DAWN BREAKS EARLY in July and the short night soon gave way to the first rays of sunlight. As the darkness dissipated what was revealed to the anxious watchers was not a completely devastated region. What faced them was in the main a still recognisable sylvan scene. It was obviously no longer entirely pristine, clearly scarred as it was by the white lines of trenches, in places well worked over and battered by the artillery, but nevertheless still replete with many grassy fields and woods overgrown in the absence of the scything hands of farmers. The morning was perfect with clear skies and the more religious might have pondered that truly only the work of man was vile. As the men awoke from their disturbed sleep they could not help but dwell on what lay before them. Their eyes did not see the calm wonders of nature but looked beyond such distractions to fix on the devastated strip of land that lay between them and the menacing lines of German trenches. Here their destiny would be decided in a few short hours.
5.45 a.m. It is a glorious morning and is now broad daylight. We go over in two hours’ time. It seems a long time to wait and I think, whatever happens, we shall all feel relieved once the line is launched. No Man’s Land is a tangled desert. Unless one could see it one cannot imagine what a terrible state of disorder it is in. Our gunnery has wrecked that and his front-line trenches all right. But we do not yet seem to have stopped his machine guns. These are pooping off all along our parapet as I write. I trust they will not claim too many of our lads before the day is over.1
Captain Charles May, 22nd Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 91st Brigade, 7th Division
In time-honoured fashion the men looked for their breakfasts to fill the empty void in their stomachs, something that the inevitable jitters emphasised to an uncomfortable degree. They would feel better with something inside them.
At approximately 6 a.m. on Saturday 1st we had a breakfast on a beautiful summer morning and then a dozen of us had a bit of singsong in one of the dugouts. I remember two of the songs very well, ‘When you wore a tulip’ and ‘I love the ladies’.2
Private Harry Baumber, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
Tea, the eternal panacea and balm of the British Army, was served out to the men as they sat on the firestep and prepared themselves for the grim ordeal that lay before them.
Ah good! Here comes the fellow with the tea. That will cheer us up. A bite of something to eat wouldn’t do any harm, either. The men are all fully awake and are variously engaged in cleaning their rifles, having breakfast, talking and smoking. I think they are pretty confident. They are stout-hearted fellows and I do not anticipate any difficulty in controlling them.3
Lieutenant William Colyer, 2nd Battalion, Royal Dublin Fusiliers, 10th Brigade, 4th Division
Gradually a firmer purpose took over as the men busied themselves with the routine tasks that they had to carry out before the ‘off’. The British wire had already been taken down during the night, ladders were set in place to allow the men to climb quickly out of the trenches, and bridges constructed by the Royal Engineers were fitted in position to allow troops coming forward to get over the front-line trench as they advanced. Some of the officers were keenly aware that their men would be looking to them for leadership. They would not have been human if they had not wondered whether they would prove worthy of that trust.
I must be alive to the task in front of me. First, there must be no mistake about my own behaviour—a steady going forward, whatever the opposition may be. I have confidence in my own courage; it did not fail me at Ypres and there is no reason why it should fail me now. My wits must be alert, for the lives of these forty-odd men, and perhaps many more, depend to a great extent on my leadership. I must be sure to appear calm and cheerful, whatever I may feel like.4
Lieutenant William Colyer, 2nd Battalion, Royal Dublin Fusiliers, 10th Brigade, 4th Division
The colonels in charge of each battalion were internally torn between a natural urge to share the risks faced by their men and the sheer military necessity of standing back from the fray if they were to have any chance of retaining some semblance of control during those crucial moments when the fighting hung in the balance.
One’s instinct was to get on with the chaps and for one thing see what was going on. On the other hand we had been warned over and over again that officers’ lives must not be thrown away in doing something that they oughtn’t, in fact that commanding officers of battalions should lead from behind. When the attack had lost its impetus then was the moment to go forward. And that’s what I tried to do.5
Lieutenant Colonel Alfred Irwin, 8th Battalion, East Surrey Regiment, 55th Brigade, 18th Division
While the officers pondered their role, the men had their personal kit to get into position. They had much to carry.
I will tell here what I carried: rifle and bayonet with a pair of wire cutters attached; a shovel fastened on my back; pack containing two days’ rations, oil sheet, cardigan, jacket and mess tin; haversack containing one day’s iron rations and two Mills bombs; 150 rounds of ammunition; two extra bandoliers containing 60 rounds each, one over each shoulder; a bag of ten bombs.6
Private Albert Andrews, 19th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 21st Brigade, 30th Division
Although the guns had not stopped firing, many men noticed that their fire had appreciably slackened during the final night and some men even claimed to have heard the birds singing a dawn chorus. The final cannonade let rip at 0630 as almost every gun in the sector poured in a rapid fire drenching the German trenches with bursting shells.
The artillery, which had been firing in a desultory fashion, began to speed up, and within fifteen seconds there was a perfect hurricane of sound. Every gun, large or small started firing ‘rapid’, the trench mortars in the front line joining in, while above all could be heard the tearing rattle of the Vickers machine guns firing from somewhere near us.7
Major Walter Vignoles, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
Unfortunately, in many sectors this bombardment did not go unanswered. This was the moment for which the German artillery had been waiting. Now they knew the attack was coming and every German battery blazed out in defiance. It was very obvious that the German artillery had not been silenced or even reduced to a relative quiescence. The British gunners had certainly failed to carry out one of their most important tasks and the infantry soon began to suffer the consequences of that failure.
About seven o’clock, the enemy suddenly dropped a barrage on our trench, blowing it in and causing many casualties. Dazed by the perpetual crashes we crouched in the bottom of the trench, half buried under the debris which fell around us. This barrage accounted for close on forty killed and wounded in the company. I was struck by two pieces of shrapnel on the upper part of my left arm and on my shrapnel helmet, but escaped with a bruise on my arm and a dent in my helmet, plus, of course, a splitting headache.8
Sergeant Frank Hawkings, 1/9th Battalion (Queens Victoria’s Rifles), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
In more fortunate sectors the infantry were left in relative peace as the minutes ticked slowly by. There was a sort of confidence that merged seamlessly with wishful thinking—perhaps the Germans would not, after all, put up much of a resistance.
We were in very good spirits; I don’t know why, for we all knew that there was a good chance of many of us being killed or wounded, but we were in good spirits and they were not assumed either. Even those who grouse as a rule were cheerful; I think the fact that at last we hoped to get to close quarters with the Boche and defeat him accounted for it. We had an hour to wait, so lighted pipes and cigarettes while the men chatted and laughed, and wondered whether the Boche would wait for us. I had a look round but could not see much. The morning was fine and the sun shining, but the enemy’s trenches were veiled in a light mist made worse no doubt by the smoke from the thousands of shells we were pumping into his lines. Nearby I could see our machine gunners, out in the open already, trying to get the best position from which to enfilade certain parts of the Boche line. There was a kind of suppressed excitement running through all the men as the time for the advance came nearer.9
Major Walter Vignoles, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
Even so, the final countdown could not be anything but a grievous trial to the nerves as the minutes slowly drifted away from them.
I was apprehensive, I wondered if I’d be alive that night, I wondered whether I was going to be killed. I accepted the fact that as a soldier, the thing was you had to be a fatalist. We often said, ‘If it’s got your name and address on it, it will find you—so what’s the use of worrying!’ So you’ve just got to go and you hope for the best.10
Private Basil Farrer, 2nd Battalion, Green Howards, 21st Brigade, 30th Division
Only a few found their courage deserted them in the final analysis so that they took the desperate measure of a self-inflicted wound.
One of my friends shot himself through the hand. He was a brave man; he was one of the last I would have thought of doing that. He just said, ‘I’m not going over, where are the clean sandbags?’ He put a sandbag over his rifle and shot himself. He was right by me.11
Private Albert Hurst, 17th Battalion, Manchester Regt, 90th Brigade, 30th Division
His friend got away with it. No one in authority saw him and the men themselves had their own problems to think about. All along the line the men checked rifle bolt actions were clean one last time and fixed their bayonets. They were as ready as they ever would be.
The orders came down: ‘Half an hour to go!’ ‘Quarter of an hour to go!’ ‘Ten minutes to go!’ ‘Three minutes to go!’ I lit a cigarette and up the ladder I went.12
Private Albert Andrews, 19th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 21st Brigade, 30th Division
The Battle of the Somme had finally begun.
VII Corps, Third Army: The Gommecourt Diversion
A FEW MILES TO the north of the main Fourth Army attack two territorial divisions of the Third Army’s VII Corps began their ‘diversionary’ action. There was no intent here of breaking through, or of rolling up the German line. It was designed to attract the fire of German artillery and infantry that might otherwise busy itself by interfering with the northern flank of the main assault at Serre. The diversion was a standard ‘pincer’ attack, intended to pinch out the Gommecourt Salient and force the surrounded German garrison to surrender. Coming in from the northern flank facing Gommecourt Wood was the 46th (North Midland) Division, which was required to break into the German lines and then form a strong defensive flank to block any German counter-attack launched from the north. They were also to attack along the Fill Trench to make a rendezvous with the other pincer supplied by the 56th (London) Division in the First Switch Trench to the east of the village of Gommecourt. The 56th Division was to break through and seize the German third line, (variously named from Feud to Fame) which was to be consolidated, before a second assault swung round through the Maze and Quadrilateral fortifications to make their intended rendezvous with 46th Division. To the south of the 56th Division, just two battalions of the neighbouring 48th Division thinly held the line over the whole 2 miles that stretched down to the northern flank of the main attack launched by 31st Division of VIII Corps. These battalions were meant to simulate readiness for an imminent attack by cutting holes in the German barbed wire and releasing smoke as if about to assault. In the absence of any convincing British artillery support barrage, and the lack of assembly trenches or corresponding holes cut in the British wire, this ruse unsurprisingly failed to distract the Germans and they were left free to concentrate their fire against the 56th Division.
