COMMUNITY
Players of video games are frequently subject to accusations of antisocial behavior. As early as the 1970s, video games were a source of concern for moral guardians who worried about video games’ potential effects on young people. In the wake of concerns that ranged from the encouragement of adolescent truancy to games’ violent thematic content and even to accusations of criminal ties in the gaming industry, numerous communities attempted to curtail the spread of video gaming through zoning ordinances and other local measures. In the most extreme cases, video games are blamed for contributing to horrifying acts of violence, such as the 1999 Columbine High School shooting. However, the accusation that gamers are loners or antisocial exists alongside a lively history of community formation around and through video gaming. Even early coin-operated video games enabled various types of community-oriented play: PONG (Atari, 1972) was intended for two players, and beginning with Starfire (Exidy, 1979), many games incorporated scoreboards, encouraging players to compete and recognizing player achievement. Communities formed by players, game designers, and others with a stake in the medium have a strong influence on gaming culture and shape gaming practice at multiple levels. For example, players develop communities around beloved games just as game companies work to cultivate player loyalty by developing games that require social engagement and supporting communities in and around their games. Indeed, most players will, at some point, engage in some social interaction around video gaming, whether through individual conversations about game strategy, through participation in a social game of some kind, or even through participation in a formal organization or event for gamers. Much of the study of gaming, then, is necessarily a study of community formation and practices. To critically engage with issues of community in video gaming is to carefully examine not only gaming’s affect on existing communities, but also the extent to which gaming can inspire and facilitate the formation of new communities around shared texts and experiences.
The centrality of community to gaming has driven much research in fields including anthropology, sociology, psychology, economics, and cultural studies beginning with the rise of coin-op video gaming in the late 1970s and early 1980s sparking investigations of player behavior and gender dynamics in arcades (see, for example, Kiesler, Sproull, & Eccles, 1985). More recent research on the communities in and around gaming has proven a particularly rich avenue for research in the social sciences, and investigations into these communities are at the heart of much video game scholarship, as evidenced by works such as Communities of Play: Emergent Cultures in Multiplayer Games and Virtual Worlds (Pearce, 2009), Synthetic Worlds: The Business and Culture of Online Games (Castronova, 2006), and My Life as a Night Elf Priest: An Anthropological Account of World of Warcraft (Nardi, 2010). Massive multiplayer online role-playing games (MMORPGs) are not the only outlet for socialization in and around games, and many types of game communities present have attracted both scholars and players.
Networking Gamers
Since the beginning of its commercial history in the 1970s, video gaming has served as the basis for numerous kinds of communities. The formation of these game-based communities stems from various aspects of gaming culture. Players may treat gaming as a type of sport, and enjoy competing in leagues or tournaments, both as a way to demonstrate their skill and as a means to engage in a community of players with similar interests. Players may enjoy playing collaborative, community-driven games rather than games that require direct competition. Historically-minded players may enjoy contributing to the preservation of gaming culture and games through public projects. Some gamers may enjoy participating in official organizations associated with gaming to help build a community of gamers, or they may organize officially or unofficially to contribute to the broader community by supporting nonprofit organizations. All of these types of examples demonstrate the myriad ways in which gaming can provide a social outlet and facilitate community building and community-oriented activity.
