more brilliant.
Tchaikovsky’s Second Piano Concerto was for long neglected. Now, perhaps because Ziloti’s mutilation has been ousted and we can gauge its full stature, it is taking its rightful, if slighter lower, place alongside its sibling predecessor.
17
Ever since 1877, his crisis year, Tchaikovsky had become increasingly reclusive. With his patroness’s generosity giving him the freedom to choose where and how he lived, the years immediately following show him more and more withdrawing from his former professional world and colleagues. If he had a base it was now Kamenka: otherwise he lived where he chose, often pointedly avoiding contacts with persons he would once have readily greeted. Kondratyev was also in Paris, and he saw him daily, but insisted that, if he were introduced to someone new, it should be as ‘Mr Petrovsky’. He felt obliged to remain in Paris until his patroness had made her exit, but before 1879 was out she had departed, and the very next day he set out for Rome, where Modest and Kolya were already installed, and where it was planned that they should spend the rest of the winter.
Rome would not have been Tchaikovsky’s preferred choice, but when he arrived he found himself more attracted to the Italian capital than he had anticipated. Modest had already explored the city thoroughly, and he proved an excellent guide who fanned his brother’s enthusiasm for its cultural riches. Investigating Michelangelo’s muscular male figures, Tchaikovsky sensed an affinity between the great Italian sculptor and Beethoven, and he also spent much time contemplating Michelangelo’s frescos in the Sistine Chapel, finally deciding that he could truly appreciate them, though his pleasure would always be qualified. Indeed, long and perhaps repeated perusal was the route by which Tchaikovsky now found he could at last engage with a painting. But this could not change his view of which painter gave him the greater pleasure. ‘My favourite is still Raphael, that Mozart of painting,’ he wrote to his patroness. The comparison is significant; presumably he could detect in Raphael that same sweet lyricism, poise and elegant perfection that had always made Mozart, for him, the greatest of all composers.
It was now that Tchaikovsky made the revision of his Second (Little Russian ) Symphony, producing the version that, sadly, we invariably encounter in concerts today. One particular pleasure while in Rome was learning of several performances of his own works abroad. His First Suite had already been programmed in New York, the First Piano Concerto had recently been played there, Berlin had heard the latter no fewer than three times, and it had also reached Budapest. All these performances had been enthusiastically received. Indeed, Modest later identified this as the period when his brother’s international reputation began to grow in earnest.
This Roman interlude did produce one new work. Tchaikovsky knew well the propensity of Italians to sing everywhere, and he had become familiar with an abundance of their popular tunes; now, exactly as Glinka had, while in Spain in the 1840s, employed native material as the basis of his two Spanish Overtures, so Tchaikovsky used four of these Italian tunes as the basis of his Italian Capriccio ,*** prefacing them with an opening fanfare that (so Modest reported) was a trumpet call they heard each morning from the neighbouring barracks. The result is the product of a highly professional rather than inspired composer, and Tchaikovsky himself made no special claims for the piece. ‘It will be effective, thanks to the delightful tunes which I have succeeded in assembling, partly from anthologies, partly from my own ears on the streets,’ he explained to his patroness, and his presentation of his borrowed material against effective and contrasting accompaniments, and in a wide variety of orchestrations, makes for undemanding but entertaining listening that requires no further comment.
While Tchaikovsky may have derived satisfaction from having sharpened his appreciation of the visual arts, he found little delight in a new musical encounter. His patroness had just sent him a copy of Brahms’s recent Violin Concerto. Though Brahms never wrote an opera, the German composer was in other regards the one contemporary who, both in output and stature, matched Tchaikovsky, and with whom comparisons were obviously likely to be made. (Coincidentally, they shared the same birthday:7 May.) Some years on the two men would meet and briefly manage a courteous, if never close, personal relationship. There was clearly a guarded respect on both sides, but also deep reservations. For Tchaikovsky it was the inhibition he sensed in Brahms’s music, the iron discipline that held the music’s full emotional force in check, that troubled him. As he wrote of the new concerto to his donor:
There are many preparations for something, many hints of something which must emerge imminently and must charm – yet nothing but tedium comes out of this. His music is not warmed by true feelings, there is no poetry in it, though it has great pretension to depth . Yet there is nothing in this depth. For instance, let us take the opening of the concerto. As an introduction to something it is very beautiful, it is an excellent pedestal for a column – but the column itself does not exist, and immediately after one pedestal comes another.
This is a fascinating comment and, frankly, tells us more about Tchaikovsky than Brahms. And the final sentence of his verdict is also interesting and, I believe, totally honest. Composers are not usually members of a mutual admiration society; naturally there is rivalry, but often also jealously and antipathy, even hostility fired by rivals’ greater public successes. But there is little sign of this in Tchaikovsky, merely an honest statement that Brahms’s music did little for him:
As a musical personality Brahms is simply antipathetic to me – I cannot digest him. However hard I try to respond to his music, I remain cold and hostile. It is a purely instinctive feeling.
What did increasingly give Tchaikovsky pleasure were English novelists. On leaving Rome in mid-March, he retreated into Pendennis as refuge from a garrulous Belgian count during the train journey to Paris, deciding that Thackeray’s novel was as delightful as Dickens’s David Copperfield . Thence to Berlin, where he saw Wagner’s The Flyi ng Dutchman and found it ‘terribly noisy and boring’ (the chimpanzee and dog who shared a cage in the Aquarium’s menagerie were far more entertaining). But his arrival in St Petersburg brought him back to hard reality. A price of his growing celebrity was the increasing demands made on his time by others, and this crowded out composition. However, one relationship that began during this visit would prove not only valuable, but also give him much personal pleasure. The Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolayevich, a brother to the Tsar, and already a great admirer of Tchaikovsky’s music, wished to meet him. Tchaikovsky could hardly refuse this invitation, but the event itself also introduced him to the Grand Duke’s son, the twenty-two-year-old Grand Duke Konstantin Konstantinovich, not only a devotee of music, but also himself a composer and poet. A highly intelligent man of great tact, and fully aware of Tchaikovsky’s distaste for formal social occasions, he used his personal friendship with Vera Butakova (she who, as Vera Davïdova, had once caused Tchaikovsky such torment through her love for him) to request her to arrange an intimate evening at her own home where he and Tchaikovsky could meet. The event was an enormous success, the two men talking about music until two in the morning. Seven years later Tchaikovsky would use poems by the Grand Duke for his Six Romances, op. 63, and their friendship would last until Tchaikovsky’s death.
Finally able to escape from St Petersburg, Tchaikovsky moved on to Moscow. There he tried to keep his presence a secret, but in vain, and he was quickly engulfed in the social world of his Moscow friends. Desperate to finish the scoring of the Second Piano Concerto, in late April he was at last able to head for Kamenka. For the next seven months this would be his base, except for occasional interludes at Brailov or Simaki.
What now ensued would prove to be Tchaikovsky’s longest period of stable existence since the disaster of his marriage. Having no urgent commission to discharge, he decided to allow himself sabbatical leave from major composition. In any case, the various performing materials for The Maid of Orleans were in a terrible mess, and he had to devote much time to correcting these. ‘I’ve come to the conclusion that I’m writing too much, and I want for a whole year to compose nothing except trifles,’ he warned Jurgenson. But Tchaikovsky was congenitally unable to remain totally idle, and during this summer he composed not only a set of seven songs, but also six duets. Domestic circumstances prompted these. Evidently through the persuasions of his sister Sasha, Tchaikovsky had been drawn into making up a vocal quartet to perform an anthem at one of the Easter week services at the local church. The other singers were his sister Sasha, his eldest niece Tanya, and brother Anatoly. The performance itself was something of a disaster when Tanya lost her place and the ensemble collapsed. The women were desperately embarrassed, but they had the chance to redeem themselves at the Easter Day service. However, it seems that, having heard this family ensemble, Tchaikovsky decided to provide material for further domestic enjoyment, and the result was his Six Duets , op . 46 **(*). Five are for two women’s voices (for the Kamenka-resident performers), the sixth for soprano and baritone (an opportunity for Anatoly or Tchaikovsky to take a part). Mostly Tchaikovsky’s vocal sets such as these contain nothing that need detain us, but sometimes something will turn up that immediately commands the attention. Two such pieces are present in this set. One is the final duet, ‘Dawn’, a quietly blissful aubade that drew from Tchaikovsky a waltz of much melodic distinction. But the more notable is ‘Scottish Ballad’ for soprano and baritone, a setting of a Russian translation of ‘Edward’, a traditional Scottish ballad of parricide which seems to have had a curious fascination for non-British composers (Brahms composed a whole piano piece around it), and which begins ‘Why dois your brand sae drap wi bluid?’ (surely something of a challenge to Alexey Tolstoy even before he came to translate it into Russian). It is a grimly unfolding narrative that progressively exposes an appalling domestic tragedy, and it was set by Tchaikovsky to lean, even curt phrases, with a bleak piano accompaniment, the tension being heightened by some abrupt upward wrenches of key. But most arresting is a sudden move, as the distraught mother demands of her murderer-son what he will leave to her, to new music (but no, it is not new: it is a very close variant of that climactic Fate phrase which had begun life in Tatyana’s Letter Scene in Onegin ), to which her son replies, ‘A curse to the end of your days!’ For any listeners who doubt that Tchaikovsky was capable of treating an unremittingly harrowing situation, ‘Scottish Ballad’ is a powerful corrective.
Back in June, as Tchaikovsky was setting about these songs, news arrived via Jurgenson of a commission for a piece to grace an Exhibition of Industry and the Arts which would take place in Moscow the following year. As we have noted, experience had brought Tchaikovsky to loathe such chores, but it was not politic to refuse the more prestigious, and this was one such. However, his business self-confidence was growing, and he would not begin until the terms were settled. ‘For commissioned pieces I need stimulating, encouraging and galvanizing features in the form of precise indications, prescribed dates, and 100 rouble notes (a lot) coming in the more or less distant future,’ he informed Jurgenson. ‘It is impossible without repugnance to set about music that is destined for the glorification of what, at bottom, delights me not at all.’ To his patroness he was even more blistering: ‘Think, my dear friend! What can you write on the occasion of the opening of an exhibition except banalities and generally rowdy passages!’ Such was his distaste that he delayed until October before starting, by which time it had been agreed his contribution would instead be to celebrate the opening of the new Cathedral of Christ the Saviour. Composition was completed in a week. ‘The overture will be very loud and noisy,’ he informed his patroness when the sketches were completed, ‘but I wrote it with no warm feelings of love, and so it will have no artistic merits at all.’ Yet what resulted will be, for some readers, the piece by Tchaikovsky they know best: the 1812 Overture.