Taken as a whole this was an extremely ambitious plan, for the German defences around the Gommecourt Salient were amongst the strongest on the whole Somme front. A complex interlocked system of trenches and communication trenches was centred on the Maze lying to the eastern side of the village, while three further additional defensive switch lines isolated the whole salient in the event of the British successfully breaking through. Most of the garrison was preserved from the worst effects of the preliminary bombardment by a comprehensive pattern of deep dugouts. Furthermore, although a strong force of medium and heavy batteries had been theoretically devoted to counter-battery fire this was comprehensively undermined by the small allocation of ammunition to the task—just 20 rounds per gun. Even worse there was only one aircraft allocated to them for aerial observation. As a result most of the German batteries in the Gommecourt area had survived unscathed.
To their credit, the British had foreseen the risk of concentrated flanking fire from unengaged German troops and artillery lying to the east, north and south of the British attack and in an effort to counter this and conceal what was going on an attempt was made to generate a smoke screen across the front of both attacking divisions at 0720. Unfortunately, on the 46th Division front, this seems to have confused the attackers far more than the Germans. The combination of thick smoke clouds and the maze of old trenches and new assembly trenches that were littered all across No Man’s Land meant that the troops found it difficult to get the correct alignment of attack. To complicate matters further the belts of barbed wire, which had been reported clear, had mostly been patched up by the Germans overnight and they once again posed a serious obstacle to rapid progress.
Once the assault began at 0730 the German troops were very soon out of their dugouts to occupy the mish-mash of trenches and shell holes left after the British bombardment. As the smoke clouds began to disperse in front of them, their targets soon became clear, and they opened an effective fire. But the real damage came from their artillery, which was effectively augmented by the batteries in Adinfer Wood to the north. Now the consequence of the inadequate counter-battery fire was clearly apparent. As a direct result the attack was an almost complete failure. The only significant incursion into the German lines was made by the 1/5th and 1/7th Sherwood Foresters. They were quickly isolated and a debilitating confusion over the organisation of a combined renewed attack and reinforcement ate away at time deep into the afternoon until eventually the whole idea was abandoned. The surviving Sherwood Foresters were hunted down one by one like rats in a trap.
Meanwhile, on the neighbouring 56th Division front, the German artillery reacted equally violently to the first wisps of the smoke screen that curled towards them across No Man’s Land.
Before we started off we sent up dense clouds of white smoke, under cover of which we started attacking. The moment the Germans spotted this they started with their artillery putting up a wicked barrage of fire—heavy shrapnel at regular distances of about 20 yards covering every inch of ground. They put one in No Man’s Land, one over the front line, another over our reserves, and others right along the communication trenches.13
Rifleman Frank Jacobs, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
Mere smoke certainly could not deflect shells from the massed German artillery who did not need to see to be able to kill their enemies—after all, they knew exactly where they were and where they were going. Notwithstanding this, at 0725 the leading assault companies moved out of the front line and formed up on the tapes laid in front of the British front line to be ready for the final whistle that would launch them on their way. At last the whistles blew at 0730 and one by one the assaulting companies disappeared into the smoke that by then wreathed all of No Man’s Land.
From the trenches behind them the attack was an inspirational if somewhat daunting sight.
It was the finest spectacle I have ever seen. The smoke varied in colour and as each cloud intermingled with the other it formed beautiful tints. By this time the artillery had lifted and carried on with the pounding of the Huns’ rear positions and batteries. Mr Fritz was by no means taking this lying down and we soon realised that he had almost as many guns as we had, but it was chiefly heavy stuff that he sent over and this led us to suspect that he had shifted his field guns back. The wood and all the enemy’s trenches were now obscured from sight and all that could be seen was the front waves of men advancing to their unknown fate. Line after line advanced and disappeared in the clouds of smoke.14
Lance Corporal Sidney Appleyard, 1/9th Battalion (Queen Victoria’s Rifles), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
The men amidst the smoke clouds could not really see what was happening but the crescendo of noise, the percussive effects of shell explosions and the rattle of the machine guns gave them every clue that they were engaged in a truly desperate business.
When we advanced beyond the smoke screens we became an easy target for the German machine guns. I saw many of my colleagues drop down, but this somehow or other did not seem to worry me, and I continued to go forward until I suddenly became aware that there were very few of us in this first line of attack capable of going on. I found myself in the company of an officer, Lieutenant Wallace. We dived into a flat shallow hole, made by our guns, apparently both wanting to decide what we should now do. Lieutenant Wallace asked me whether I thought we should attempt to go on or remain there for the time being. Thinking the position over very rapidly, I came to the conclusion and told him that going on would be suicidal and that the best thing we could do would be to stay there and attempt to pick off any Germans who might expose themselves. We were not very clear as to how we were situated. Lieutenant Wallace said, however, that we had been ordered to go on at all costs and that we must comply with this order. At this, he stood up and within a few seconds dropped down riddled with bullets. This left me with the same problem, and having observed his action, I felt I must do the same. I had thought that a man who could stand up and knowingly face practically certain death must be very brave. I found out that bravery hardly came into it. Once the decision was made to stand up I had no further fear. I was not bothered at all even though I believed that I would be dead within seconds and would be rotting on the ground, food for the rats next day. I am now convinced that when it comes to the last crunch nobody has any fear at all; it is not a question of bravery. In some extraordinary manner the chemistry of the body anaesthetises it. I stood up and was immediately hit by two bullets and dropped down. I did not even feel appreciably the bullets going through.15
Private Henry Russell, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), 169th Brigade, 56th Division
His wounds were obviously serious and as the German shells continued to crash down between the lines he was hit again and virtually emasculated as he lay there helpless. Only much later at night would he be able to crawl back to the British lines.
As the attacking waves pushed forwards, despite the heavy casualties they were suffering, the survivors pushed closer and closer to the German front line. Yet as the decisive moment approached the German fire seemed only to increase.
Officers led the way, most of whom dropped immediately. Machine guns seemed to crackle from every direction, I kept my head down as low as possible, helmet tilted to protect my eyes, but I could still see men dropping all around me. One on my left clutched his stomach and just collapsed. Another, a yard to my right, slumped on to his knees. The din was terrific, stifling any screams. Entangled wire had to be negotiated. Just one opening—on which the German fire was rapid and most accurate. Not many of us got through. The journey seemed endless, but at last a number of us fell into a German trench.16
Private Arthur Schuman, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
Inevitably, many never made it through the maelstrom of fire that ripped through the hapless Londoners.
Shells were bursting everywhere, and through the drifting smoke in front of us we could see the enemy’s first line from which grey figures emerged and hurled hand grenades. We moved forward in long lines, stumbling through the mass of shell holes, wire and wreckage, and behind us more waves appeared. As we neared the enemy line, a low flying shrapnel shell burst right over my head, completely deafening me. I ducked and slipped head first into a shell hole. Simultaneously several more shells burst close around. We must have been in the midst of the Hun barrage. I felt a sharp pain in my back, and my next recollections are of a medley of Huns and Queen Victoria’s Rifles at close quarters with bomb and bayonet. The tide of battle rolled on as our fellows forced their way to the Hun trench, and when I recovered my wits, I found myself bleeding profusely from a wound in my left forearm. There was also a patch of blood on my breeches from the wound in my back. I was by this time, completely dazed and half deafened, but had sufficient sense to appreciate in which direction lay our own front line. I next found myself sliding head first into the old line upon a heap of mangled bodies.17
Sergeant Frank Hawkings, 1/9th Battalion (Queen Victoria’s Rifles), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
In general, although the British artillery had been unable to suppress the German guns, they had at least managed to cut the barbed wire along most of the 56th Division front. The leading troops, reinforced by the following waves managed to reach and overwhelm the resistance offered by the surviving garrison of the German front line. Here they could see for themselves the visible evidence of the power of their own artillery.
You couldn’t possibly imagine what it was like, but I will do my best to describe it. The place was nothing but a mass of shell holes, some small, some huge. Huge 9.2-in shells lay there unexploded, and the whole place had been smashed to atoms. The German first line was but a ditch and, as we had expected, there were very few Germans there. These held up their hands crying, ‘Kamarad, Kamarad!’ and some were taken prisoners and some were shot. We went on over the second line and on until we came to the third. This was our objective. Immediately we got there we started consolidating the trench—an awful job—for it was smashed out of all recognition.18
Rifleman Frank Jacobs, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
The German trenches had indeed been badly battered and the Londoners were quickly into the German front-line trench and the second line was also soon overrun. Sergeant Hawker, the acting company sergeant major of C Company, Queen’s Westminster Rifles pushed on as instructed and launched his company against the third line. Here resistance stiffened but as the men surged up the communication trenches the Germans were forced back to their next line of defence at Nameless Farm.
Between the second and the third lines we were delayed for some moments by uncut wire, and from this point considerable numbers of enemy troops could be clearly seen, evacuating their support trenches and retiring hastily to their rear. They presented an irresistible target to our men who got down behind the wire and opened a strong fire. We now came under a heavy shrapnel fire, and the noise was terrific, rendering fire control difficult. Captain Mott, having found and enlarged a gap in the wire, gave the order to cease fire and push on. It was at this juncture, I believe, that he became a casualty. It was for some moments difficult to communicate the order and to control the fire. I collected a party and advanced as far as a slight back of raised road, which afforded some cover from a withering machine-gun fire, which now enfiladed us from Gommecourt Wood. We had many casualties here; and, while I was walking to a flank to determine our next move, I was put out of action by a shot through the neck and windpipe.19
Sergeant Donald Hawker, 1/16th Battalion (Queen’s Westminster Rifles), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
Hawker began to make his way back but was hit twice more and eventually fell down unconscious in the old German front line. While the wounded made their painful and perilous way back to safety, the supporting waves continued to push forward in an effort to exploit the successes that had been achieved before the inevitable German counter-attacks.