The networking of games can parallel networking among gamers; the network, then, is both the physical infrastructure that allows gamers to connect their computers to a single hub and the social ties that bind players to a centralized community. The playing of games over a local area network (LAN) has a history dating to early UNIX-based computer games such as Rogue (Michael Toy, Glenn Wichman, and Ken Arnold, 1980), which stored high scores on a centralized server, thus allowing players at different terminals to try to beat one another. The hardware and network access required for these games meant they were initially most popular on college campuses. LAN parties, gatherings at which players connect computers to game in a shared space, sometimes for a period as long as several days, provide a particularly evocative illustration of communal interactions around gaming. The increased popularity of personal computers and the proliferation of computer games and high-speed Internet access have not undermined LAN party culture to the extent many might expect. Indeed, LAN parties have become a favorite outlet of participants in custom computer culture as they provide an opportunity to display customized machines for an appreciative audience. LAN parties have significant popularity globally. Organised Chaos (www.oc.co.za/), a monthly LAN party in Cape Town, South Africa, has drawn upwards of 1,200 attendees in 2010. Campzone (www.campzone.nl/), begun in 2001, is billed as the world’s largest outdoor LAN party and is held each year in the Netherlands. BYOC (http://byoc.in/), short for “bring your own computer,” held at various locations in India since 2007, attracts hundreds of gamers and spectators each year. The persistence of LAN (both large and small) in an area with widely available home Internet connections indicates the importance of social engagement and communal experiences for many gamers. In countries where network infrastructure is less robust or less widely acceptable, LAN parties can provide temporary access to faster networks in addition to serving as community gatherings.
Social Games and Social Networks
While LAN parties celebrate the overlap between in-game and in-person social interaction, many games, particularly web-based games, are designed with social interactions as a central part of the game mechanic. Social games—a broad category that can include social media games such as FarmVille (Zynga, 2009) and massive multiplayer online role-playing games (MMOPRGs)—require players to engage in the game through a community of other players and may demand players engage in community-building activities such as collaboration, sharing, and helping in order to succeed in the game world (Kahne, Middaugh, & Evans, 2008). While the term MMOPRG was coined in 1997 by game designer Richard Garriott, this genre of community-based game dates much earlier, with early roots in the multi-user dungeon (MUD) genre (Safko & Brake, 2009, p. 411). Contemporary MMOPRGs such as World of Warcraft (Blizzard Entertainment, 2004) rely on in-game social organizations called guilds or clans. In-game social organizations such as this have proven particularly of interest to social scientists, and World of Warcraft, in particular, has been the subject of numerous studies, such as the aforementioned My Life as a Night Elf Priest (Nardi, 2010) and The Warcraft Civilization: Social Science in a Virtual World (Bainbridge, 2010). Even in games that do not explicitly reward players for playing in collaborative groups, players will often form their own social clusters in the process of gameplay. Some games, by asking players to choose a faction when setting up their in-game identity, encourage players to interact with others with similar identities. For example, if you choose to play as a goblin, you would be most likely to interact with other goblins. Alternately, different factions may, by design, have different skill sets, thereby encouraging players to seek out others with different skill sets. Some games even include in-game matching systems to help players find groups to play with (Ruggles, Wadley, & Gibbs, 2005, p. 117). Players may play together collaboratively, or they may simply agree to log in to the game at the same time, playing alongside each other or even competitively. While these formal and informal groups ostensibly have gameplay as a goal, they often participate in other social activities and may provide vital social support to one another, as evidenced by examples of in-game weddings and funerals held in recognition of out-of-game events (Gibbs, Mori, Arnold, & Kohn, 2012). These types of events demonstrate the extent to which game communities are analogous to out-of-game communities and meet the social needs of their participants.
Social network games played through social media platforms such as Facebook similarly require players to participate in game play through a community. Games such as Mob Wars (SGN, 2008) and FarmVille encourage players to leverage their existing social networks for in-game success. In FarmVille, players manage farms by managing crops and livestock, and may engage with friends through cooperative tasks, in-game gifting, or by trading goods at the in-game farmer’s market. Players in Mob Wars may attempt to recruit friends to their in-game mob and send fellow players messages, weapons, and energy boosts. The wide spread of some social media games can be attributed at least in part to the centrality of helping for gameplay; current players will often actively recruit other players, as a larger in-game social network can allow them greater success. In-game interactions for players may be relatively simple, as in Mob Wars or FarmVille, or more complex as in MMORPGs. Despite differing game styles and levels of complexity, the games are similar in demanding a certain level of social engagement for successful play. For players engaged in various kinds of social games, the community interaction provided by the game is often a primary motivation for gameplay (Ruggles, Wadley, & Gibbs, 2005, p. 115). In these ways, the very structure of games can facilitate and encourage community development and support and sustain communities.