[Some brutal things have been written about 1812, and some are not undeserved. First we should note that Tchaikovsky himself took little pride in what he had created – but then let me dare to contradict the composer himself by saying that I think his blanket condemnation of the piece he had created was less than fair – though when I come to the work’s ending, I would go along with him; it is shamelessly overblown. But the first two-thirds is a different matter, containing some good music – and there is no reason, of course, why you should not enjoy the whole overture without feeling in the least guilty. After all, Tchaikovsky, for all his own censure of the piece, chose to publish it – so he cannot have felt that bad about it.]
The Cathedral of Christ the Saviour had been built to commemorate the events of 1812, when the Russian army and people (and the Russian winter) had driven the invading French forces of Napoleon out of Russia, and 1812 was designed to reflect this conflict and outcome. The opposing sides are represented by their national anthems, the French by the ‘Marseillaise’, the Russian by their national hymn ‘God save the Tsar’, which, at the work’s triumphalist end, combines with Tchaikovsky’s own jogging cavalry tune (plus bells, a full battery of percussion, and even real cannon) to bring this celebratory piece to the loudest of possible conclusions. In addition to this borrowed material, there is a Russian folksong, an extract from Orthodox chant (‘Save us, O Lord’), and an adaptation of part of a duet for two women from Tchaikovsky’s own first opera, The Voyevoda .
1812 opens impressively with the Orthodox chant played by a sextet of string soloists (two violas and four cellos), later alternating with the woodwind to suggest choral antiphony, a restrained section that makes the ensuing irruption of the full orchestra the more striking. What follows is surely a sort of lament, soon followed by intimations of the battle to come. The jogging cavalry (clearly Russian) comes next on woodwind; a pause – and battle commences (in sonata form!). From the quotations from the ‘Marseillaise’ that soon intervene, we may reliably conclude that the violent first subject represents the incursion and initial supremacy of the French army, the quiet theme of the second subject (the Voyevoda borrowing) surely presenting the Russian people. Even more so does the livelier folksong that follows hard on this – providing, incidentally, the second theme that is a normal ingredient of Tchaikovsky’s second subjects. The turmoil resurges with the development, which passes straight into the recapitulation. All this is much shortened, as are the recapitulations of both second-subject themes. The French make a final desperate sortie, but five shots from cannon (yes, these are indicated in the score), and they are finally sent packing as the coda is heralded. Here everything will be let loose, even detonate (after a grossly inflated sequence on a motif of four descending notes): the opening chant with bells chiming, the cavalry tune, and then, in counterpoint with it,’ God save the Tsar’, his Majesty now saluted with cannon.
Tchaikovsky himself cannot have felt all that embarrassed by 1812 , for when the exhibition was delayed a year, he attempted to arrange its premiere ahead of that event, but was advised that this would be improper. However, he would hear with unexpected speed how a second recent work sounded, for on 3 December, less than six weeks after completing his Serenade for Strings, he was entertained to a surprise private performance which had been prepared by Moscow Conservatoire forces for a visit he paid to the institution at which he had once taught. Tchaikovsky’s own view of his Serenade was very different from that of 1812 . The two pieces had been written concurrently, Tchaikovsky beginning the Serenade on 21 September, breaking work on it for a week in mid-October to compose 1812 , then resuming and completing everything within a further week. He was well content with the result. ‘I composed the Serenade from inner conviction,’ he wrote to his patroness. ‘It is a heartfelt piece, and so I dare to think it is not lacking in real qualities.’ Yet despite the approval gained at the private Conservatoire performance, it was nearly a year before the official premiere was given. This was highly successful, the second movement (a waltz) being encored. But perhaps the most prized reaction for Tchaikovsky was that of Anton Rubinstein, who conducted the Serenade in a concert a year later. As has been noted, Tchaikovsky’s former teacher had long deplored the direction Tchaikovsky had taken as a composer, as the latter himself well knew. It was Jurgenson who reported what Anton had now said: ‘At the first rehearsal Jupiter [a nickname for Rubinstein] declared to me, “I think this is Tchaikovsky’s best piece.” He praised it equally unconditionally to others, and at the final rehearsal, said to me, “You can congratulate yourself on publishing this opus.”’ It would be interesting to know how Tchaikovsky had responded to this unexpected accolade. Sadly we do not.
[This is one of Tchaikovsky’s most perfectly formed pieces of absolutely first-rate quality, which nevertheless presents itself so directly that I will simply offer some comments that may throw light on its character and structure – though I will also point out the truly mischievous joke that Tchaikovsky has at a close friend’s expense.]
The term ‘serenade’ has been given to many different musical styles and forms, but in this instance Tchaikovsky was applying it to a four-movement piece that is essentially a mini-symphony. The difference here lies in the nature of the music from which it is formed, and which does not seek to emulate the grandeur, either in scale or content, of a full-blown symphony; instead it is very direct in its material, and uncomplicated in its workings, aiming not to excite or move deeply, but simply to give delight in the best possible sense of the word. And this is exactly what it achieves. It is dependent above all on Tchaikovsky’s supreme melodic gift, but this does not for one moment mean it is a simplistic piece, or that Tchaikovsky will not unobtrusively draw in his more sophisticated skills where appropriate.
We can hear this straight away in the first movement, described as Pezzo in forma di Sonatina (‘Piece in the form of a Sonatina’, that is, ‘a little sonata’), a label that perfectly describes Tchaikovsky’s unpretentious but captivating movement, for though it is basically in sonata form with a slow introduction, there will be no development. The introduction is built from a dignified theme, which ‘is not quite what it seems’ (the answer to that paradox will emerge only at the Serenade’s end), the quicker first subject, which has a whiff of the waltz about it, duly leads us towards the second subject; there is a moment’s silence, and this, a more bubbly theme, enters, runs its rather more capricious course and, in its turn, comes to a halt. There being no development, the first subject, exactly as before, now leads off the recapitulation, its ending adjusted so that the second subject will now enter (again after a tiny pause) in the movement’s main key. Otherwise all is essentially as before, and the whole movement’s symmetry is completed by a return to the slow introduction’s music by way of a coda. All this makes for a delicious movement.
The second movement, headed ‘Waltz’, requires no comment here, except to confirm that the tunes and their distribution make a movement as satisfying as any. The third movement’s title, ‘Elegy’, might suggest that deeper issues will be in store, but this is no funereal piece – a pensive movement certainly, but without a hint of real melancholy. One interesting point is that, like the preceding waltz, its first melody begins with a rising scale. But this time it does not lead off the main melody; instead it is heard three more times, but each recurrence ends differently. It makes a magical beginning to a beautiful movement, as lovely (I use this word deliberately) as any piece Tchaikovsky ever composed.
To get the full point of the ‘Finale (Tema Russo )’, however, we need to go back to a letter Tchaikovsky had received from Taneyev, his former pupil, now of course his close friend. Taneyev had recently been giving himself a lesson in musical history, and had concluded that ‘only that music is lasting which has embedded its roots in the people’, adding that all art had once been national. Tchaikovsky profoundly disagreed, and promptly told Taneyev so:
I value very highly the wealth of material which the slovenly and suffering people [Taneyev’s expression] produce. But we who use this material will always elaborate it in forms borrowed from Europe – for, though born Russians, we are at the same time even more Europeans, and we have so resolutely and deeply fostered and assimilated their forms that to tear ourselves away from them we would have to strain and do violence to ourselves.
But, as has already been revealed, Tchaikovsky had an impish sense of humour, and now proposed to give a mischievous demonstration of ‘just how right’ Taneyev had been (though, in fact, Tchaikovsky’s joke proved nothing of the sort, nor was it intended to). The Serenade’s finale incorporates not one but two folksongs, the first providing the basis for the slow introduction, the second the first subject of the following Allegro con spirito . What follows is, in fact, a full sonata movement with a development, deftly showing how well folksong could be assimilated into as complete a display of Western stylistic and structural methods as Tchaikovsky could devise. But then, towards the movement’s end, the dignified theme that had opened the whole Serenade suddenly breaks in, sounding as unlike a folksong as could be imagined – that is, until it is speeded up – and reveals itself to have been the second folksong of the finale. To the best of my knowledge there is no record of Taneyev’s reaction to this very pointed but benign joke at his expense.
Back in July, while Tchaikovsky was in the Ukraine, Nadezhda von Meck had written from Paris with news that she had engaged a young French pianist who had just completed his conservatoire course; he would teach her children, and partner her in piano duets. Together they had played through Tchaikovsky’s Fourth Symphony. ‘He is enraptured with your music,’ she reported. ‘Yesterday I played your Suite with him, and he is utterly delighted with the fugue. He [the pianist] composes very nicely.’
Two months later, now in Florence, she wrote again: ‘I am sending a little composition for you to judge, one of many by my pianist. The young man is preparing to be a composer, and he writes very nice pieces, though there are echoes of Massenet, his teacher [which, in fact, Massenet never was]. He is now composing a trio.’ This put Tchaikovsky on his guard; could he spot a potential rival? Better to swat him now. ‘The Danse bohémienne is a very nice little piece, but it is certainly too short,’ he replied. ‘Not one idea is worked out to its conclusion, the form is shrivelled, and it lacks wholeness.’
Meanwhile the young Frenchman had been delighting his employer by playing various of Tchaikovsky’s piano compositions, as well as partnering her in the new duet arrangement of Tchaikovsky’s First Symphony. He had also been required to make piano transcriptions of the Spanish, Neapolitan and Russian Dances from Swan Lake , and she asked for Tchaikovsky’s agreement that they should be published. (Jurgenson held the copyright, and they would appear in 1881, but without the name of the arranger who, for some reason, feared that Massenet would be furious if he came to know about this.)
In early October a young cellist arrived to join Pachulski and replace the pianist who, nevertheless, was asked to stay on a further month so that their employer could be entertained with piano trios. ‘Pyotr Ilich, why have you not written a single trio?’ she now demanded, little knowing the major creative seed this was sowing. Meanwhile she had a photo taken of her trio, and sent a print to Tchaikovsky. ‘Bussy ’s face and hands have a vague resemblance to Anton Rubinstein’s,’ he observed. ‘God grant that his fate may be as fortunate as that of the “Tsar of pianists”.’ In fact, the young pianist’s reputation would finally eclipse totally that of Rubinstein, though as a composer, not a pianist. For ‘Bussy ’ was the eighteen-year-old Claude Debussy.