The enemy was found in his dugouts in Feast. I saw two taken prisoner and others shot or bombed. On reaching the Maze, which was little more than large shell holes, I bore to the left and took up a position in a large shell hole. I was rather uncertain whether my position was correct, but Captain Harvey arrived and confirmed it as being so. There were about ten men at this point, which we held and commenced to consolidate at once. Snipers were very busy and killed one and wounded two during the first two minutes. We were filling sandbags whilst lying down, until there was sufficient cover to work our Lewis gun.20
Lance Corporal John Foaden, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
Meanwhile, another party from D Company, London Rifle Brigade sought to consolidate their positions in what little the British artillery had left of the Eck Trench.
Our left was in touch with C Company. One of our Lewis guns was in the left part of Eck and fired half-left across the road in front. The second gun never reached the German trenches. From 8 to 11.30 a.m. the consolidation of Eck proceeded without interruption from the enemy, with the exception of a sniper in the wood on the left and one on the right. Our right was in touch with the Queen Victoria’s Rifles until this time. Eck was in such a condition that the company were in isolated groups in holes with heaps of earth between them. These heaps were very large, but communication was maintained between them by men crawling over the top.21
Corporal Roland Ebbetts, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
Nevertheless, some heroic attempts were made to push on to the final objectives. An amorphous group of Queen’s Westminsters, led by an officer from the pioneers of the 1/5th Cheshires launched an attack on the Quadrilateral fortress but were soon repulsed. The moment for further advances had gone and consolidation was now the all-important priority if they were to hold what they had captured.
It was at this point that the utter collapse of the attack of the 46th Division on the left side of the Gommecourt Salient began to severely affect the prospects of the Londoners. Their initial failure was so complete that its ramifications blighted all subsequent attempts to try again later in the day. The British trenches were clogged up with corpses and the wounded being carried back by the hard-pressed stretcher bearers. Under such a strain it was unsurprising that the ‘up’ and ‘down’ arrangements for the communication trenches soon fell apart, with the result that these were soon totally blocked and fresh troops could not get forward. Worst of all was the deluge of shells from the German batteries in front and to the north that continued to spatter liberally across the British lines. The failure of the 46th Division to launch a renewed attack meant that the Germans could concentrate all their energies on eradicating the incursion of the 56th Division into their trenches. Although the German front lines had been captured and parties were established as far forward as the Maze, they were isolated and boxed in by the sheer awesome power of the German bombardment falling behind them and splaying across the length and breadth of No Man’s Land. The men who had breached the German front line were in effect trapped, cut off from their own front line, from reinforcements and desperately needed new supplies of bombs and ammunition.
German counter-attacks poured in from all sides. Short, sharp artillery bombardments were followed up by probing parties of German bombers, covered by snipers, creeping forward inch by inch along the numerous communication trenches ready to unleash a deadly flurry of hand grenades. Soon the situation was exceptionally confused for the surviving isolated parties left scattered about the various German defence lines. It was in such troubled circumstances that the wounded Sergeant Hawker found himself when he regained consciousness at about 1400.
I found that a party of various units, of whom Sergeant Courteney appeared to be senior, were in occupation of the enemy front line where I lay. Sergeant Courteney told me that they had been driven back by successive counter-attacks from the right (where our attack had not established itself). He asked me for instructions, stating that he had about twenty men with him, that they had no small arms ammunition or bombs, and were expecting a further advance of the enemy from the right. I suggested that they should block a traverse on the right, and endeavour to maintain their position until dusk with any further ammunition they could collect from casualties.22
Sergeant Donald Hawker, 1/16th Battalion (Queen’s Westminster Rifles), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
Very few orders arrived from behind them and those that did were often impossible to execute. The absolute priority was to establish contact with the neighbouring units to create a continuous defensive line that could not be easily penetrated by the Germans.
A runner appeared over the parapet, having succeeded in a most daring venture from our trenches. He brought a message addressed to ‘any officer’. As no officer appeared to be in the neighbourhood, I took the responsibility of opening the message. It ran approximately as follows, ‘Aero reports German fourth line unoccupied. Organise party to occupy and secure same’. The runner volunteered to attempt to return, so I had a message given to him, acknowledging receipt of the brigade order and urging support at the earliest possible moment. I then instructed Sergeant Courteney to draw his party along to the left and endeavour to get in touch with the London Rifle Brigade, who appeared to be still putting up a fight near the wood, and to give the message to the first British officer he saw.23
Sergeant Donald Hawker, 1/16th Battalion (Queen’s Westminster Rifles), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
Lieutenant Petley, who had already been slightly wounded in the shoulder, sent back a message from his outpost in Eck Trench to the previous British front line begging for supplies of bombs and reinforcements.
I sent a message back to you about two hours ago to the effect that I am holding on to Eck with about forty men, including a dozen Queen Victoria’s Rifles and one Queen’s Westminster Rifle, and that I wanted more bombs. Quite out of touch to right and left. Have held off Germans on our right with barricade. It is quite absurd to lay here at night as we are.24
Second Lieutenant R. E. Petley, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
Pedey’s desperate message was just one of many sent back. Officers back in the original British front line appreciated the situation but they could do nothing about it.
If we could only have got bombs over to them, I think they might have managed to hold on until dark, but the artillery barrage and machine-gun fire put up in No Man’s Land was so heavy that it was impossible for anyone to get across or live there. I ordered the reserve company, ‘D’ to try to get parties across. They made three attempts, but each time all who started became casualties.25
Lieutenant Colonel Vernon Dickins, 1/9th Battalion (Queen Victoria’s Rifles), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
Orders were given but simple courage was not enough to carry men through the curtain of shells falling in front of them. Lance Corporal Appleyard was one of a party led by Second Lieutenant Ord Mackenzie in a vain attempt to get a fresh supply of bombs across No Man’s Land. They had hardly started before most of them were bowled over.
We started off under Mr Mackenzie with twenty-four bombs per man, and as soon as we advanced over No Man’s Land the Germans opened a very deadly machine-gun fire, which laid a good number out. On we went and it seemed marvellous how the pieces missed us, for the air appeared to be alive with missiles. At last after advancing about 30 yards, I was struck in the thigh by a bullet, the force of which knocked me over. The only thing to do was to crawl back, and this I did and explained things to Captain Renton. Knowing that a good number had been hit, I decided to crawl out on top again and give any assistance that might be required. My efforts were fruitless for the only man left out had been shot through the head and killed instantly.26
Lance Corporal Sidney Appleyard, 1/9th Battalion (Queen Victoria’s Rifles), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
Before the assault some thought had been given to maintaining communications and various detachments had been charged with the task of digging communication trenches across No Man’s Land. But in the heat of battle this proved all but impossible.
Our own particular work was to dig a communication trench between our advanced line and a point known as ‘Z’ Hedge, from where it would have been possible for our men to carry ammunition and stores fairly safely under cover to the German network of trenches which we had captured and hoped to retain. After three splendid efforts in the face of the overwhelming gun-fire we had to desist. I am sorry to state that Captain Noel, then in command of my company, was in a shocking funk, despite the fact he was wearing a steel body shield. He evidently valued his own life before those of his men, seeing that he attempted to get in the rear of his command by walking on the backs of his men. Fortunately the Colonel came along and prevented him acting foolishly. This murderous fire continued.27
Private Sydney Newman, 1/3rd Battalion, London Regiment, 167th Brigade, 56th Division
It soon became apparent that the men that had advanced so bravely across No Man’s Land would have to fend for themselves. Major Dickens of the Kensingtons sent various desperate messages back that charted the rapidly deteriorating situation.
1.10 p.m.: Shelling fearful. Mackenzie killed. Trench practically untenable, full of dead and wounded. Very few men indeed left. Must have instructions and assistance. 1.48 p.m.: Sap absolutely impassable owing to shell fire. Every party that enters it knocked out at once. Captain Ware has been wounded somewhere there. I have just crawled to the end of it with London Scottish machine-gun party. Could not find him. One of the Scottish had his hand blown off. Our front line in an awful state. Two more men killed and one wounded. Estimate casualties to A and C Companies at least 25 killed and 50 wounded. Impossible to man large lengths of our front line. Digging quite out of the question and position of the Scottish serious. 2.40 p.m.: I have as far as I can find only thirteen left besides myself. Trenches unrecognisable. Quite impossible to hold. Bombardment fearful for two hours. I am the only officer left. Please send instructions.28
Major Cedric Dickens, 13th Battalion (Kensingtons), London Regiment, 168th Brigade, 56th Division
It was not just communications with the troops across the chasm of No Man’s Land that were cut. The German barrage had severed most of the telephone lines that connected the assaulting battalions with their brigade headquarters. This contributed greatly to the overall confusion. Signaller William Smith was detailed to repair the telephone lines that led back to the headquarters of 168th Brigade.
I had just been temporarily knocked out by a flat piece of shell and had been attended by a stretcher bearer, who had then left me and proceeded on his way back to a dressing station, whilst I went farther on down the trench to get on with my job. I had not gone many yards when I met a very young private of the 12th Londons. One of his arms was hanging limp and was, I should think, broken in two or three places. He was cut and bleeding about the face, and was altogether in a sorry plight. He stopped me and asked me, ‘Is there a dressing station down there, mate?’ pointing along the way I had come. I replied, ‘Yes, keep straight on down the trench. It’s a good way down. But there’s a stretcher bearer only just gone along. Shall I see if I can get him for you?’ His reply I shall never forget, ‘Oh, I don’t want him for me. I want someone to come back with me to get my mate. He’s hurt!’29
Signaller William Smith, Royal Engineers Signals attached to 168th Brigade, 56th Division
The communications with brigade headquarters were desperately important. It was only by keeping headquarters properly informed that the commanding officers would know where to unleash the power of the British artillery, which was the only real chance of rescuing the situation. One staff officer, Major Philip Neame VC, was able to take over an artillery forward observation post and thereby directly intervene to bring down artillery support for at least one of the isolated parties.