While social games present a compelling case of the ways in which video gaming can support community-oriented activity, they are only one of many forms. Indeed, many vibrant gaming communities form around single-player games or other non-networked games, meaning that the games provide limited opportunities for interaction even when played competitively as in the case of many multiplayer arcade or console games. In these instances, a game’s format may prevent formation of the types of in-game communities characteristic of social games, but it does not prevent the formation of communities around these games. Beloved and even obscure games may serve as shared experiences for large fan communities. One well-known and highly-documented example of such a community is the community of classic arcade gamers and record holders, which is organized around invites such as the International Classic Video Game Tournament (ICVGT). While most classic arcade games are at least 30 years old, these games continue to attract new players, and competitions and conventions can attract hundreds or even thousands of players. The ICVGT, which has been held annually at the American Classic Arcade Museum since 1999, draws players from across the United States, many of whom return year after year, both to compete in the tournament and to reconnect with friends. While most of the games featured in the ICVGT do not allow in-game interaction between players, the games still form the basis of a large community of people who share game strategies and advice even as they compete against one another, or who more generally enjoy engaging over a shared hobby. Single-player console games may similarly spawn communities of loyal players who gather at conventions and other events.
Conventions and events provide a significant meeting place for gamers across a spectrum of interests. Some gaming conventions predate the popularity of video games and initially focused on other forms of games but have since evolved to feature video games alongside them. Gen Con Indy (www.gencon.com/), which has run for over 45 years, initially focused on war games, and was so small that it was held in an organizer’s home. Today, the convention draws over 35,000 attendees and includes computer games and video games alongside other game types. While the expansion of these kinds of conventions is impressive, their humble, small-scale origins demonstrate that they have developed from community-driven gatherings formed around shared interests. By contrast, the Electronic Entertainment Expo (E3) first held in 1995, which is focused on computer and video gaming, is a trade fair that serves as a launch point for publishers and manufacturers wishing to demonstrate upcoming games and merchandise. While E3 is at some level a large gathering of gamers, the focus of the event is on industry rather than on gamers, and it is inherently less community-oriented.
Online Forums
In-person events such as LAN parties, tournaments, and conventions occur as occasional community gatherings, but regular interaction can occur through other media forms as well. Message boards, blogs, and similar online communication tools can provide another avenue for community formation among gamers by allowing them to find others with similar interests. These kinds of tools can augment in-game communities developed through specific games and support connections between individuals with similar gaming interests who may never have interacted in-game. Message boards and forums exist for a wide array of games, including web-based games that already enable player communication as well as classic computer games, phone games, and almost any other type of video game. These online community spaces may be player- or company-supported and may focus on a specific game, a genre of games, a specific console or gaming system, or have a more general focus. For example, Activision supports separate forums for games in its Call of Duty (Activision, 2003–present) franchise (www.cal-lofduty.com/community/mw3/forums; www.callofduty.com/community/call_of_duty/english/blackops/forums/), and publications such as GirlGamer also maintain online forums (www.girlgamer.com/). Other forums are supported by other types of groups. The Twin Galaxies Forum (www.twingalaxies.com) is supported by an independent gaming organization that tracks world records. There are even online communities of players who enjoy modding or hacking their gaming consoles, such as Acid Mods (www.acidmods.com), or who enjoy programming games as a hobby pursuit.
The proliferation of gaming-oriented social outlets indicates both a widespread interest in video gaming, and a widespread desire among video game players to build connections and participate in community activities. Player tendencies to form game-based communities are bolstered by the efforts of game publishers. Game design strategies such as those employed in many MMORPGs encourage certain types of player interaction. Out-of-game interactions are also heavily supported by game publishers. Most companies consider player community formation an important goal as it can contribute to customer loyalty, game sales, and brand recognition. Research has indicated that the video game industry exhibits positive network effects—the process whereby the consumer benefits of using a product or service increases with the number of overall consumers using the same (Shankar & Bayus, 2003, pp. 375–378). This means that the spread of a particular game or gaming system benefits not only the companies selling these products, but also the consumers of these same products. The proliferation of official and unofficial accessories for the Nintendo Wii system and the expanding variety of games available through Valve’s Steam platform (http://store.steampowered.com/) are two examples of positive network effects in the game industry as they represent an increase in consumer choice and access. Given the potential of positive network effects, companies’ investments in game-based communities are effectively a double investment, increasing a game or gaming system’s user base, and also increasing the value of that game or gaming system for its users. Such efforts can take a variety of forms.