18
In March 1881 Tchaikovsky had news: his estranged wife had secretly given birth to a child. During the last three years of this present narrative, Antonina Ivanovna has barely been mentioned, yet all this time she had been a constant presence in the background, at times merely a ghost, but at others materializing abruptly and painfully into Tchaikovsky’s real-life world. Back in 1878 she had agreed to divorce, and Nadezhda von Meck had been prepared to lodge 10,000 roubles with Jurgenson, to be paid to Antonina as a settlement when the divorce had taken place. But the process entailed agreements and formalities that would be complex and painful, and in the end Antonina settled the matter by disappearing. Again Tchaikovsky’s patroness intervened with a proposal that would give Antonina, if she would agree to live away from Moscow, security for the next few years. For a while she observed this condition, but in early 1879 she for a second time asked for divorce, again raising for Tchaikovsky a nightmare vision of the complexities – and revelations – of the court proceedings. Even worse was to come three months later, when she suddenly appeared at Anatoly’s apartment in St Petersburg, where Tchaikovsky was staying. This encounter provides the most vivid impression of how Antonina could behave, and of the kind of torment that she was capable of inflicting on Tchaikovsky, even though we must allow that Tchaikovsky’s record is one-sided, and no doubt not exact in all particulars:
Hardly had I appeared than she threw herself on my neck and began repeating endlessly that she loved only me in the whole world, that she could not live without me, that she agreed to any conditions I made as long as I would live with her, and so on. I cannot tell you in detail the whole succession of scenes with which she tormented me for at least two hours. I tried, with as much composure as I could muster, to explain to her that, however blameworthy I might be in respect of her, and however much I might wish her every happiness – yet under no circumstances would I ever agree to live with her. I confess it cost me an incredible effort of self-control not to tell her of the feelings of loathing she instils in me. Of course during all this she, as always, suddenly digressed, and began to enlarge on the craftiness of my relatives who had such a pernicious influence upon me in the matter, and then spoke of my music for Onegin , which she finds superb. Then again tears, protestations of love, and so on. I asked her to cut short her declaration and think over for several days all I had said to her, after which she would receive from me either a letter or else a personal meeting in Moscow. Meanwhile I handed her the extraordinary sum of one hundred roubles for the return journey to Moscow. At this she suddenly became as happy as a child, recounted to me several instances of men who had been in love with her during the winter, and expressed a wish to see my twin brothers, who appeared, and whom she showered with expressions of affection and protestations of love despite the fact that for half an hour she had been calling them her enemies. As she said goodbye she asked me where we would see each other as though she supposed that I was longing for meetings with her. I had to say that I could not see her while here, and I requested her to go off to Moscow today, which she promised to do.
But Antonina did not. One morning Tchaikovsky encountered her near Anatoly’s home, only to discover that she had been living in the same block of apartments, with the intention of leaving for Moscow with Tchaikovsky. This was followed by a letter with a long declaration of love. Tchaikovsky decided that the only route open to him was to leave for Moscow earlier than planned, stay there three days, then escape to Kamenka. But it did not work out thus: Modest and Kolya were also in St Petersburg, and the latter fell sick, their departure was delayed, and Tchaikovsky had to endure another painful encounter with Antonina, in which she said she wished, because of the way people were regarding her, to commute his allowance to her into a lump sum of 15,000 roubles; then she would go abroad and devote herself to music. Tchaikovsky promised to give his response in writing, then left Moscow for Kamenka. From there he wrote to Antonina, rejecting her proposal and adding that any letter from her would be returned unopened.
Further such details of Tchaikovsky’s marital trauma are unnecessary here. As for the future strategy in dealing with Antonina, Anatoly had undertaken to handle everything. From time to time Antonina seems to have made noises about divorce, but she had also realized there was no point in further harassing her husband, who had in any case added occasional sweeteners to his routine monthly payments. Tchaikovsky had suggested that she should become a schoolteacher and, in the hope that she would seek an appointment in the provinces rather than Moscow, he requested Jurgenson to give her such financial aid as might make this migration possible.
But then, in July 1880, Antonina resurfaced, accusing Tchaikovsky of having rumours about her spread abroad in Moscow through a friend, Amaliya Litke. ‘Why didn’t you start with yourself, telling her about your own terrible vice?’ Antonina wrote furiously. ‘Maman has been so kind as to take upon herself negotiations with your lawyer to bring an end to this matter.’ Yet Antonina still undertook to leave Moscow and trouble Tchaikovsky no further, provided that she was otherwise guaranteed freedom of movement. This is interesting both for Antonina’s ready agreement (and subsequent total silence), and for the transference of any future negotiations concerning herself into the hands of her mother, who also clearly wished closure of the whole matter – though there was an unmistakable threat lurking behind the latter’s reassurance: ‘You are a man of genius, your good name is dear to you. Believe us, we will not sully it, and we will carry out the honourable undertaking we have given you as befits an honourable, noble family.’ From this moment Antonina remained silent – and not surprisingly, for she had now taken a lover, would already have known she was pregnant and that this would enable her husband to divorce her and be freed from further financial responsibility towards her.
As for Tchaikovsky’s reaction to this news, his immediate worry was whether the child would be registered in his name, and he asked Jurgenson to take legal advice on the matter. Yet he would never divorce Antonina, for a legal action might drag up matters he now hoped could be considered buried, if not totally forgotten. As it was, Antonina would give him little further trouble. Yet – and this is another revealing and touching insight into the kind of person Tchaikovsky was – for all the misery she had caused him, he still felt a compassionate responsibility for her, and within months he was again seeking Jurgenson’s assistance:
If this being [Antonina: Tchaikovsky simply could not bear to write her name] is in need, if she has been deserted by her lover (which is exceedingly likely) and she’s nowhere to lay her head, then I must come to her aid. And so I want to ask you to get hold of that gentleman who has already been employed to enquire about her, and again entrust him with seeking her out and discovering whether she needs material help. If so, she must certainly be given money. Forgive me that I am imposing on your friendship.
Then, five years on, in 1886, Antonina would suddenly reappear, claiming she was still passionately in love with Tchaikovsky. Though he knew she no longer had any power over him –
yet all the same, it was incredibly painful to me. But most of all, despite everything , I’m sorry for this unfortunate being. She is so deranged that in reply to my first letter, where I said she should abandon any hope of living with me, she sent me an invitation to visit her, to ask the hotel servant whether she had not indeed left her lover (but who is still apparently in love with her, and might appear unexpectedly), and then to make love (according to her, she now knows how to arouse passion in me). Finally I wrote to her an appropriate letter, allotted her an allowance, and I think now she’ll finally leave me in peace.
Accordingly, he asked Jurgenson to administer this allowance; then, a year later, when the Tsar granted him an annual pension, he doubled that allowance. There would still be the occasional, but very brief incursion from her into his life, but now at the most these were merely nuisances. Yet her final act would be very public – an ostentatious tribute, but also a calculated act of self-assertion, a very visible reminder to all that she had once had a very special connection with Tchaikovsky. At Tchaikovsky’s funeral, beside his coffin was a wreath woven from forget-me-nots and blue ribbon, which stood out for its size. It was Antonina Ivanovna Tchaikovskaya’s final caprice.
*
While the discovery of Antonina’s affair had eased one source of torment for Tchaikovsky, a second event far outweighed the relief he felt in that quarter. Nikolay Rubinstein’s hectic and disorganized lifestyle had long taken a heavy toll on his health, and his doctor had now ordered him to take a break abroad. Tchaikovsky was by this time in Italy. Despite the increasing success of a new production of Eugene Onegin in St Petersburg, and despite the personal reception he had enjoyed when The Maid of Orleans had its premiere on 25 February, his mood was bad. He was now becoming a celebrity with its attendant social pressures. ‘I love fame , of course, and I strive after it with my whole heart,’ he had earlier confessed to Taneyev. ‘But it does not follow that I love the manifestations of fame which are embodied in those dinners, suppers and musical soirées at which I suffer as I always suffer in any company alien to me.’ Even Moscow had lost its charms. ‘Despite all its shortcomings, my love of this old, dear city has in no way diminished, but it has taken on a certain morbid character,’ he had written to his patroness back in December. ‘It is as though I am already long dead, as though everything that once was has now sunk into the abyss of oblivion. I have had to drown this mental pain by increased work and by increased libations of Bacchus.’ Alexey was now conscripted into the army for a period, and in St Petersburg Tchaikovsky had visited him in barracks, and been appalled by his crushed appearance and rigorous existence. Through a cousin who had influence with the regiment’s commander he had appealed for an easing of his servant’s condition, and this had produced some remission – but at a price: Tchaikovsky now found himself obliged for whole evenings to accompany the singing of the commander’s wife. Escape was imperative, and immediately after the premiere of The Maid , he set off for Vienna, and by 6 March was in Rome.
Awaiting him there was Kondratyev, who immediately drew him into the social world of their compatriots who were in the city. But without Modest and Kolya, Tchaikovsky was engulfed in a feeling of loneliness, and he acceded readily to Kondratyev’s proposal that they should visit Naples, where he climbed to the crater of Vesuvius and visited Sorrento, which he loved. Their next destination was Nice for which, so Anatoly informed them, Rubinstein was heading for rest. But the latter did not arrive. On 22 March, Tchaikovsky heard from Jurgenson that Rubinstein was desperately ill in Paris. The next day he was dead.
It is probably true to say that no death had struck Tchaikovsky so hard since that of his own mother nearly thirty years before. Nikolay Rubinstein had been the cornerstone of his professional life, the man who had given him his first musical appointment, encouraged him to compose, conducted the first performances of so many of his works – above all, perhaps, had been his truest, if sometimes difficult, friend. Tchaikovsky hastened to Paris for the funeral service in the Russian Church. It was well attended: the composers Massenet and Lalo were there, as well as Turgenev. After the service Tchaikovsky brought himself to view the body. ‘He had altered beyond recognition,’ he wrote to his patroness the next day. ‘My God, my God, how terrible are such moments in life! Forgive me, my dear friend, that I write to you in such detail – but I am terribly weighed down by grief.’ What had upset him most was that his own old teacher, Anton Rubinstein, seemed pleased at his brother’s death, and Jurgenson, who had come to Paris for the funeral, offered the explanation: jealousy. Again Tchaikovsky felt acute distress as he saw Nikolay’s coffin being loaded into a goods van at the Gare du Nord. It was the indignity of this exit that struck him so hard. He would himself have returned to Russia immediately, but delayed several days so that he would not have to witness Anton Rubinstein’s indifference at Nikolay’s interment.