We had a headquarters up near the front-line trenches in a small dugout which we’d specially constructed, with an artillery observation post for our forward observation officer who came up to the front with us the evening before the attack. When the battle started he was up in this ready to direct artillery fire after the barrage had stopped. Unfortunately a German shell blew the top off this observation post and killed him. As a result of this I had to go up into the trench and carry out his duties for the rest of the day’s fighting. I had to call down into the dugout and transmit messages of any alterations in the artillery fire that was required, telephoned through by my staff captain to the artillery headquarters. The Germans began to launch their big counter-attack against our troops in the German front and support trenches which we had captured, they were starting a very heavy bombing attack. I could see them picking out bombs and starting to throw them and I gave directions for several batteries of our artillery to be concentrated on the German communication trench down which swarms of German troops were coming. Our artillery was most skilfully directed and completely destroyed this counter-attack.30
Major Philip Neame VC, Headquarters, 168th Brigade, 56th Division
Yet this was just one of many German counter-attacks that were raining down on the British. Most of the Germans were simply invisible from the perspective of the original British front line as they carefully probed their way through the tangled system of trenches without showing themselves above surface.
As no further supplies of bombs could get across No Man’s Land, improvisation was required from the trapped assaulting parties. First of all the British bombs were collected up and sent to where it was considered the pressure was greatest. At the same time diligent efforts were made to locate any remaining German front-line bomb supplies in the areas they had over-run. However, the demand for bombs still far outstripped the supply. Finally, in cases of desperation, men took incredible risks that they would never have considered in the cold light of day.
The Germans were in the same trench slinging over stick bombs from both flanks. I must have been really mad, for in the heat of the moment, I quickly picked up a stick bomb, certain that I had sufficient time to throw it back. But the trench being so high, it hit the top and fell back. With two or three others who were near me, we had to nip into the next bay very smartly.31
Private Arthur Schuman, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
The German threat was clearly greatest to the right, where the London Scottish had attacked. On their immediate right flank were German troops that had been neither attacked nor bombarded and it was an easy matter for them to organise counter-attacks from this relative oasis of calm. Soon the pressure was beyond endurance.
I am faced with this position. I have collected all bombs and small arms ammunition from casualties. Every one has been used. I am faced with three alternatives: (a) To stay here with such of my men as are alive and be killed. (b) To surrender to the enemy. (c) To withdraw such of my men as I can. Either of these first two alternatives is distasteful to me. I propose to adopt the latter.32
Captain H. C. Sparks, 1/14th Battalion (London Scottish), London Regiment, 168th Brigade, 56th Division
As the London Scottish began to fall back across No Man’s Land to the original British front line a domino effect was generated: after the Germans reoccupied their front lines on the right they began to bomb their way along the lines until the neighbouring positions were rendered utterly untenable.
By this time our numbers were very small, for reinforcements, bombs etc. could not be obtained owing to the heavy curtain of fire put up between the old front lines, and after a consultation I had with the Company Sergeant Major we decided it was a case for every man to do his best to get home, for there was not enough men to get to work with the bayonet in the open. Everybody hung on as long as possible, then small parties began to evacuate, but none got far before they were bowled over by machine-gun fire. It was when I tried to get home that I got one from the left through my thigh and, in getting up, one across my back from the right, just taking the skin off my spine and ripping a nice lump out of my left side in the small of the back. I was able to get up and rush into a shell hole where I remained until 11 p.m.33
Sergeant Gilbert Telfer, 1/9th Battalion (Queen Victoria’s Rifles), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
All along the 56th Division front, isolated NCOs and officers were left with no choice but to pull back towards the original German front line. The further forward they had got the more difficult it was to withdraw. Even to get back to the previous front fine was a real challenge. As the German counter-attack gained momentum, Lance Corporal Foaden and his small force were left increasingly isolated in their outpost in the Maze.
At 4 p.m. Sergeant Hember ordered us to withdraw also, but there being no communication trench, I told him we could not do so until dusk, as we had our Lewis gun and heavy packs of small arms ammunition. Enemy bombers appeared in Fibre and threw bombs at us. I opened fire with the Lewis gun, whereupon the enemy threw up his hands, I took this to be a ruse and fired again. This occurred on three occasions. I then retired towards the Maze taking the gun with me. I saw the enemy again there and once more fired. I was now covering a large shell hole in which were Sergeant Hember and fourteen men. Having but two grenades we decided to try and reach the rest of the battalion, so I stripped the gun, rendering it useless to the enemy. The premature explosion of one of our own grenades wounded Sergeant Hember and five others. I then decided to retire with the remainder and get reinforcements. After several fruitless attempts to find Fen we managed to work round the outer edge of the Maze and reached Exe. On reaching Female we encountered more enemy bombers, at whom we fired and threw our last grenade. We eventually crawled down Exe and reached the remainder of the battalion at the junction of Fen and Exe.34
Lance Corporal John Foaden, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
One desperate rearguard action was fought by Second Lieutenant Petley as he and his men were grudgingly forced back from their hard-won positions in the Eck Trench.
Sergeant Austin, Corporal Thorpe and myself brought up the rear. Our idea was to try and bring one at least of the wounded back; as soon, however, as the party started we were bombed rather heavily from Female, and, of course, I had to order all wounded to be left alone. We managed to account for two or three of the Huns in Female and kept them down until the rear of the party had passed the top of Exe. We worked our way round to about the junction of Maze and Fibre, Austin and I bringing up the rear. We had no less than four different bombing parties to keep off, and the whole of my party got to the German second trench with only two or three casualties. It was in the independent rushes across the open, of course, that the casualties occurred, but even then, most of us, I believe, got to the German front line, where apparently were the remnants of C and D Companies and a lot of Queen Victoria’s Rifles. Austin and I lay in a shell hole by the second line to cover as much as possible these final rushes. Our intention was to stay there until dark, but on a bomb bursting in our shell hole we cleared off before the smoke lifted. Austin muttered that he was hit, but we did not wait to argue. We ran in different directions and I have not seen him since. Although the bomb burst practically on us, I was unhurt except for a few tiny places in my legs. I worked my way to the German front trench and joined the others, Harvey, de Cologan, Smith, Cox of the Queen Victoria’s Rifles, several other officers and about sixty or seventy men.35
Second Lieutenant R. E. Petley, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
Soon they had fallen right back to the German front line and had nowhere left to go but back across No Man’s Land. The London Rifle Brigade were the last to be forced out. As they hung on scattered remnants from the neighbouring battalions were forced back along the lines into their positions by the relentless bombing and sniping of the Germans. The survivors congregated in Ferret Trench just 200 yards from Gommecourt Park, but the situation was then beyond hope.
By now I was just petrified. I knew that if I stayed in the trench I would have most certainly been killed. I hardly waited for the order, but it came, ‘Everyone for himself!’ I did not wait to argue—over the top I went like greased lightening—surviving a hail of bullets. I immediately fell flat. Then trying to imagine I was part of the earth, I wriggled along on my belly. Dead, dying and wounded, feigning death—who knows? The ground was covered with them. I sped from shell hole to shell hole. Never had I run faster. It was snipers, machine guns and shrapnel all the way. About halfway across, I rolled into a shell hole and fell on top of a badly wounded German in a pitiable state—probably an abandoned prisoner. All he said was, ‘Sclecht! Sclecht!’—which means, ‘Bad!’ I don’t know what made me do it but I gripped his hand and sped on. When I finally scrambled into our front-line trench I was greeted by our Adjutant Captain Wallis and Regimental Sergeant Major MacVeigh who both solemnly shook my hand. I was told that only twenty had returned so far.36
Private Arthur Schuman, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
There were other survivors of course, but most were still marooned out in the hostile wastes of No Man’s Land. Like a deadly game they had to choose their moment to try and sprint back. Get the timing wrong and the consequences were painful or fatal.
It was either a bolt back with a sporting chance of getting through, or else surrender. We turned tail and made a blind bolt back about 7.30 p.m. The moment we did so they turned a veritable hail of fire upon us from machine guns and rifles. I got caught in the wire and sprawled headlong, tore myself free and then caught again. Once more I disentangled myself and then plunged into a shell hole and stopped there. How I got as far as there I knew not, for men were falling like flies. None who kept on in this rush for our line got through. There were five of us in this shell hole—three wounded. I sat in a pool of blood and water until it started getting dark, and then we crept out and back to safety. We spent over two hours in that shell hole, but so exhausted were we that even during that time we dozed.37
Rifleman Frank Jacobs, 1/5th Battalion (London Rifle Brigade), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
At around 2130 the final party of ‘last ditchers’ were forced out of the German front line to take refuge in shell holes in No Man’s Land as an interim measure before making the last desperate dash across to the British front line.
There was no doubt that the VII Corps attack had been a failure for the Gommecourt Salient still remained intact, thrusting provocatively into the British lines. In retrospect it is clear that the number of British guns assigned to a counter-battery role proved totally inadequate to meet the massed artillery fire of the German divisions, not only to their immediate front, but also from around Adinfer Wood and to the south from around Puiseux on either side of Gommecourt. The result was that the 46th and 56th Divisions faced the heaviest concentration of artillery fire of any sector assaulted on 1 July. In addition the narrow width of the front assaulted meant that the Germans could also utilise their machine guns to deadly effect from both the flanks and from the uncaptured switch lines and Quadrilateral strong point ahead of them. However, one question remained. The Third Army diversion may have totally failed to achieve its local objectives, but had it achieved its wider tactical justification of diverting attention and resources from the main assault? Here, too, there was disappointment. Certainly it was true that the very visible offensive preparations over the past month had caused the Germans to strengthen their forces in the area, but the actual attack when it came had been successfully rebuffed by these local forces without in any way disrupting the German defence further south around Serre and Beaumont Hamel. In essence the attack had been useless and the men of the North Midlands and London battalions had suffered terrible casualties in vain. The 46th Division lost 2,455 casualties, while the 56th Division bore the brunt with 4,314. It was difficult for the men to accept such severe losses in making a peripheral attack that did not and probably could not have affected the overall outcome of the day’s fighting.