Official websites and forums are considered vital for most games and serve as the primary means through which players can interact with developers and vice versa. Companies such as Valve and BioWare support official forums to facilitate interactions among those who play their games, and writers, designers, and other company employees often respond to fan feedback. These forums are often managed by paid staff members. The corporate investment in such forums in terms of personnel is often reflected by moderation policies and community guidelines aimed at maintaining an atmosphere that is welcoming to new players and reflects well on the company. Activities and speech in these types of outlets is limited by terms-of-service agreements, but the extent to which these kinds of communities are managed varies widely. Companies may also choose to support unofficial sites developed by fans, by providing official content, offering interviews, and explicitly allowing the use of official artwork or other materials (Ruggles, Wadley, & Gibbs, 2005, pp. 120–121). Game companies may also try to capitalize on gamers’ interest in community formation. Microsoft’s subscription-based Xbox Live service allows players to collaborate and compete at console games via the Internet in addition to supporting a host of other social and entertainment applications. Games may also charge on a subscription basis, as in the case of World of Warcraft.
In addition to the numerous ways gamers form communities formally and informally in and around gameplay, professional organizations of various kinds for game developers and competitive gamers offer a high-profile example of community development in gaming culture. These kinds of specialized, formalized communities may differ in some ways from less-structured gaming communities. Further, as they are highly visible, they may exert greater influence on gaming culture as a whole as standards and practices in these communities may reflect and shape industrial concerns, player interests, and other areas.
Professional organizations for game designers and developers support communities of people working inside the industry. The International Game Developers Association (IGDA—www.igda.org/) is the largest of these, and has chapters spread across the globe. The IGDA advocates for game development as a profession and provides educational and professional development opportunities for its members. Women in Games International (WIGI—www.womeningamesinternational.org/) promotes diversity in the gaming industry. While professional associations such as IGDA and WIGI represent a highly specialized and professionalized effort at community building, they are communities nonetheless and the events, programs, and policies of these organizations provide insight into debates within gaming as a profession. Similarly, members of the Digital Games Research Association (DIGRA—www.digra.org/) participate in a network dedicated to the study of games, and this group of researchers also functions as a community. While there is obvious overlap in various communities of gamers and the community of professional game developers and game researchers, professional organizations are worth considering as separate communities, particularly as they occupy a rather different position with regards to industrial practices and standards.
Gaming Communities in Public
The professionalization of competitive gaming, like the professionalization of game design, has generated communities and community organizations with distinct concerns and practices. Just as there is overlap between the community of game developers and various gaming communities, there is overlap between professional gaming communities and other gaming communities. However, as in the case of communities of game developers, considering professional gaming communities separately from larger communities proves useful as these communities are distinct. Competitive gaming communities may organize around leagues, games, or even sites such as arcades that host their own leagues or tournaments. These types of organizations can exist at a wide variety of scales. Arcades such as Pinballz Arcade (www.pinballzarcade.com/) in Austin, Texas and Family Fun Arcade (www.ffa-united.com/) in Granada Hills, California host tournaments and leagues at a local level, while Major League Gaming (www.major-leaguegaming.com/home) operates as a professional league. The high media profile of certain professional gaming events or circuits shapes and distinguishes competitive gaming communities from other gaming social groups. Furthermore, these kinds of events may influence community standards and practices beyond their perceived boundaries because of media coverage; the growing prevalence of product endorsements in gaming is reflective of this, as companies attempt to cultivate a consumer base through association with highly visible gamers.