It seems that, on Nikolay’s death, Tchaikovsky had resolved to enshrine his memory in a composition containing a prominent piano part in tribute to his friend’s keyboard prowess, but in the immediate aftermath of the event itself he felt unable to compose. In any case, other distractions would intervene. Life at Kamenka had changed much during the ten years since he had conceived for his nieces that embryo which would later grow into the most famous of all ballets, Swan Lake . Tanya was now nineteen and wanting to marry a certain Vasily Trubetskoy, an army officer, while the others were in their later teens, and made up a very lively – at times wilful – bunch. But the most serious cause for concern was their mother herself. For years Sasha had been taking morphine for relief from certain discomforts, and now she was drug dependent, and suffering symptoms that necessitated a consultation with a doctor in St Petersburg. On arriving in the city, Tchaikovsky had found Sasha and Tanya already in residence, but the former had now fallen ill, and Lev had been summoned from the Ukraine. Sasha was ordered to Carlsbad (now Kalovy Vary) to take the spa waters, but she was so pining for her family that it was decided that she should remain in St Petersburg with Lev until she could travel thither, and meanwhile Uncle Pyotr would take charge at Kamenka. It proved a very formidable assignment. The children made heavy demands on his time, and since the resident music teacher, a certain Blumenfeld, had remained absent for three months, Tchaikovsky took over his duties. (It was a pity Blumenfeld ever returned, as will appear.) Then Tanya left for Moscow where, it seems, Trubetskoy had been posted, but she had now broken her engagement because he had appeared drunk in her apartment and attempted to rape her. Meanwhile Sasha had returned to Kamenka, and the family realized her improvement could be attributed to her separation from her eldest daughter. All prayed that Tanya would remain in Moscow, but instead she suddenly appeared in Kamenka, sodden by heavy drinking, and also dosing herself with morphine. Sasha had an instant relapse and, in Lev’s absence, Tchaikovsky had to cope as best he could, trying to soothe Tanya by talking with her, playing duets with her, encouraging her to read, and attempting to divert her generally. It had little effect, and the return of a gloomy Lev made matters worse.
By now desperate to get away, Tchaikovsky resorted to the stratagem that had extricated him from Moscow when he needed to escape Antonina; he begged Jurgenson to send a telegram informing him that his presence was urgently required in Moscow. Jurgenson obliged, but when it came to the point Tchaikovsky felt he simply could not leave. At Kamenka his habits were known, he could do as he wished and, in any case, ‘to leave now would be awkward, as though I were casting them off when bad times had come. How odd is a man’s fate!’ He continued to Jurgenson:
Thanks to Nadezhda Filaretovna I am a completely free man, always able to live where I wish. But here is proof that you do not buy freedom by being provided for. Of all places on this earthly sphere I know of none more unattractive (as regards natural beauties) than Kamenka. That which formerly was the single charm of life here, that is, the contemplation of a family of people close to me living happily, has now turned into something quite the opposite. However , I’m doomed to pass a large proportion of my life precisely here , and I have no right to complain about this, for no one and nothing hinders me from leaving – but I’m staying here, for here I’m at home , in a thoroughly familiar spot, no one obstructing me in my habits. It’s all very curious!
And so he remained in Kamenka. In early July Sasha at last left for Carlsbad, Lev accompanying her part of the way so that there could be a meeting with two of Nadezhda von Meck’s sons, Alexander and Nikolay. Quite apart from the matrimonial scheme that Tchaikovsky and his patroness had hatched for a union between one of her sons and one of Sasha’s brood, getting daughters married very young had long been a normal, and pretty universal, parental preoccupation, as readers familiar with the novels of Jane Austen will realize. Indeed, earlier in the year one Hussar officer from a regiment stationed nearby had already made his choice from among the Kamenka girls, and later in July Varvara, though only sixteen, would be married to him. With both parents away Tchaikovsky was once again left for a while in charge of a Kamenka that was now overrun by Hussars. He coped as best he could. Finally, in early September, Sasha returned from Carlsbad, stayed a few days, then left for Yalta to continue her cure for a further month, Lev taking the remaining family to Kiev for their winter migration. At last Tchaikovsky felt himself free to leave. His relief was enormous, though one other item of news had added to his woes: in early September he had heard that his patroness’s financial problems had necessitated the sale of Brailov and Simaki, and that these havens, which had come to mean so much to him, were available no more.
Yet for Tchaikovsky the distresses of Kamenka and the loss of Brailov and Simaki would, in the long run, prove beneficial. Despite his current need of Kamenka, over the next two years a longing would grow for a place of his own. It needed to be well removed from the two great cities where residence would endanger his freedom to dispose of his time as he chose, but it also needed to provide ready access to both. And so, in 1885, he would move to Maidanovo, a small town on the railway between Moscow and St Petersburg. Here, and later at nearby Klin, he would make his home for the rest of his life.
In October Tchaikovsky would return to Kamenka, now largely deserted, for some routine work. Meanwhile his niece Vera had become engaged to a naval officer whom she had encountered in Yalta, and he met the young couple when they came so that Vera could receive her grandmother’s blessing. The bridegroom’s name must have made Tchaikovsky start: Nikolay Rimsky-Korsakov, exactly the same as the composer’s. He could see the young man was wildly in love, and this touched him especially. ‘Modya,’ he exclaimed forlornly to his homosexual brother, ‘what unfortunate fellows you and I are! You know, we’ll live a whole lifetime without experiencing for a second the fullness of happiness in love!’ He attended Vera’s wedding in Kiev, then set out for Vienna, ultimately settling in Rome with Modest and Kolya. His urge to compose was returning. Indeed, by mid-December he had already made some preliminary sketches for a new opera, but then his priorities changed. Months before, his patroness had expressed hopes he might compose something for her present resident trio; equally Tchaikovsky himself had expressed his wish to compose a memorial piece for Nikolay Rubinstein containing a prominent piano part. Now he decided to fulfil both requirements in a single creation, and before 1881 was out he had set about his Piano Trio.
It did not at first come easily, yet by 18 January 1882 it was sketched. Tchaikovsky’s confidence in its quality grew with the trio itself, but he still had doubts about whether he had handled the medium well, and he insisted to Jurgenson that the players who would give the work its premiere should play it through to ‘our whole circle’ to gain their views on this. Taneyev, who would be the pianist, was bowled over by the piece: ‘I studied it for three and a half weeks, playing it six hours a day. I cannot remember ever having experienced more pleasure when learning a new piece.’ The Piano Trio was given its premiere on 23 March, the first anniversary of Rubinstein’s death. It achieved great popularity during Tchaikovsky’s lifetime, and in 1893 it was chosen, together with the Third String Quartet, to be played in memorial concerts to their creator in both Moscow and St Petersburg.
[With the exception of the First String Quartet, the Piano Trio is, of all Tchaikovsky’s chamber works, the one most likely to attract the listener’s attention. Taken simply as a piece of music, I do not feel that it is one of Tchaikovsky’s most perfect creations, either in the consistency of its themes or, as far as the second movement is concerned, in its consistency of quality. Nevertheless, it is certainly a very imposing piece, and will be relished by listeners who like a good dose of drama in their chamber music.]
The first thing about the Piano Trio that may strike you is its unusual form. As with other chamber music such as sonatas, string quartets and quintets, etc., trios are normally in four movements like symphonies. However, Tchaikovsky’s Piano Trio is in two, and an obvious precedent springs to mind: Beethoven’s last piano sonata (no. 32 in C minor). Many musicians rate this as the German master’s greatest piano sonata (some indeed consider it the greatest piano sonata ever), and like Tchaikovsky’s trio, its second movement is a set of variations. Yet there is no obvious reason why Tchaikovsky should have followed this precedent, except that Beethoven’s ‘op. 111’ is, for most listeners, the most ‘spiritual’, most ‘transcendent’ of his piano sonatas, and Tchaikovsky perhaps felt it provided the ideal model for his new trio, which was to be a testament to Tchaikovsky’s own love and respect for a man who had been, at the deepest level, a wonderful friend and colleague.
If Tchaikovsky had been writing for a piano quartet (piano with three stringed instruments) or, more particularly, for a piano quintet (with four), he would have had a string complement well able to play complete harmony, and which could therefore have been allocated substantial autonomous sections, as could the piano. But with only two stringed instruments this option was not really available except for short stretches. Instead Tchaikovsky treated the violin and cello as two melodic soloists, sometimes, either singly or in dialogue, presenting lines of much individual beauty, the piano both conversing with them and providing harmonic support. The first movement, headed Pezzo elegiaco (‘Elegy’), is, at least initially, a succession of linked but clearly defined sections, and finding one’s way through all this is not very difficult. The trio’s opening theme is the business of the violin and cello, and is repeated by the piano before the music moves into what becomes clearly a transition, building to the chunky piano theme that opens the extensive first subject – though the melody introduced forthwith by the violin proves to be the more important. After a powerful climax, the pace is eased and the gently restless second subject is presented by the strings before the music resumes its more turbulent course.
All this has followed the well-trodden route of a first movement’s exposition. But what now follows could not possibly have been predicted. The turbulence begins to abate, the piano fastens on a single chord, repeating it ever more quietly and more slowly as the string parts fall away – and then the chord is very slightly modified, a signal for the strings to resume and dialogue at length on a new, modest, gently poignant theme in which the piano in due course will share. The trio’s memorial purpose has suddenly become apparent in what is perhaps the most beautiful music of the whole trio. It annexes to itself the entire development section, and its influence on the recapitulation will be all-powerful, for when that moment arrives and the trio’s opening theme returns, it is now presented Adagio con duolo (‘very slowly and sorrowfully’) by the violin, the piano evoking a funeral march, the cello insistently reiterating a tiny four-note figure of restrained grief. And though the recapitulation will at length resume its former manner and ordained course, the memorial music will ultimately slip in, the movement’s coda taking us back to the whole trio’s opening theme, now played by the piano so slowly as almost to lose its identity, the strings wearily hinting at a funeral march, which finally passes into silence.