The casualties have been very heavy indeed. The trying thing is that many of them are left, wounded or killed, in the German trenches, and whether they are alive or dead we do not know. We are filled with pride for all that has been done, bitterness for the little there is to show for it, and sorrow for those we shall never see again. We are told we have, in fact, helped in the general scheme, and done our job, but the battalion is sadly mauled about. I feel that our job is done as regards actual fighting for many months and for, perhaps, the rest of the war.38
Major Samuel Sampson, 1/9th Battalion (Queen Victoria’s Rifles), London Regiment, 169th Brigade, 56th Division
But his men would be back on the Somme long before the battle was done.
VIII Corps: Serre to Beaumont Hamel—disaster on the left of the attack
The northern flank of the main assault was the responsibility of the VIII Corps of the Fourth Army. The VIII Corps was commanded by Lieutenant General Aylmer Hunter-Weston who had acquired a very mixed reputation. Born in 1864, he joined the Royal Engineers in 1884 and had seen service in the North West Frontier, Egypt and South Africa before he was appointed as Assistant Director of Military Training in 1911. On the outbreak of war he commanded a brigade in action in 1914 but on promotion was whisked away with the Mediterranean Expeditionary Force to take part in the campaign with which his name will forever be linked—Gallipoli. As the fighting degenerated into a welter of bloody frontal assaults on the Turkish trenches Hunter-Weston soon got a reputation as an unimaginative general who was not overly concerned by casualties. In July 1915 he was evacuated due to the after-effects of severe sunstroke with some evidence of considerable nervous debilitation in the face of the unremitting mental and physical pressures that faced anyone serving on the Peninsula. On his recovery he returned to command the VIII Corps. The Somme would be his first command in a major Western Front battle.
Three of Hunter-Weston’s divisions were assigned to the attack; from north to south they were the 31st, 4th and 29th Divisions. His men faced a mighty task ahead of them for they were staring directly across to the fortress villages of Serre and Beaumont Hamel lying on a series of ridges and valleys that formed an almost ideal landscape for defence. The preliminary artillery bombardment had been partially successful: the barbed wire had been cut or at least disrupted in most sectors of the VIII Corps, while the German front lines had been severely battered. Yet the deep dugouts survived almost unscathed. Perhaps even more ominous was the fact that the latent threat of the German artillery had not been dealt with. Here again the counter-battery arrangements had flattered only to deceive the men that relied on them for their lives. Several German batteries had not been put out of action and the location of many others was still unknown.
The plan for the VIII Corps infantry was fairly simple. The 31st Division would advance towards Serre, pivoting on John Copse and occupying the conveniently named German Flank Trench positions to form a strong defensive line facing north. A shallow tunnel had been dug across No Man’s Land and would be blown open to leave a trench, thus providing a continuous flank line between the British front line and the expected gain of Flank Trench. The right of the division would ensure that they remained in contact with the neighbouring 4th Division.
The task of the two regular divisions, the 4th and 29th Divisions was daunting in the extreme. They were to advance straight into a natural amphitheatre across the valley in which Beaumont Hamel lay and then climb up onto the Beaucourt Spur to tackle the German second line. A key component of the plans was the mine prepared by the 252nd Tunnelling Company, Royal Engineers underneath the German strong point known as Hawthorn Redoubt, in front of Beaumont Hamel on the 29th Division front. The mine was primed and ready to ‘blow’ with some 40,000 lbs of ammonal high explosive, yet there was considerable controversy over the best timing of the explosion. Hunter-Weston wanted to set off the mine at 0330, with the intention thereby of seizing and consolidating the Hawthorn Redoubt well before the main assault. This was an optimistic plan and presumed that the British would be successful in getting to the crater first. The Inspector of Mines was very sceptical, and advised the General Headquarters, BEF that previous experience of crater warfare on the Western Front had revealed a definite German superiority in the tactical acumen and speed required to seize control of a crater. He therefore recommended that the mine be detonated only at 0730 as the troops went over the top. After much consultation with the headquarters of the Fourth Army it was finally decided to fire the mine at 0720—a compromise solution in circumstances where compromise was neither rational nor possible.
The artillery arrangements of the VIII Corps were brought in line with this new deadline. The plan included a simple creeping barrage, but the orders requiring lifts of 50 yards a minute were ignored by the three divisional commanders who preferred to have lifts of 100 yards per minute, and starting from the German front line rather than in No Man’s Land. As the mine exploded most of the heavy guns would lift their fire from the German front line to concentrate on their second and third lines. In effect the Germans would be first warned by the explosion of the mine and then left in relative peace to emerge from their dugouts in the ten minutes before the British troops began their advance. Coupled with the fact that a threatening proportion of the German artillery had not been knocked out, it was a recipe for disaster.
The story of the vain assault by 31st Division on the fortress village and ridge of Serre has often been told and has become an essential part of the tragic mythology of the Battle of the Somme. For the most part the division was composed of ‘Pals’ battalions recruited across the length and breadth of northern England. These were brave men, confident in their own abilities, but they were under-trained and lacked the experience of war to have any realistic chance against a defensive system that could have thrown back even the most battle-hardened troops. As the British climbed out of their trenches the defenders of Serre were ready and waiting for them. Brigadier Rees watched his men of the 94th Brigade going over the top with mingled hope and trepidation. He did not have long to wait before his hopes were dashed.
Ten minutes before Zero our guns opened an intense fire. I stood on top to watch. It was magnificent. The trenches in front of Serre changed shape and dissolved minute by minute under the terrific hail of steel. Watching, I began to believe in the possibility of a great success, but I reckoned without the Hun artillery. As our infantry advanced, down came a perfect wall of explosive along the front trenches of my brigade and the 93rd. It was the most frightful artillery display that I had seen up to that time, and in some ways, I think it was the heaviest barrage I have seen put down by the defence on any occasion.39
Brigadier General Hubert Rees, Headquarters, 94th Brigade, 31st Division
The German garrison and their machine guns had rushed out of their deep dugouts and were in position, ready and waiting. The scything blast of their machine-gun fire hit the Pals with dreadful effect.
Every man climbed out of the trenches at the whistle of the officers and not a man hesitated. But I was lucky. I was in a part of the trench where the parapet had been battered down as Jerry sought for a trench mortar. When I ran up the rise out of the trench I was under the hail of bullets which were whizzing over my head. Most of our fellows were killed kneeling on the parapet. There was nobody coming forward, only one man, the reserves had been shelled in our lines and blown to smithereens. The Sergeant decided that as the attack was finished we’d go back and try and get into our own line. We wriggled out of this shell hole and then made a dash. Well my rifle got caught on the wire, it stopped there! I hadn’t time to take it off and we got back in the line. I noticed higher up the trench one of our chaps laid there with a baulk of timber across his leg, one leg had been cut off—severed. This baulk of timber had cut across his leg and acted as a tourniquet and stopped the bleeding. Well, I ran down the trench looking for stretcher bearers and I bumped into a Bradford officer with about half a dozen men and he stopped me and wanted to know where I was going. I said, ‘I’m going for help, there’s Jim there with his leg off!’ ‘Oh!’ he says, ‘Never mind him, fall in with my men! So I picked a rifle up, wiped it and fell in with his men. But when I got the first chance I lost him! Well Jim was found, was carried out and sent to ‘Blighty’ and he’s alive to this day!40
Private Arthur Pearson, 15th Battalion, West Yorkshire Regiment, 93rd Brigade, 31st Division
The German barbed wire had been partially cut by the British bombardment but in some sectors it remained a severe problem, especially protected as it was by concentrated machine-gun fire and the blast of the German artillery fire sweeping across No Man’s Land.
Oh, my God, the ground in front it was just like heavy rain; that was machine-gun bullets. Up above there were these great big 5.9-in shrapnel shells going off. Broomhead and I went over the top together. We walked along a bit. A terrific bang and a great black cloud of smoke above us. I felt a knock on my hip which I didn’t take much notice of. I turned round and Broomhead had gone. I walked on and I could not see a soul of any description—either in front of or behind me. I presume they got themselves tucked into shell holes. I thought, ‘Well, I’m not going on there by myself!’ I turned round and came back.41
Private Frank Raine, 18th Battalion, Durham Light Infantry, 93rd Brigade, 3 1st Division
As the Germans manned their front line they were left free of the threat of shell fire as the British bombardment had already lifted to new targets well behind the front line. This was unfortunate in the extreme.
The first line all lay down and I thought they’d had different orders because we’d all been told to walk. It appears they lay down because they’d been shot and either killed or wounded. They were just mown down like corn. Our line simply went forward and the same thing happened. You were just trying to find your way in amongst the shell holes. You can imagine walking through shell-pitted ground with holes all over the place, trying to walk like that. You couldn’t even see where you were walking! When you got to the line you saw that a lot of the first line were stuck on the wire, trying to get through. We didn’t get to the German wire, I didn’t get as far as our wire. Nobody did, except just a few odd ones who got through and got as far as the German wire. The machine-gun fire was all trained on our wire. Only a few crept along. I lay down. We weren’t getting any orders at all; there was nobody to give any orders, because the officers were shot down.42
Private Reginald Glenn, 12th Battalion, York and Lancaster Regiment, 94th Brigade, 31st Division
One of the few that had managed to get further forward was Private Cattell. As the long lines of the infantry melted away behind him he found himself very much alone, marooned in No Man’s Land.
I never saw another man because I went straight on to their wire and I lay there all day. It was very, very hot, a baking hot day, quite different from the previous day, it had been pouring with rain, that was the day we ought to have gone over. Well, I crept back on my belly into the trenches, about nine o’clock, well it was getting dusk. And that was that. I went to a dugout in a trench a lot further back, there were some officers there, they were surprised to see me—they didn’t think there was anybody left. I went down into a bunk and I think I slept for eighteen hours. The Germans could have walked through if they wanted, there was nobody there.43
Private Douglas Cattell, 12th Battalion, York and Lancaster Regiment, 94th Brigade, 31st Division
For the most part the wounded had to make their own way back to the British front line. Under the German barrage this was by no means a place of safety.