Many aspects of gaming culture, ranging from the popularity of social games to the popularity of large conventions, demonstrate an interest in community formation. The numerous communities that exist within gaming culture are not uniform and may vary greatly in membership demographics, interests, and other aspects. In particular, the standards of these communities can be widely divergent, and so discussion of gaming culture as a whole often lacks nuance as it effaces these differences. For example, some player-supported forums may have little to no moderation while an official forum sponsored by a company may require players to sign a terms-of-service agreement that outlines acceptable community behavior. The behavior of players can vary by game or by the forum through which players are interacting. There has been much documentation of the hostility many women encounter in certain online games. However, this experience is not universal and is not representative of all games; while some games may allow or even encourage such hostility, other games may explicitly bar players from engaging in this kind of behavior.
In the case of officially-sanctioned forums, the management of aggression and hostility in the forums can provide insight into company policies and company views of players. A writer for Dragon Age II (BioWare, 2011) generated a great deal of attention when he quickly dismissed a player complaining that the game’s romance options do not adequately cater to “straight male gamers” (Fahey, 2011). This public dismissal of an individual complaint posted to a public forum allowed the company to demonstrate its interest in providing a gaming environment that is inclusive of diverse players. Official forums and websites are in some ways a burden for companies, as players expect high levels of engagement and responsiveness, but, as demonstrated by this example, these same forums allow companies to actively shape player communities and publicly communicate priorities and expectations.
Debates about community standards in various gaming subcultures are often held through public forums, as was the case when a competitive fighting game player claimed in an interview that sexual harassment is an integral part of fighting game culture (Klepek, 2012). The commentary resulted in a public debate in forums and news sites dedicated specifically to fighting gaming that crossed over to discussion in more mainstream gaming news sites and even on sites tracking gender issues in media. The specificity in the naming of the fighting game community—rather than references to “gaming” in general—accurately demonstrate the extent to which community standards and practices may vary across different gaming communities. The gamer’s incendiary comment was specific to the community of which he considers himself a member, and the backlash, to large extent, was also specific to that community. While some gamers may respond dismissively or defensively in response to criticism of aspects of gaming communities, others may choose to engage critically or work toward demonstrating the value of their communities. Child’s Play Charity (www.childsplaycharity.org/), a nonprofit organization that provides toys and games to children’s hospitals around the world, is perhaps one of the most visible examples of the latter approach. Child’s Play was established in 2003 in response to negative portrayals of gamers, and the charity is intended to demonstrate the positive values of many gamers (France, 2004). A defense of sexual harassment in the fighting game community reflects very different values from those that guide Child’s Play Charity. For those familiar with the diversity of gaming culture, this difference should be unsurprising. However, these examples do demonstrate the necessity of considering gaming communities as distinct entities. When assessing public debates about gaming culture, separating out the specific community being discussed helps refine insights and enables greater understanding of community norms.
Perhaps the most important principle to bear in mind when considering gaming as the basis for community formation is that gaming communities and gaming culture are not monolithic. Communities reflect not only the differing gaming interests of their members, but also varying standards for community engagement and participation and individual behavior. The concept of community as it relates to video games provides a particularly useful lens for analyzing the cultural practices associated with video gaming. However, it is not a lens that shows a single point in clear focus, but rather one that refracts the image, revealing numerous variations and perspectives.
The substantial level of community engagement displayed by gamers across a spectrum of interests provides a compelling counter to the perceived social ills associated with video game culture. Participation in video game communities can provide a valuable social outlet, facilitating the growth of personal and professional networks, cultivating community-minded behaviors and practices, and offering numerous other rewards for individual participants. Gaming communities, like others, are not uniformly beneficial. The diversity of these communities demonstrates the necessity of individual consideration when assessing the value they hold for members and the potential impact they may have, and suggests the wide range of participants for whom gaming-oriented communities may appeal. As game companies continue to invest in various forms of social games and in supporting forums and other community-building efforts, and as gamers continue to organize formally and informally, community will remain an important aspect of gaming culture for the foreseeable future. By extension, community will also continue as a key arena for games research for scholars working in a diversity of fields interested in the social and cultural implications of games and gaming.
References
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