The second movement is a theme and variations. In introducing the Rococo Variations for cello and orchestra, I observed that the listener needed to be presented with a theme that, both in phrase structure and harmony, was clear cut and therefore as easy as possible to recall: this would afford him the best chance of sensing something at least of a particular variation’s connection to it. In consequence, the Trio’s variation theme is every bit as simple (and attractive) as that of the earlier piece. What is again impressive is the way in which Tchaikovsky opens up the expressive range, and sometimes the scale, of the variations themselves to produce a movement that ends in being ‘greater than the sum of its parts’. Kashkin remembered that the theme for this second movement was inspired by Tchaikovsky’s memories of an enchanting day spent with Rubinstein and others at a beauty spot near Moscow, where peasants had sung and danced for their entertainment. It is cast as a ternary structure ( AABA ), and there are eleven variations, plus a very substantial Variazione Finale and a coda founded on the whole trio’s opening theme. In variation 1 Tchaikovsky is content to assign the original tune to the violin (another chance to consolidate the memory of this), the piano providing a much ornamented accompaniment, but in variation 2 he turns it into a waltz for the cello, the violin now obliging with decoration. With variation 3 the tune itself is veiled with more elaborate decoration, though retaining the very clear phrase structure of the original. By this time the listener’s memory of the latter has been quietly consolidated, and Tchaikovsky can range more widely in variations 4 and 5, opening and closing the former with a fervent string duet, in the latter making a tinkling piano delightfully imitate a musical box.
By now close affiliation with the original theme has been loosened, and variation 6 is an extensive waltz that opens, unexpectedly, with a portion of the Fate theme born in Tatyana’s Letter Scene in the opera Eugene Onegin . We may well wonder what this has to do with the theme, and the answer is nothing – until, that is, later, when the piano delivers the Onegin opening fortissimo and the two stringed instruments in unison simultaneously demonstrate that the opening of the variation’s original tune can be fitted against it, reaffirming this point in this variation’s coda. The chunky variation 7 brings us back closer to the original theme, but variation 8 is a free fugue, its subject based on the first phrase of the theme (later Tchaikovsky was to sanction the omission of this variation – a not unwise decision). The haunting variation 9, marked Andante flebile , is the one that seems to have the most specifically memorial purpose. Variation 10 is a chirpy mazurka. By now we may well have forgotten what the theme was, and variation 11 provides some insistent reminders of its opening in preparation for the breezy Variazione Finale e Coda . At this point the piece really ceases to be a set of variations, for what follows is a full-blown sonata movement (the two subjects based on the openings of the a and b sections of the theme), but which Tchaikovsky subsequently (and, again, perhaps wisely) reduced by two-thirds to its recapitulation only. Finally proceedings are brought full circle, Tchaikovsky moving without a break into a fff restatement of the whole trio’s opening melody, monumentally presented before abruptly subsiding into a brief funeral march which, like the first movement, fades to nothing.
The Piano Trio gained much popularity in Tchaikovsky’s lifetime, and it was a work that naturally found its place in memorial events for its creator in both St Petersburg and Moscow. It is a piece that perhaps deserves more attention than it seems to receive today.
19
The narrative has now reached 1882. It is nearly five years since Tchaikovsky committed the greatest folly of his life in marrying Antonina, and his subsequent existence has been a nomadic one. Unable to settle anywhere for long, he has roamed much throughout Western Europe, rarely lingering more than a few weeks in any one place. If he had a base at all, it was at Kamenka but, as has already emerged, it was no longer the haven where he could find true contentment, nor would the future bring any respite to the anxieties and strains occasioned by his still precious, but increasingly dysfunctional, family. And thus it would continue for a further two or three years, and there is no point in describing these persistent peregrinations and domestic tensions in any detail; only when something of some significance occurs will it be noted here.
Yet two matters, both matrimonial, did bring great pleasure to Tchaikovsky at this time, and merit inclusion. The first was Anatoly’s impending marriage. Giving periodic moral support to this twin had, for some while, been a very wearing process, and relief was now in sight. But the news also brought back memories of an event of long ago that still haunted him. ‘I’m terribly glad you feel you are happy,’ Tchaikovsky had written to Anatoly in February, while still in Rome,
and though I have never experienced anything of the sort, yet I think I can understand perfectly everything you are going through. It is a certain kind of need for the care and caresses that only a woman can satisfy. Sometimes there comes over me an intense desire to be fondled by a woman’s hand. Sometimes I see nice ladies (not, however, young ones) into whose lap I simply want to place my head and kiss their hands.
The image of his mother (that lady with ‘hands which, though not small, were unusually beautiful’) remained indelibly with him. The other matter was very different. During February, two of his patroness’s sons, Nikolay and Alexander, had visited the Davïdovs for four days while in Kiev, and a probing letter to his niece Anna had drawn a highly satisfactory response, which she would consummate with Nikolay two years later.
But now, for a while, we shall focus on the compositions from this phase. The Piano Trio had provided evidence that the vein of richly personal music that, before his marriage, had afforded some of Tchaikovsky’s most precious pieces, had begun to reopen, and the opera on which he had already started intermittent work would consolidate this evidence very positively. The subject of Mazeppa was drawn from Pushkin’s epic poem Poltava , an account of the real-life attempt by Mazeppa, an early eighteenth-century Cossack hetman (or commander), to gain his Ukraine independence from the Russia of Tsar Peter the Great; included also was an account of the disastrous love affair of the young Mariya with the elderly Mazeppa. (The tale, told by Byron, of Mazeppa’s nightmare ride across the Ukraine tied to a wild horse is pure fantasy.) Tchaikovsky had first shown interest in the subject in May 1881, but it was September before he began intermittent work, basing it on a libretto by Victor Burenin, and composing at least part of the love scene between Mariya and Mazeppa. But then, in early 1882, the Piano Trio claimed his whole attention, and only in May, now in Kamenka, did he set about Mazeppa systematically. With Tanya and Sasha still in Kiev, Kamenka was an environment congenial for work, but still the opera grew only sluggishly. Then within ten days came news of the sudden death of Kolya’s father, and Modest and Kolya had to leave for the Konradi estate at Grankino. Yet in the end this intervention proved beneficial, for Konradi was separated from his wife, who now disputed the will, of which Modest was a beneficiary. Realizing that his brother might need support, and that Kamenka could lose much of its charm now that Tanya and Sasha had returned, Tchaikovsky set off for Grankino. He had expected to remain a fortnight, but Modest fell ill, and in the end he stayed seven weeks. For Mazeppa this enforced residence proved beneficial, for by the time he returned to Kamenka in August, very significant progress had been made, and by late September the opera was sketched. Yet it would be April 1883 before it was scored.
This may seem surprising, for Tchaikovsky had, from the beginning, shown great natural skill and facility in handling the orchestra. But clearly he had increasingly realized that there were orchestral potentials he had never used, and which he now began to search out and exploit – different combinations of instruments, a wider variety of orchestral colour and texture, more possibilities in swift contrasts and refined details. Quietly Tchaikovsky’s orchestration was becoming more fastidious and more virtuosic. The process of change was not sudden, but listen to, say, the orchestra in Swan Lake (1875–76), then in Nutcracker (1891–92), and I think the shift will be felt.
Nothing discloses more clearly the status that Tchaikovsky had now achieved in Russian musical life than the response to his new opera. He suspected, probably rightly, that the Tsar himself was behind the unprecedented decision to produce Mazeppa simultaneously in the Imperial Theatres in both Moscow and St Petersburg. Nor was anything stinted in matters of production or design; the miserable parsimony of resources that had so handicapped The Maid of Orleans was now to be a thing of the past. The premiere of Mazeppa took place in Moscow on 15 February 1884, and the St Petersburg production opened only three days later. Unable to supervise both, Tchaikovsky had concentrated on the Moscow preparations, but the strains of this process were such that, despite the ovations he had received, he fled from Russia the day after the first performance, thus missing the St Petersburg opening, evidently to the displeasure of the Tsar. Yet, despite its initial success and a revival in St Petersburg the following season, Mazeppa was not heard again during Tchaikovsky’s lifetime. Let it be said here straight away: this should not be taken as a judgement on the opera’s quality.
[ Mazeppa contains music and dramatic scenes as fine as any in other operas by Tchaikovsky, yet it is very rarely heard. (Its first performance in the UK appears to have been at ENO in 1984.) The story is, I suppose, the problem for, unlike Eugene Onegin (or The Queen of Spades), it is not about people like ourselves with whom we can readily identify. This is a pity. Nevertheless, we can connect just with the music of Mazeppa in our own homes, and it is a connection worth trying – and obligatory for opera buffs.]
Like The Maid of Orleans, Mazeppa is in three acts, divided into six scenes. Its plot is as follows:
Act 1 Scene 1: The garden of Kochubey’s farmstead on a river bank . An offstage chorus of girls is heard singing as they arrive in boats. They greet Mariya, Kochubey’s daughter, then leave. Alone, Mariya reveals she is drawn to the elderly Mazeppa. Andrey, in love with Mariya, appears, and sensing that she is distracted by something, declares his love for her, but she confesses to him her love for Mazeppa. Both leave after an impassioned duet. Kochubey, his wife Lyubov, Mariya and Mazeppa enter. The last asks to be entertained, and a chorus and gopak are performed. When the others have left, Mazeppa asks Kochubey for Mariya’s hand. Kochubey protests that their age difference is an obstacle, but Mazeppa remains adamant and a quarrel begins to develop. Mazeppa now reveals to Kochubey that Mariya has already confessed her love, and wishes to marry him. A furious Kochubey rejects Mazeppa, and demands that he leave. Others have heard the quarrel and now enter. Mariya is torn, but she confirms she is prepared to marry Mazeppa. The latter’s patience gives way, and he summons his men. Mariya attempts to intervene and there is a brief calm. But Mazeppa calls in more men, asks Mariya to make a free choice, and she finally runs into his embrace. Mazeppa gives ironic thanks to Kochubey, and leaves with Mariya.
Act 1 Scene 2: A room in Kochubey’s house . Lyubov’s women sing a song of sympathy for their mistress, who voices her grief at the disgrace Mariya has brought on her parents. She dismisses the women, then exhorts Kochubey to direct action against Mazeppa. But Kochubey has a secret plan. All present having sworn secrecy, he tells how Mazeppa had confided to him a plot to join in alliance with Sweden to defeat the Tsar and free the Ukraine; he, Kochubey, will warn the Tsar of this danger. Andrey and Iskra, Kochubey’s lieutenant, warmly approve the scheme, and Andrey offers to carry the information to the Tsar, despite the risk, for he wants his revenge on Mazeppa. Iskra and the chorus endorse this. Kochubey thanks Andrey, first broods on the wrong done to him, then longs for revenge. Lyubov and the chorus take up his cry.