I saw a few yards away the entrance to a dugout. I thought, ‘Well let’s see if I can get myself in there.’ So I dragged myself along to the steps of the dugout and I managed somehow to get my legs so that I was in a half-sitting, half-lying position on the steps leading down to the dugout. Suddenly the mouth of the dugout fell in and put me into a doubled up position. Some kind of a high explosive shell must have burst very, very near and upset the mouth of the dugout. I wasn’t any further hurt, I thought I’d better get myself out of this lot; a dugout’s not very safe because by then the rest of the entrance down into the dugout was blocked. So again I dragged myself out and rested a while in the open. Still nothing else hit me. This went on until the evening. I gradually dragged myself in the right direction, I’m glad to say. I passed quite a number of battalions who were going up to take our places in the firing lines. Eventually, I crawled myself to safety. Who should I see on arriving but an old college friend of mine who was nicknamed Whiskers. I shouted to him, ‘Whiskers!’ He came over and said, ‘Hello, what are you doing here?’ I told him the story. He was in the RAMC, he took charge of me, had the put on to a stretcher and conveyed to the medical centre. It took me over a week before I reached England into hospital. I was in the original state that I was in—all covered with mud and lousy.44
Corporal Arthur Durrant, 18th Battalion, Durham Light Infantry, 93rd Brigade, 31st Division
Just a few of these gallant men managed to reach the German front line where they were swiftly outnumbered and dealt with by the front-line garrison. Some of the 18th Durham Light Infantry reached Pendant Copse while one brave company of the 11th East Lancashires and a group of the 12th York and Lancasters, despite all the odds stacked against them, may have managed by some feat of determination to break right through and penetrate the village of Serre itself.
Messages now began to pour in. An aeroplane reported that my men were in Serre. The corps and the division urged me to support the attack with all the force at my disposal. I was quite sure that we had not got anyone in Serre except a few prisoners, but the 93rd Brigade on my right, reported that their left had got on, whilst the 4th Division beyond them again claimed the first four lines of German trenches and were said to be bombing down our way. It was obviously necessary to attempt to get a footing in the German first trenches to assist these two attacks. The hostile barrage had eased off by now and was no longer formidable, so I ordered two companies of the 13th York and Lanes to make the attempt. I did not know that the German barrage was an observed barrage, but as soon as this fresh attack was launched down came the barrage again. One company was badly mauled, whilst the other wisely halted short of it.45
Brigadier General Hubert Rees, Headquarters, 94th Brigade, 31st Division
The Germans closed in around the isolated parties of men behind the German front line, cutting off all escape and they were gradually hunted down. There are no survivors’ accounts. None of these gains were held and everywhere the line stayed exactly as it was. The story of the 31st Division attempt on Serre was one of truly tragic failure that has become the symbol of everything that went wrong that day. The Pals division had suffered some 3,600 casualties.
Meanwhile, immediately to their right the 4th Division was attacking in the gap that lay between Serre and Beaumont Hamel. This was not an attractive prospect, but the 4th Division was a regular division with a proud record. Although it had eventually been cut to ribbons as part of the original BEF in 1914, it had been patiently rebuilt with recruits from the original regimental depots and the battalions had largely succeeded in preserving their regular character.
Although the wire had been cut and the German front line trenches severely battered by the bombardment, again their deep dugouts had survived almost unscathed. The initial thrust was made by 11th Brigade with two additional battalions supplied from 48th Division, which was acting as the VIII Corps reserve. They were intended to capture the first two German lines before the 10th and 12th Brigades leapfrogged them to continue the assault on the third line. The lack of surprise after the nearby detonation of the Hawthorn Redoubt mine coupled with the early lift of the artillery on to the German rear areas, meant that as they emerged into No Man’s Land they faced an immediate torrent of well-directed machine-gun fire from the front, augmented by sweeping enfilade fire from the Redan Ridge. At the same time the German artillery opened up, drenching No Man’s Land and the British front line with masses of exploding shells. Two communication tunnels, named Cat and Rat, had been opened up just short of the German front line and these were occupied by Lewis gun sections. Unfortunately, the Germans soon knocked out the Lewis guns and following up hard and fast with bombing parties; they overran the tunnel ends and proceeded to block the tunnels. This left no safe method of crossing No Man’s Land, which was under heavy continuous fire.
In front of the 1/8th Warwickshires was the Heidenkopf Redoubt, part of an earlier scheme of defensive works, which protruded out from the new German front line. The position was indefensible in the event of a concerted British attack and the Germans manned it with only a token garrison and had prepared a substantial mine with the intention of blowing the attacking British troops to smithereens once they occupied the position. Unfortunately for the Germans the mine was detonated far too soon and the 1/8th Warwickshires were able to swarm over what remained, using the chaotic shock of the explosion to advance into the neighbouring support trenches. However, the total failure of the 31st Division on their left flank doomed any hopes of exploiting this relative success. The usual German counter-attacks soon began to push in from Serre pressing hard on the mixed battalions occupying the Heidenkopf Redoubt.
At 0930, in circumstances of considerable confusion and amidst attempts to cancel the attack, half of 10th Brigade began their planned advance from the British front line ready to push on the assault by 11th Brigade. On the left flank of their advance was Lieutenant Colyer and the rest of the men of the 2nd Royal Dublin Fusiliers. They faced a desperate situation.
Here goes. I clamber out of the front of the deep trench by the scaling ladder, and face my platoon. I am smoking a cigarette and superficially am serene and cheerful—at least, I hope I appear so. As I give the order to advance a sudden thought occurs to me: will they all obey? This is instantly answered in the affirmative, for they all climb out of the trench, and the advance begins. We are advancing in diamond formation, Moffat’s platoon is in front, mine on the left corner of the diamond, Stobart’s on the right, while the rear platoon is led by a sergeant. So far all has gone as per programme, and there is no reason why it should not have done, for we have simply been traversing more-or-less dead ground. Now as we approach the crest of the rise, we can distinguish hostile rifle fire and shell fire much more clearly in the great pandemonium. Ah! Then the Boche haven’t all run away yet! Bullets are flying about and things aren’t so comfortable. A communication trench which we have to cross affords us temporary relief from the ordeal. We can see over the ridge now. There are the skeleton trees of Beaumont Hamel. Between is a waste of trench land which is being torn up by shell fire—we are going to have trouble I can see. ... We are on top of the ridge and under direct fire. I am trying not to mind it, but it is impossible. I am wondering unpleasantly whether I shall be killed outright or whether I shall be wounded; and if the latter, which part of me will be hit. A traversing machine gun rips up the ground just in front of us. That’s enough for me; we can’t remain in this formation, ‘Extend by sections!’ I shout. The men carry out the movement well. We have certainly practiced it enough, though we did not expect to have to use it until well past Beaumont Hamel. The Boche artillery and machine guns are terrific. The anticipation of being hit has become so agonising that I can scarcely bear it; I almost wish to God I could be hit and have done with it. I have lost some of my men. I feel an overwhelming desire to swear, to blaspheme, to shout out the wickedest oaths I can think of, but I am much too inarticulate to do anything of the kind. A shell bursts near and I feel the hot blast. It seems to the this is a ghastly failure already. A trench runs diagonally across our path. Half of my remaining men are already in it. My whole being cries out in protest against this ordeal. I am streaming with perspiration. I think I shall go mad. I am in the trench, trying to collect the rest of the men together. Where the devil have they all got to?46
Lieutenant William Colyer, 2nd Battalion, Royal Dublin Fusiliers, 10th Brigade, 4th Division
The 2nd Royal Dublin Fusiliers came under heavy fire from both the Ridge Redoubt on Redan Ridge and Beaumont Hamel to their right. The rehearsals in training had seemed a cakewalk and bore no resemblance to the terrifying chaos that faced them. After an abortive attempt to locate his neighbouring platoons, Lieutenant Colyer tried to decide what on earth he was to meant to do next.
I must go on. That’s right; I have that firmly fixed in my mind. I can do no good by stopping here, and the idea of going back could not be entertained for a single moment. But it’s rather vague: where am I to go, and what am I going to do when I get there? I certainly never anticipated the extraordinary situation I find myself in now. I have lost touch with half my men in this cursed network of trenches, and in trying to get hold of them again, I have lost the other half. The whole attack as far as we are concerned seems to be completely messed up. Well, if I can’t find my own men, I must jolly well collect some others and go forward with them. Let’s have a look over the top and try and see what’s happening. I climb on to the firestep and look over the parapet. The same scene is there—a desolate waste being churned up by machine guns and shell fire. Shells bursting unpleasantly close too.47
Lieutenant William Colyer, 2nd Battalion, Royal Dublin Fusiliers, 10th Brigade, 4th Division
A moment later the necessity of taking such a life or death decision was irrelevant as he was knocked over and concussed by a shell. The sheer force of the blast stripped him of his senses and left him suffering from the classic symptoms of temporary shell shock.
I was stunned for a moment and thought I was hit. I wasn’t hit; how I escaped I can’t imagine. Then my whole nervous system seemed to be jangled up and I ran like a hare down the trench. I don’t know where I thought I was going. I was much too agitated. I went tumbling along that until I saw what I took to be a dugout opening, which I made for at once. There were a couple of men and an officer sitting just inside the opening. They looked at me as if I had taken leave of my senses—which for the time being, really, I suppose I had. The officer asked me what the matter was and I mumbled something about a shell bursting close to me. He seemed to understand for he was sympathetic and told me to come inside and rest awhile.48
Lieutenant William Colyer, 2nd Battalion, Royal Dublin Fusiliers, 10th Brigade, 4th Division
So, feeling muddle-headed and totally confused he took shelter and actually fell asleep in a dugout back in the original British front line.
Meanwhile, elements of the 10th Brigade had struggled on as far as the Munich Trench with a few brave men even being reported to have reached Pendant Copse. But whatever success the 4th Division had achieved was soon negated by the failure of their neighbouring divisions—the 31st Division to the north and the 29th Division to the south—to make any advance. Like the brave Londoners at Gommecourt a few miles to the north they found themselves totally isolated. As desperate attempts to reinforce them failed, the incessant hammering of German counter-attacks forced them back step by step until all that they retained of their gains was the Heidenkopf Redoubt. The German tide surged round them but they held out until early next morning when even that was reluctantly abandoned. The 4th Division was left to lick its wounds back in the trenches from which it had started.
In the dark of the night Lieutenant Colyer slowly began to recover from his temporary shell shock. As he regained some idea of his surroundings he found a renewed commitment to find his unit and do his duty once more. But when he rejoined his battalion he found them back in the support line, behind the original British front line, which by then had been smashed to smithereens by the German counter-bombardment. Once again he tried to settle to sleep, but was haunted by the sheer horror of his experiences.
I am lying in the corner of a darkened dugout. The night is already far advanced, but I cannot sleep. The sound of heavy breathing within the dugout mingles strangely with the occasional whine of a shell without. Every now and again the doorway is filled with an eerie shivering light, caused by a flare set off from the front line a few hundred yards away. The odour of spent explosives still hangs heavy in the air. What a disastrous day it has been! What a wanton shedding of human blood. And yet, I suppose, only to be expected in war, and all in the day’s work of a soldier—I’m no soldier, that’s about the truth of it. I cannot sleep, for thinking of my fellow officers; I can scarcely grasp the fact that I shall never see some of them again. It is such a short while ago that I left them in the height of good spirits, and now in the freshness of youth they have suddenly gone off to another world. It is uncanny to think of it. More than that it is sickening-wicked-cruel-impossible. It is only now that I realise how much their friendship meant to me.49
Lieutenant William Colyer, 2nd Battalion, Royal Dublin Fusiliers, 10th Brigade, 4th Division
The 4th Division had suffered severely in their brave advance, for overall they suffered 5,752 casualties.
Next to the 4th Division was the 29th Division—another regular division. Scraped up from garrisons around the empire, their experiences serving at Gallipoli had succeeded in strimming down the number of original pre-war regulars until survivors were the exception rather than the rule. Nevertheless, since the evacuation in January 1916, the division had been rebuilt and had retained a considerable self-confidence claiming for itself as it did the sobriquet ‘Immortal’. Now on the Somme they faced the Hawthorn Ridge and the fortress village of Beaumont Hamel. The ground was devoid of worthwhile cover with the exception of a sunken road near to the left of their sector. In addition the engineers had dug three tunnels reaching forward beneath No Man’s Land to near the German line. Two of these were to be used to establish Stokes mortar sections in posts at the end and the other was for use as a communication trench to the sunken road in front of the 1st Lancashire Fusiliers. As the mine was detonated the Stokes mortar teams, who had squirreled their way to the tunnel exits and taken up positions in the sunken road, would commence a furious bombardment of the front line.
The detonation of the Hawthorn Redoubt mine at 0720 was caught on film by the official British film cameraman Geoffrey Malins. It seems strange to be able to watch such a key moment of the attack, for the film and photographic record is thin for obvious reasons. In a storm of bullets and shell burst any cameraman who exposed himself in the open was no safer than any ordinary infantryman. Despite the natural fears of the men that they would be vulnerable to falling debris the two platoons of the 2nd Royal Fusiliers with machine guns and extra Stokes mortars were to race across and seize the crater. Unfortunately, the Germans were not completely shaken by the enormous explosion. In the immediate area of the crater the effect was truly devastating. But elsewhere the garrison were safe underground in their dugouts. Now they knew the British were going to attack.
There was a terrific explosion which for the moment completely drowned the thunder of the artillery. A great cloud of smoke rose from the trenches of No. 9 Company, followed by a tremendous shower of stones, which seemed to fall from the sky all over our position. More than three sections of No. 9 Company were blown into the air, and the neighbouring dugouts were broken in and blocked. The ground all round was white with the debris of chalk as if it had been snowing, and a gigantic crater over 50 yards in diameter and some 60 feet deep gaped like an open wound in the side of the hill. This explosion was a signal for the infantry attack, and everyone got ready and stood on the lower steps of the dugouts, rifles in hand, waiting for the bombardment to lift. In a few minutes the shelling ceased, and we rushed up the steps and out into the crater positions. Ahead of us wave after wave of British troops were crawling out of their trenches and coming forward towards us at a walk, their bayonets glistening in the sun.50
Anon Officer, 119th Reserve Regiment, 26th Reserve Division, German Army
Stuck in their dugouts for seven days and nights the German soldiers knew that the assault was coming. The only question was when. Before the debris from the explosion had landed they knew the moment was nigh. As they rushed out of their dugouts they found that the British heavy artillery had lifted from what remained of their front line. When Zero Hour arrived at 0730, the artillery barrage moved off the front line in accordance with the plans for a creeping barrage. The German garrison could take up their defensive positions in the remnants of the front line and nearby shell holes without the inconvenience of shells plastering around them. In the race to occupy the lips of the smoking crater, the Germans of course had the enormous advantage of being so much closer to the objective. The entirely predictable end result was that although the 2nd Royal Fusiliers managed to get to the near lip they then found themselves under heavy flanking fire from the German front line, and point-blank fire from a strong party of Germans already in position on the far lip of the crater, a mere 50 yards away.
The main attack at 0730 of the assaulting troops of 86th and 87th Brigades was an utter disaster. They were under heavy scything fire from the moment they left their trenches. In addition in this sector of the front the gunners had failed in one of their basic duties, as the infantry found a sizeable proportion of the German barbed wire remained uncut. From his forward artillery observation post Signaller Dudley Menaud-Lissenburg watched the men of the 29th Division advance in serried ranks to oblivion.
I watched with mixed feeling the lads mount the firestep and, when at 0730 the barrage lifted, spring up the ladders on to the parapet—many sliding back immediately they had reached the top, killed or wounded. Coolly, it seemed, the survivors worked their way through our barbed wire in the face of fierce shell and machine-gun fire, leaving many of their pals on the wire, dead. On they went up the long incline in perfect order, dropping to the ground every now and then, as though on an exercise on Salisbury Plain. The line thinned as men fell, but never faltered.51
Signaller Dudley Menaud-Lissenburg, 97th Battery, 147th Brigade, Royal Field Artillery, 29th Division
The men of the 1st Lancashire Fusiliers, so proud of the six VCs won before breakfast during the assault on W Beach at Gallipoli on 25 April 1915, discovered the reality of war on the Western Front. Once again they were in an open amphitheatre overlooked by an enemy under cover. Once again they drove themselves forward with admirable courage and discipline. But this time instead of having to contend with a mere company of Turks with at most one machine gun, they found themselves facing the mighty defensive strength of a German division as they walked into a scything hell of interlocked machine-gun fire and the withering blast of concentrated shell-fire. This was modern war at its most fiendish.
It’s time to go over the top. It was partly blown down and I’m just stepping on top, there was a corporal lying there, gone—all blown away, I think he’d been hit by a whizz-bang. He looks up at me as I passed him, ‘Go on Corporal, get the bastards!’ There were bullets everywhere. Run—that was the only thing in my mind. Run and dodge. Expecting at any second to get hit, to feel a bullet hit me. I was zig-zagging, holding my head down so a bullet would hit my tin hat, I seemed to be dodging in between them—I must have been to get there! There was gun smoke. You could hear when a bullet hit somebody, you could hear it hit him! Hear him groan and go down. It was mainly machine guns that cut us up. I was thinking, I’ve got to get forward that’s all. I dove into the Sunken Road.52
Corporal George Ashurst, 1st Battalion, Lancashire Fusiliers, 86th Brigade, 29th Division
From the Sunken Road between the lines they couldn’t even see the German trenches, which were still a long way ahead of them. After a brief period of reorganisation the men were ready to try again. But the fire pouring into them was still intense and it was impossible.
Colonel Magniac said, ‘Every fit man, come with me—over the top again!’ He went over, I ran up the slope, right enough, whether a lot more did I don’t know. I ran on and there was nobody with me, I was by myself, so I got a bit frightened then. When I came across this shell hole I dropped in it. I could lie down in it and look back over our lines. I could see our wounded, they would get up and try to go on and then they’d drop, they’d been shot again. I’m lying there; I had a drink out of my water bottle. Looking back I noticed the Royal Fusiliers on the left were running back to their trenches. I didn’t know what they were doing, but I thought, ‘Jerry’s counter-attacking, what about me, if he comes over the top here, I’m for it all right, there’s nothing for me!’ So I made my mind up that I’d got to move and move very quick. I got up and dashed down this slope again and dived into the Sunken Road once more. Safe again—they’d missed again!53
Corporal George Ashurst, 1st Battalion, Lancashire Fusiliers, 86th Brigade, 29th Division
All along the divisional front the story was one of failure. The attack never reached the German front line but irretrievably collapsed in No Man’s Land. The creeping barrage crept forward across the German lines but it was no longer followed by any troops, all of whom had fallen at the first fence. While the British artillery bombarded irrelevant targets the Germans pounded the British trenches and No Man’s Land. They knew which way the British reinforcements would be coming and they were determined to break them up before they had a chance to renew the assault. Once again there was a problem with unconfirmed reports, which seemed to indicate that some of the men had got through and were assaulting the German support lines. Although these had no basis in fact the divisional reserve was ordered forward by divisional headquarters to bolster the attack. Ordinary excusable mistakes made in the fog of war can cost hundreds of lives and never was this more apparent than in the futile advance of the 1st Newfoundland Regiment and the 1st Essex Regiment who went over the top at 0905. The Newfoundlanders suffered some 710 casualties. Such losses from a single battalion are beyond the necessity for comment.
Amongst the mass slaughter there were hundreds of individual stories of stoicism and courage in the face of hopeless odds. The last tortured struggle of an anonymous man was watched with physical detachment but a very real emotional involvement by Signaller Dudley Menaud-Lissenburg from the relative security of his observation post.