Act 2 Scene 1: A dungeon beneath Belotserkov Castle . Kochubey is chained to a wall. The Tsar has not believed his accusations, and has delivered him and Iskra into Mazeppa’s hands. Tomorrow they will die. Kochubey feels deeply the ignominy of his predicament, his loss of honour, the pain of hearing his blameless supporters’ curses, of seeing Mazeppa gloat as he is executed. Hearing a key in the lock, he thinks it must be a holy hermit come to give him absolution. But it is Orlik, Mazeppa’s henchman, who demands to know the whereabouts of Kochubey’s treasury, which will be forfeit to the state. Kochubey replies he has only three treasures: his honour, which he has now lost; his daughter, whom Mazeppa stole – and the hope of holy vengeance on Mazeppa. Bitterly he predicts that Mariya will disclose his treasures to Mazeppa after his execution. He begs Orlik to leave him in peace, warning him of the Day of Judgement, which he, too, will have to face. Orlik is unimpressed, and summons the torturer.
Act 2 Scene 2: A room in Mazeppa’s castle, with a door leading on to the terrace. Night . Mazeppa muses on the beauty and calm of the night, comparing these with his own inner gloom. He broods on the necessity of Kochubey’s death, and dreads Mariya’s reaction to the news. Orlik enters to report that Kochubey will not yield, and Mazeppa confirms the execution. Left alone, his thoughts return to Mariya, and he extols her, ending with a confession of love. Mariya enters, reproaches him for his recent coldness towards her, and reminds him of what she has sacrificed for him. She does not regret this, for he had sworn to love her – but why has he changed? He reaffirms his love, but she continues to upbraid him for his preoccupation with other matters. Finally she demands to know what these are, and he decides to tell her in confidence; the time is ripe to free the Ukraine, and soon Mazeppa will occupy a throne – as will Mariya. Mariya’s doubts are instantly dispelled, but Mazeppa checks her: nothing is certain. But she is prepared to die with him, and during a duet she expresses her excitement and devotion, while Mazeppa’s thoughts run on the fate he has prepared for her father. He asks who is dearer to her: him or her father? ‘I would sacrifice all for you,’ is her reply. ‘Then remember your words, Mariya,’ is his rejoinder as he leaves.
Mariya now muses on the beauty and calm of the night, contrasting this with the loneliness of her parents without her. But suddenly Lyubov appears and reveals to her the imminent execution of her father. Mariya is uncomprehending, and her mother believes she has changed her allegiance. But gradually the truth dawns as Lyubov tells her what has happened. Mariya faints under the strain. As Lyubov tries to revive her, an offstage military band is heard. The execution is in progress; Mariya recovers, and the two women rush off to try to prevent it.
Act 2 Scene 3: A field with a scaffold . A crowd reflects on how men can suddenly fall from grace, and they pray to God to be spared such a calamity. A drunken Cossack is rebuked for unseemly merriment. He defends himself, but all is interrupted by the sound of an approaching procession. Two executioners enter, and then Mazeppa, to whom the crowd makes obeisance. Kochubey and Iskra are led in. The two men join in a prayer of confession, embrace each other and mount the scaffold. The crowd close in, hiding them from view. Drums roll, axes appear above the people’s heads. Mariya and Lyubov rush in as the axes fall. Mariya falls into her mother’s arms, and the crowd prays for forgiveness for the two men.
Act 3: As at the opera’s opening, though everything is now neglected. Night . A symphonic tableau depicts the Battle of Poltava. Swedish soldiers are pursued by Russians. Andrey enters searching for Mazeppa, becomes aware of his surroundings, and reflects on what has happened. He calls Mariya’s name in vain, and longs for death. Hearing men approaching, he hides. Mazeppa and Orlik enter; they pause for rest, and Orlik leads the horses away. Alone, Mazeppa reflects on what has happened, his agony heightened when he realizes where he is. Recognizing Mazeppa’s voice, Andrey re-enters. He denounces Mazeppa, who warns Andrey not to attack him. But Andrey flies at him and Mazeppa, pulling a pistol, shoots him, summons Orlik – but at that moment the moonlight reveals Mariya emerging from the trees. She does not notice Mazeppa, and begins to ramble wildly. Then, seeing her husband, she urges him to silence, in case her parents should hear them. Mazeppa watches helplessly as a mad scene unfolds. With mounting frenzy she asks him to go home with her, but then decides the man before her cannot be her Mazeppa. Orlik enters to warn Mazeppa that their pursuers are approaching. Mazeppa would take Mariya with them, but Orlik opposes this, and the two men leave.
Mariya suddenly spots the wounded Andrey. At first she thinks he is her father, and she bends over him, cradling his head in her lap. She does not recognize who it is: ‘It is some child sleeping in the thick grass,’ she concludes, and when Andrey whispers her name, she knows the voice is familiar, but still he cannot make her recognize him. She begins a lullaby, Andrey tries again to make her understand, but to no avail. He dies as she resumes her lullaby, rocking him and staring blankly before her.
The overture is clearly concerned with Mazeppa himself, its brusque, powerful opening theme very much his, projecting an implacable forcefulness. The headlong music that follows surely depicts the legendary trans-Ukrainian ride of his youth, the contrasting third theme uncovering his nature’s more tender side, which will produce some of the loveliest music of the opera. Act 1 opens with a charming girls’ chorus (with five beats to a bar) that instantly places the opera in a Russian world. As for Mariya’s following aria, this reveals a young woman who is both passionate and decisive, and the evidence of Andrey’s music suggests that theirs could have been an appropriate match. However, the tangle of their voices in the concluding stretch catches the torment and tension within their relationship, as well as providing a powerful contrast to the tone at Mazeppa’s and Kochubey’s entrance. This is very deliberately relaxed, for the remainder of this scene will be concerned with the ever-mounting tension between the two men, a tension that ends in catastrophe. Mazeppa is entertained with a chorus (based on a Ukrainian folksong) and a gopak that gives us everything we have come to expect from Tchaikovsky when composing such a dance.
Now the action begins to move. Left alone, the two men open their critical exchange, at first conversational, but then transformed by Mazeppa’s revelation of his love for Mariya, a moment where Tchaikovsky can expose both the tender yet strong nature of the hetman’s feelings for Mariya. The tone of the music now becomes increasingly disturbed until the two men’s raised voices bring back the other principals and the chorus, to precipitate an ensemble of corporate anxiety. But this turns out to be not simply a closed, formal movement; the quarrel itself continues in brief interjections within the ensemble, and the chorus will remain as both commentators and marginal participants as the level of hostility rises. It culminates in the supercharged drama of the scene’s ending.
This has been a well-paced spectacle scene. By contrast the following scene is intimate, though charged with deep-rooted and powerful emotions. Again a women’s chorus opens proceedings, this time disconsolately flanking Lyubov’s cry of pain for her daughter. Grief-filled this mother’s brief lament may be, but its mounting insistence also suggests inner strength and resolve: Lyubov’s later attempt to save her husband should come as no surprise. Now it is to business. Lyubov makes a direct appeal to her husband to act – needlessly, it emerges, for he responds in matching terms. In a scene where so much is continuous dialogue, there is neither room nor need for music that does other than support that dialogue in well-shaped phrases that match its expressive quality and fit its speech structure, with the orchestra giving efficient support, and underlining changes of mood. But there are moments when this free flow consolidates into a corporate, full-throated response, and these moments will be set to fully formed melodies which provide stable landmarks in an otherwise freely unwinding narrative. This compact, dramatically detailed scene is best listened to with the libretto before you so that you can keep up with its dramatic detail.
It has already been noted that Russian opera scenarios, if founded (as Mazeppa is) on well-known literary classics, may present consecutive scenes separated by huge time gaps, and which can be comprehensible only through prior knowledge of the plot. Such a gap exists between this conspiracy scene and the one following. The move against Mazeppa has failed, the Tsar has been persuaded that Kochubey and Iskra are traitors, and has condemned them to die. This prison scene is perhaps the grimmest Tchaikovsky ever composed. It is really a soliloquy for Kochubey, with Orlik merely a tool of the plot and, even more than the preceding scene, it requires the listener to be following the libretto, so tied is it to the words and their every nuance. The orchestral introduction is, by turns, both bleak and agitated, Kochubey both tormented yet defiant. Only twice in this harrowing monologue are there moments when the music suddenly loses its pain, the first as Kochubey views the prospect of ‘holy vengeance’ on Mazeppa and, later, when he warns Orlik of the ‘Day of Judgement’ that his torturer will not escape. Nevertheless, the scene makes compelling listening. Let it not be said that Tchaikovsky was incapable of providing tough music for the most uncompromisingly pain-filled situations.
Nothing could be in greater contrast to all this than the first sounds of the following castle scene, though we shall also be reminded of the inner turbulence with which Mazeppa views the calm and beauty of a Ukrainian summer night. This is the hetman’s moment for private confession, and his tormented feelings are clearly presented in the music that introduces and accompanies him. But his love for Mariya remains absolute, as the formal but deeply moving aria that follows makes abundantly clear. We have not encountered Mariya since the opera’s first scene, and her entrance now instantly confirms her positive character; here is no blushing violet. The fragment of an orchestral march that precedes Mazeppa’s revelation of his plan for a free Ukraine proves to be ironic, for it is the march to which, in the following scene, Kochubey will be led to execution. During Mazeppa’s disclosure of his plans the orchestra quotes two snatches from Glinka’s patriotic opera A Life for the Tsar (from the mazurka in Act 2, and the concluding ‘Slavsya Chorus’), which are unlikely to mean anything to non-Russian listeners but would have had significant resonances for Tchaikovsky’s audience. At the prospect of a throne Mariya’s mood has changed abruptly, and the splendid, measured span of the brief aria with which she greets the news is confirmation both of her loyalty to Mazeppa and of her decisiveness in embracing her new destiny. Mazeppa urges caution; there is still much to do. But Mariya’s happiness (and ambition) will not be tamed, and a brief love scene ensues, culminating in an outwardly calm farewell as a still-troubled Mazeppa leaves. However, Mariya’s bliss is short-lived. Lyubov suddenly appears, and quickly there is confirmation of the older woman’s character; the strong, broadly arched melody to which she drives home that only Mariya can save her father confirming that, like her daughter, she can be uncompromisingly determined. Twice Lyubov employs this melody before Mariya at last grasps what is happening. The truth having dawned, Lyubov repeats her thematic injunction, Mariya herself instantly picks it up and, to the offstage sound of the execution march, the two women rush out on their hopeless mission.
Like the scene that had preceded this last, the one that now follows is painful, though in a very different way. The execution is imminent, and the crowd is waiting, both fascinated yet terrified by the horror they are about to witness. The introduction of the drunken peasant is a foil to give the horror that will follow more impact. The execution march offstage heralds the approach of the procession, which enters to mounting tumult, and an even more powerful foil to this is provided by the condemned men’s prayer, and the crowd’s hushed response, which becomes increasingly strong as the two men mount the scaffold. The execution itself is brutally swift, and the orchestra, ffff , repeats the final portion of the two men’s prayer: ‘… there, where there is no sorrow, lamentation, or the torment of earthly existence.’
Mazeppa ’s concluding scene is preceded by an orchestral entr’acte, ‘The Battle of Poltava’, denoting the historical event of 1709 that saw the defeat of Mazeppa’s ambitions. It contains material familiar from elsewhere in Russian music: first the folksong already used by Musorgsky in the Coronation scene in his opera Boris Godunov (and before that by Beethoven in his second Razumovsky Quartet, op. 59 no. 2), and then the chant Tchaikovsky himself had employed to open 1812 . The first is presumably a symbol of Russian supremacy; the second signifies thanksgiving after battle, while the entr’acte’s final section conveys the Russians’ joy at victory.
Though in the nineteenth century the supremacy of opera singers in the performing world was being challenged by instrumental virtuosi, the former were still the darlings of their audiences, and each principal singer would still expect (or hope for) some situation in which his or her vocal gifts could be paraded. In Mazeppa Burenin had provided a handsome opportunity for each of the four leading singers. Kochubey has had magnificent exposure in the dungeon scene, Mazeppa has had his ample stretch of self-confession, plus an aria, at the opening of the following castle scene, and Mariya’s showpiece will be the mad scene that closes the opera. The turn of Andrey, the fourth principal, is at the beginning of Act 3 – a splendid ‘scena’ (that is, a highly dramatic section made up of contrasting types of music) followed by a more expressively focused aria. The entry of Mazeppa and Orlik sets the plot moving, a portion of Mazeppa’s theme that had opened the overture forewarning of his approach with his henchman. Andrey hides, the newcomers enter, Orlik leads the horses away, and Mazeppa recognizes where he is. Andrey emerges and attacks Mazeppa, who mortally wounds him (there had originally been a duet for the two men here, but Tchaikovsky later deleted it). Mazeppa calls for Orlik, but at that moment Mariya enters and her mad scene begins. Earlier in this act, when Andrey had recognized that he was in Kochubey’s garden where the opera had opened, there had been an appropriate quotation of music from the opera’s first scene; now there are a number of such recollections – as Mariya appears, a solo violin recalls the final section of her Act 2 love duet with Mazeppa. But now her husband can be only a helpless spectator, and his interjections reflect the pain with which he views his deranged wife. Mariya broods on her father’s execution and on Mazeppa as she had known him, and recalls the castle-scene music to which she had hailed him as a future tsar. Orlik now intervenes, and persuades Mazeppa to leave without Mariya. Tchaikovsky has handled all this splendidly and, in its very different way, what follows is as fine. Mariya spots the dying Andrey, and her maniacal frenzy gives way to tenderness for ‘the child’ she will now rock to sleep. For a moment, if we are to believe the orchestra, her unspoken thoughts recall the march that had led her father to the scaffold, and also that portion of the Act 1 love duet which Andrey likewise had remembered. As she cradles Andrey he tries to make her realize who he is, but to no avail, and she begins her tender lullaby. Again, with his dying words, he tries – but, lost to everything in the real world, she resumes her lullaby. It is an ending of unashamed pathos – and absolutely right.
On 8 October 1882, having just completed the sketches of Mazeppa , Tchaikovsky journeyed to Kiev to collect the latest instalment of his patroness’s allowance. He had often attended Mass at the Brothers’ Monastery, but had fled before the service’s end, and it was the same this time. Deciding that a letter to the press would be too publicly draconian, he wrote to the Bishop himself. It was both the style of the music and the performance that offended him:
Last Sunday I listened reluctantly to that strange, mazurka-like, nauseatingly affected Lord, have mercy , with rather less patience to the Unction of grace . But when they opened the central doors of the iconostasis, and the singers gabbled on one chord Praise God from the heavens as though casting aside the heavy burden of praising God in favour of their obligation to entertain the public with concert music, and summoned up their strength to begin performing a long, mindless, shapeless concerto, based in an alien mode, trivial, without talent, overflowing with vocal tricks ill befitting a place of worship, I experienced a surge of indignation which increased, the more they sang. Now a bass bawled out a wild, howling roar, now a solo treble began to squeal, then a snatch of a phrase from some Italian trepak was heard, now an operatic love motif rang out with unnatural sweetness in the most rough, bare, tame harmonization, now the whole choir faded to an exaggeratedly delicate pianissimo, now began to roar, to bellow at the tops of their voices. O God! And where, precisely, did this musical orgy begin? Precisely at that moment when the central act of the whole religious ceremony was being celebrated, when your Grace and your officiants administered the body and blood of Christ.
And so on for many more unsparing lines; Tchaikovsky had not lost his capacity for blistering rhetoric when matters of creative taste and integrity were his subjects. His concern for the state of Orthodox church music had been strengthened by his own endeavour, in his Liturgy of St John Chrysostom, to compose in a style that was consonant with the ethos of the Orthodox Church’s rituals, and he would go on to compose further pieces exemplifying styles that he felt were both contemporary yet respectful to the tone and practices of the liturgy. As for the present matter, we know nothing of the Bishop’s response, but there can be no doubt that an intervention by a composer with such an established and still-growing reputation can have done no harm.
Concern, though of a very different kind, was about to manifest itself in a far more crucial sector of his own world. After Kiev Tchaikovsky headed for his sister’s home, where his eldest niece, Tanya, would precipitate a crisis, the very complex and sensitive consequences of which Uncle Pyotr would find himself having to handle. Stanislav Blumenfeld, the music teacher at Kamenka, had already shocked Tchaikovsky through his persistent intimacies with Tanya, and these resumed when he reappeared soon after Tchaikovsky’s arrival. At length these affronts to the latter’s sense of propriety became too much, and he announced that he would be leaving for Moscow. Immediately Tanya declared she would go with him. Horrified at the thought of her company, he delayed some days, then concocted a story that he would instead be travelling to Prague to see the Czech production of The Maid of Orleans ; once he arrived in Kiev, he would report that this production had been delayed, and that he was redirecting himself to Moscow.
On arriving in Moscow Tchaikovsky determined to complete scoring the first act of Mazeppa , and this delayed his departure for St Petersburg, where he intended to join Modest. Here he discovered that Tanya was now also in the capital, but was installed with other relatives, and he saw little of her; then, on 9 January 1883, he left for Paris. For a fortnight he revelled in his favourite European city, frequently going to the theatre, and delighting in at least two performances of Mozart’s The Marriage of Figaro . He reflected on this to Modest (not a Mozart lover), providing yet another insight into what attracted him to that composer’s music. He admitted that Mozart
possesses neither the depth nor strength of Beethoven, neither the warmth nor passion of Schumann, nor the brilliance of Meyerbeer, Berlioz, Wagner, etc. Mozart neither overwhelms nor stuns me – but he captivates me, makes me happy, warms me, and the longer I live, the more I get to know him, the more I love him.
However, the joy of this Parisian fortnight was brutally disrupted when Modest arrived to join him – for accompanying his brother was Tanya.
The ostensible reason for their niece’s presence was the need to consult the distinguished doctor, Jean-Martin Charcot, one of the founders of modern neurology, in the hope of curing her morphine addiction, and Tchaikovsky felt he had to remain to support Modest until their niece’s treatment was completed. Meanwhile, Tanya had to be installed in a ‘maison de santé’ where her own maid and a former governess in the Konradi household shared responsibility for her personal needs and supervision, while Tchaikovsky and Modest shared visiting her on alternating days.
It was also a very sensitive responsibility – for though the reason for their niece’s presence in Paris was indeed drug therapy, it was not the main one. Tanya was pregnant by Blumenfeld. Of the family, it was still only Modest and Tchaikovsky who knew the truth; not even her mother or father was aware of her condition, and this secrecy had to be preserved for the sake of Sasha’s physical and mental health. However, this had alarming financial consequences for Tchaikovsky. To have solicited from Kamenka money to pay the expenses incurred by the extension of Tanya’s stay until after the birth of her child would have revealed her secret to her parents, and in desperation Tchaikovsky applied to his patroness for a two-month advance on his allowance, also obtaining a 2000-rouble loan from Jurgenson. To make matters worse, by mid-April Modest had to return to Russia and Kolya, thus leaving his brother entirely responsible both for decisions regarding Tanya, and for any action that might follow.
How Tchaikovsky took and executed these decisions provides further vivid, and often touching, insight into his character. The baby, a boy baptized Georges-Léon, was born on 8 May, the day after Tchaikovsky’s own forty-third birthday. He was surprised at his feelings of tenderness on seeing the new baby. ‘I told Tanya that while I had life in me she need have no worry on Georges-Léon’s account,’ he told Modest. Even for a moment he thought of adopting the child himself. But he was upset by Tanya’s equanimity at the prospect of having to live a lie when she returned to her parental home. Meanwhile Tchaikovsky discharged the formalities of registering Georges-Léon’s birth and arranging his baptism. As for his future, after a few days the wet nurse took him to her home at Villeneuve to the south of Paris, and for the following three years he would remain in France, Tchaikovsky taking upon himself responsibility for monitoring Georges-Léon’s welfare, and visiting him as often as he could in his foster home until, finally, Tchaikovsky’s elder brother Nikolay and his wife undertook to adopt the boy.
Meanwhile in March a commission had arrived for two pieces relating to the forthcoming Coronation of the new Tsar, Alexander III, for whom, as Tsarevich, Tchaikovsky had composed his Festival Overture on the Danish National Anthem seventeen years earlier. The first was for a ceremonial march, the second for a more substantial piece – a cantata, Moscow , on a text by the poet Apollon Maikov. Both commissions were discharged during this Paris interlude. Tchaikovsky evaluated the pieces very differently:
The march is noisy but bad, but the cantata is not nearly as poor as might be thought, considering how quickly it was composed. Maikov’s text is very beautiful and poetic. There is a bit of patriotic vapouring, but apart from this it is deeply felt. It has freshness and its tone is sincere, which is enabling me to put into my music a measure of the feeling that his beautiful lines have warmed in me.
One curious custom of the Coronation was a ceremonial act where the Tsar dined alone while others watched, and the cantata’s premiere took place in the Kremlin as accompaniment to this ritual. Tchaikovsky had charged no fee for the piece, but the Tsar decreed that the composer should receive 1,500 roubles, which would be presented in the form of a ring – just as had happened seventeen years earlier when Tchaikovsky had composed the Danish Festival Overture in celebration of this same future Tsar’s marriage. On that occasion Tchaikovsky had lost the ring; this time, being currently insolvent, he pawned it for 375 roubles, promptly lost the redemption ticket, and the only gain he made for his services was, as he put it to his patroness, ‘a feeling of having committed some sort of improper act’.
[Though this cantata cannot be numbered among Tchaikovsky’s more major compositions, it is a piece of much attractiveness, and for those readers with a particular love of choral–orchestral music, it is well worth investigating. The ending may be rather stiff and formal, but the preceding stretches contain some lovely music.]
Moscow is made up of six movements. For a moment at its opening the listener may wonder whether it is 1812 , but this beautiful section for the cellos, divided into four parts, leads into a choral–orchestral movement of much charm, describing the founding of Moscow, its historical travails and its descent into impenetrable night under assault from Tartar hordes. In the second movement the mezzo-soprano soloist recounts the revival of Moscow, and in the third the chorus rejoices and salutes the emergence of their Tsar. The more sombre baritone solo of the fourth movement is concerned with the Tsar’s leadership and his heavy responsibility as the champion of the other Slavonic kingdoms, Serbia, Georgia and Bulgaria; it ends with a triumphant declaration: ‘Two Romes have fallen [Rome itself to the Goths in 410, Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453], the third [Moscow] stands: there shall not be a fourth!’ The chorus sonorously echo his words, and the orchestra celebrates. In the fifth movement the mezzo-soprano soloist voices the Tsar’s own sober reflections on the responsibilities that now lie upon him; if this music sounds familiar to some readers, it is because Tchaikovsky would rework some of it into Polina’s romance, which opens Act 2 of The Queen of Spades . The finale is a corporate celebration; the baritone leads off, the chorus responds and is soon joined by both soloists for an appropriately noisy glorification of the Tsar, and an expression of hope for a strong and ideal Russia.
With the matter of Georges-Léon’s immediate future settled, Tchaikovsky was free, and on 22 May he left Paris. Anatoly, now contentedly married, had rented a house at Podushkino near Moscow, and it was thither that Tchaikovsky ultimately headed. Anatoly had also recently become a father, and he was no longer the problem brother whom Tchaikovsky had constantly had to counsel and support. The house’s location was very attractive, and Tchaikovsky could delight in wandering in the surrounding woods and picking mushrooms. A second romantic success was to add to his pleasure: his niece Anna was now officially engaged to Nikolay von Meck. Tchaikovsky visited Moscow to see friends, and to act as a diplomat in the affairs of the Conservatoire. Nikolay Hubert had now been driven from his post by a series of internal troubles, and Tchaikovsky interceded in the hope of enabling him to return. This proved unavailing, but he was able to persuade (though with many misgivings) the authorities to offer the vacant appointment to Laroche, his close, very talented, yet unstable friend.
Tchaikovsky remained some three months at Podushkino. But after a month the proofs of Mazeppa arrived. One of the chores that every author or composer has to face if his work is being published is to check the accuracy of what it is proposed to issue, and to make the necessary corrections. Proof-reading a book is relatively easy, since the text is a single and continuous chain of words, and all that is necessary is to read it through line by line, and indicate any necessary corrections. But a musical score is very different. There are so many different factors to examine. Not only the pitches of the notes must be checked; so must the length of each note and any expression mark attached to it (any accent, for instance). There are all sorts of other performance indications and phrasing marks to check, and the vertical alignment must be very precise – that is, all the notes that are sounded simultaneously must be placed very exactly – and in one of Tchaikovsky’s scores there could be as many as twenty or more such notes at any one time. All this demands an unfaltering and acute attentiveness, and is thus both enormously time-consuming and wearying, especially with a two-or three-hour opera. It is no surprise that the mounting inroads into his own routines made by the numerous other guests and friends who visited Podushkino (and who often issued return invitations) became progressively more intrusive. In addition, his own creative urges were becoming ever stronger, and he had already yielded to these so that when he left Podushkino on 13 September, the sketches for a new orchestral suite existed. Arriving four days later in Kamenka, his priority was to complete this substantial piece.
Tchaikovsky would remain in Kamenka for the next two and a half months, and for the first five weeks would spend some six hours a day working out fully and scoring his Second Orchestral Suite, for he continued studiedly to extend the range and the refinement of his orchestration. Its premiere took place in Moscow the following February, conducted by Max Erdmannsdörfer, who in 1882 had taken over Nikolay Rubinstein’s role as conductor of the concerts of the RMS’s Moscow branch, and the new work was so successful that it had to be repeated a week later. Tchaikovsky, however, was not present at either performance. So exhausted had he been by the strains of getting Mazeppa produced that, as has been noted, after the opera’s premiere the day before that of the Suite, he had forthwith fled to the West to recover.
[This suite contains some very attractive music superbly presented and, in its fourth movement, one of the most remarkable passages in all Tchaikovsky’s works. However, in overall quality it does not quite match up to that of the future Third Suite: hence the bracketed fourth star.]
Despite the title Jeu de sons (‘Play of sounds’) which Tchaikovsky gave to the suite’s first movement, his preoccupations with matters of orchestration are not nearly as apparent here as in most of the following movements. It is cast as a sonata structure, with a slow introduction which recurs to round off the piece. Here the jeu (‘play’) is simply between string phrases whose endings are echoed by the woodwind; however, when the fast main movement begins, the constant short-term changes of texture, often with matchingly short-term shifts between string and wind colour, are notable. The exposition has three clear sections, the first energetically busy, the second more straightforwardly melodic, and the third (after a brief pause) marked by the resumption of very swift exchanges of texture between pizzicato and arco strings, and sometimes with wind. The development is a fugue based on the opening of the first subject, but a fugue’s nature (that is, a constant and single-themed stream of unbroken sound) does not lend itself to variety of orchestration. It dovetails with the recapitulation, the first subject passing straight into the more melodic second. (Perhaps the super-alert listener may have noted that, at this point, the second subject also re-enters in the bass, Tchaikovsky having designed the two themes to fit together (in a moment this combination is to be repeated, but the other way up).) The entry of the third theme is, as before, easily identified by the preceding pause. As already noted, a portion of the slower music that had opened the movement now recurs to close it.
This has been an intriguing movement, if not one of Tchaikovsky’s most ingratiating. But the Valse that follows is, like almost all Tchaikovsky’s, irresistible. Yet it is a rather new kind of tune. Tchaikovsky’s great earlier waltzes had generally been plainer, but this one is more lithe and more wide-ranging (try singing or whistling, say, the waltz theme near the opening of Swan Lake , and then the present one, and I think this point will come home), and it includes changes of pace that would create havoc in a ballet performance. And note the repeated ‘googling’ idea that follows immediately on the first theme: this grabs you because of its intriguing orchestration, not its substance. Tchaikovsky is now introducing, both in matters of texture and colour, much more unobtrusive variety into the accompaniments than would be noticed in a ballet where the attention is divided between stage action and music. Note also the melodic fragments that often so effectively enrich some of the accompaniments. This is a delicious movement.
The third movement, Scherzo burlesque , is more ostentatiously brilliant, and it introduces a sound that very few, if any, readers may have heard in a nineteenth-century classical piece. Yes, they are piano accordions! Tchaikovsky was always ready to take on board new sounds and instruments. (Some years later, when he encountered in Paris another new instrument, the celeste, he was desperate to keep this a secret in case Rimsky-Korsakov, having heard of it, would manage to use it ahead of him.) This Scherzo burlesque is a piece where one almost feels that the orchestration created the music. The prevailing impression is of fragments of melody flying around in all directions, their individuality asserted by their being well spaced out in the texture, and often by their contrasting orchestral colours. Minuscule melodic fragments, even sound dots (one-note jabs from the woodwind, pizzicatos from the strings, for instance) add tiny touches of seasoning. The bold folksong-like tune which the horns introduce as a central section could hardly be in greater (or more effective) contrast. This is truly heady music.
But the most striking sounds – indeed, the most remarkable music in the whole suite – is about to come, and could not be in greater contrast. One might hardly expect to find a radical musical adventure in a piece entitled simply Rêves d’enfant (‘A Child’s Dreams’), and nothing at the movement’s opening gives a hint of the strange, even perhaps unnerving sounds that Tchaikovsky will conjure. The scoring of what seems initially to be a reassuring lullaby is as fastidiously judged and resourceful as in any movement in this suite, and though the build to a fortissimo will cast some doubts over its sleep-inducing power, what will soon follow confounds this suspicion, for any vestige of reality will dissolve as we are surely drawn into the kingdom of sleep itself. Strange, delicate, fragmented textures, with no recognizable harmonic foundation – fleeting harp arpeggios – an oboe melody spun from a tiny repeated seven-note fragment – a fragment that, now set on high piccolo, will flutter above a low, nagging clarinet–viola phrase, and against a backdrop of ever louder tremolando strings. Even in the music of enchantment that we shall encounter in the ballet The Sleepi ng Beauty , we shall be confronted with nothing quite like this. Perhaps any reader who may have heard Benjamin Britten’s opera The Turn of the Screw may momentarily wonder whether there will open before him the world of Bly, that other setting for disturbing childhood fears and fantasies. But Tchaikovsky’s dream passes into a dying, ever sinking end. A pause – and the lullaby resumes as it had begun, back in a world of safe, secure humanity.
After this extraordinary piece, the suite’s concluding number returns us to the more earth-bound society of the preceding movements. Danse baroque may seem a curious title for this very un-eighteenth-century caper, but Tchaikovsky is using the adjective here in the sense of ‘quaint’ or ‘grotesque’. Its subtitle, ‘Wild dance in imitation of Dargomizhsky’ is more helpful, and the actual model is clearly that earlier Russian composer’s Kazachok ‘Cossack Dance’, though Tchaikovsky’s is vastly superior. It needs no further comment here; suffice it to say that it rounds off the suite excellently.