I watched a lone figure, a runner no doubt, coming back towards our lines, dropping every now and then into shell holes for cover. On reaching our barbed wire he was about to jump into the trench when a shell burst at his feet and blew him sky high. What a tragedy.54
Signaller Dudley Menaud-Lissenburg, 97th Battery, 147th Brigade, Royal Field Artillery, 29th Division
The only toehold made in the Hawthorn Redoubt crater was untenable and the isolated and partially encircled defenders were soon forced back by determined German counter-attacks which would not cede an inch. The Lancashire Fusiliers clung on to the Sunken Road for a while but their position was hopeless. That night they left just a token force to hold it as an outpost.
Later on in the day a message came across, ‘One officer, one NCO and twenty-five men only to man the Sunken Road.’ That meant we’d got to stop there all night and all day next day. There was only this officer knocking about. He said, ‘That means me and that means you, Corporal!’ We got twenty-five men and we put about eight men at the bottom end of the road and about eight at the top of the road and about eight or nine in the middle of the road under the oldest soldier because there were no more NCOs. The thing quietened down, the quiet after the storm, we were practically sleeping all night, just lying there. The stretcher bearers were very busy taking a lot out of it—they were cleared by morning. As dawn came I was against this bit of a barrier we’d built up at the bottom end and I hear some voices the other side of the barrier. I stand up and have a look and there’s three Jerries! About 100 yards away stood in a ditch. I said to the lads, ‘Jerries!’ I took my rifle and I fired at the middle one—he went, but whether I hit him or not I don’t know. No sooner had he ducked and the other two followed him out of sight. The officer came down to see what the trouble was. I told him. ‘Ooooh, we’re all right lads, we can dig in now, Jerry will let us bloody well have it!’ He was right you know—he did. He started with minenwerfers, you can see them coming. Dropping them here and there, he dropped one right on the body of men in the middle of the road, killed half of them and wounded the other half. One I thought was certainly ours and it was a dud! It dropped about 6 yards past us towards the far end of the Sunken Road. As soon as it was dark word came, a messenger, ‘Evacuate the Sunken Road!’ So we packed in and ran back as fast as we could.55
Corporal George Ashurst, 1st Battalion, Lancashire Fusiliers, 86th Brigade, 29th Division
Soon they were back in the front line. The ‘Immortal’ 29th Division had lost 5,240 casualties on their introduction to the Western Front.
Overall, there could be no doubt that the attack of the VIII Corps had utterly failed to disturb the integrity of the German defences. Further attempts during the day to resuscitate the attack with reduced objectives centred on Beaumont Hamel all failed in the face of the continued absolute dominance of No Man’s Land by the German artillery and machine guns. After their initial failure, the battered remnants of the 31st, 4th and 29th Divisions had no chance of making a successful assault against defences that had already thrown them back when they were at full strength. Mere flesh and blood, whether they be Pals or regulars, could not triumph against such odds.
X Corps: Thiepval Ridge—a missed opportunity
Next in line to the south was X Corps who took on the daunting task of attacking astride the Ancre valley. They had been charged with the task of capturing the whole of the Thiepval Spur and Plateau which projected out from the main mass of Pozières Ridge towards the Ancre. At the tip of the Thiepval Spur lay the great Leipzig Redoubt stuffed with machine guns and completely dominating No Man’s land in deadly conjunction with two flanking redoubts: Beaucourt Spur across the Ancre, and the Nord Werk on the Ovillers Spur. At the root of Thiepval Spur where it joined the main plateau lay Thiepval village which was less obviously threatening as it had been razed to the ground by the preliminary bombardment. Yet, if anything, the thick layer of rubble that remained only increased the formidable defensive capacity of the reinforced cellars beneath, many of which were expanded and linked to form an underground fortress. In addition the Germans had constructed the Wundtwerk Redoubt on the sheltered reverse slope of the Thiepval Spur, the Schwaben Höhe Redoubt which sat above the spur on the main ridge, and finally the fortress village of St Pierre Divion, which stood sentinel high above the Ancre flank. As if this was not enough, the German Second Line system and intermediate positions ran in interconnected and supporting layers across the breadth of Pozières Ridge bearing names that would come to haunt the British over the next few months: the Hansa Line; Mouquet Switch Line and Mouquet Farm; Stuff and Goat Redoubts. These impressive fortifications reflected the importance of the high ground of Pozières Ridge and Thiepval Spur. If the British could break through here then much of the rest of the German line to the north and south would be overlooked. Taken together, as a multi-layered fortress, it was an almost unparalleled obstacle that faced the attack of the two divisions assigned to the task.
It can be safely said that the plan did not lack boldness. The 36th and 32nd Divisions were to leap with a single bound across the Thiepval Spur and Plateau to take and consolidate the Hansa Line and Mouquet Switch Line. The reserve brigades would move forward to take the German Second Line. The situation was simple: only a faultless display of coordination between the British artillery and infantry would have even a remote chance of cracking open this particular nut. In particular it was obvious that if the 32nd Division failed in front of Thiepval then the 36th (Irish) Division would be severely exposed from the right flank.
Before dawn our artillery stepped up their bombardment to the maximum. It was rapid fire by every gun and the noise was like hell let loose. As the shells passed over our heads the air hummed like a swarm of a hundred million hornets. Then at zero hour the shelling stopped abruptly, our troops emerged from the front-line trenches where they had been waiting ready for the signal to advance. Looking up to the front line from our camp I could see men appearing against the skyline, dark against the dawn fight and then disappearing as they advanced over the top of the hill.56
Second Lieutenant J. L Stewart-Moore, 107th Trench Mortar Battery, 36th Division
The barrage was intended to lift in stages, jerking back to each German line in succession according to a previously agreed timetable. There was some innovation in that with each lift some of the field artillery guns would move back slowly, tracking along the course of the German communication trenches. The assault battalions of the 108th and 109th Brigades of 36th Division attacked across No Man’s Land in successive waves.
I stood on the parapet between the two centre exits to wish them luck. They got through without delay; no fuss, no shouting, no running, everything solid and thorough—just like the men themselves. Here and there a boy would wave his hand to me as I shouted a good luck to them through my megaphone. And all had a cheery face. Most were carrying loads. Fancy advancing against heavy fire with a big roll of barbed wire on your shoulder!57
Lieutenant Colonel Ambrose Ricardo, 9th Battalion, Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers, 109th Brigade, 36th (Irish) Division
At least the German barbed wire had been cleared by the bombardment, and to some extent the advancing waves were concealed by the effect of the thunderous bombardment and the additional smoke barrages laid down by Stokes mortars. The Irish battalions smashed into the German trench system and in an amazing feat of arms burst right through to overrun the Schwaben Höhe Redoubt up on the main Pozières Ridge. The German artillery had reacted far too late in this sector but as German shells belatedly dropped down on to No Man’s Land they posed a serious threat to the designated support and exploitation troops of the 107th Brigade as they began to move forward. Amongst them was Private Davie Starrett, batman to Colonel Crazier commanding the 9th Royal Irish Rifles.
We fell in and moved off, woodbines in mouth, across the Ancre swamp. A couple of shells fell. Jerry has woken up! At Speyside we massed on the slopes, our guns thundering over us. Then the enemy artillery broke loose. On past Gordon Castle—into an inferno of screaming shells and machine-gun bullets. Crouching, we slowly moved across No Man’s Land. The Colonel stood giving last orders to his company commanders, and I beside him. Bullets cutting up the ground at his feet he watched the advance through his glasses.58
Private Davie Starrett, 9th Battalion, Royal Irish Rifles, 107th Brigade, 36th (Irish) Division
As they reached the forward edge of Thiepval Wood, Crazier could see that Thiepval had not fallen and that the deadly machine guns of the German garrison were still chattering away. The situation looked hopeless when he suddenly espied a brief window of opportunity in the chaos that surrounded them.
I survey the situation; still more machine-gun fire: they have lowered their sights: pit pit, the bullets hit the dry earth all round. The shelling on to the wood edge has ceased. The men emerge. A miracle has happened. ‘Now’s the chance!’ I think to myself, ‘They must quicken pace and get diagonally across to the Sunken Road, disengaging from each other quickly, company by company.’ I stand still and erect in the open, while each company passes. To each commander I give the amended orders. Men are falling here and there, but the guns previously firing on the edge of the wood are quite silent. First passes ‘A’ with Montey at its head. His is the longest double to the flank. George Gaffikin comes next waving an orange handkerchief. ‘Goodbye, Sir! Good luck!’ He shouts to the en passant, ‘Tell them I died a teetotaller, put it on the stone if you find me!’ The ‘baby’ captain of ‘C comes next, ‘D’ brings up the rear with Berry at the head. Imagine a timed exposure with your camera. The button is pressed, the shutter opens, another press and it again shuts. That is what happened to us. The German shelling ceased for five minutes, we hurried through the gap of mercy.59
Lieutenant Colonel Frank Crozier, 9th Battalion, Royal Irish Rifles, 107th Brigade, 36th (Irish) Division
Together they raced across No Man’s Land as fast as their relative burdens allowed them; the heavily laden batman desperately trying to keep pace with his portly little officer. When they got to the Sunken Road they assessed the situation quickly to find that Colonel Bernard of the 10th Royal Irish Rifles had already been killed and Crozier perforce took control of the situation—he was determined to continue the advance up on to Pozières Ridge as planned come what may.
Between the bursts Crozier doubled to the Sunken Road, his batman making a bad second in the race. ‘The Tenth Rifles are wiped out!’ he shouted. We reached our own men. They had taken what cover the place afforded. Bernard has been killed. Crozier rallied what was left of the Tenth. ‘Sound the advance!’ he yelled, ‘Sound, damn you, sound the advance!’ The bugler’s lips were dry. He had been wounded. His lungs were gone. A second later he fell dead at the Colonel’s feet. Hine cut the cord and gave the bugle to someone who could play. Crozier was signalling the men on. He walked into bursts, he fell into holes, his clothing was torn by bullets, but he himself was all right. Moving about as if on the parade ground he again and again rallied his men. Without him not a man would have passed the Schwaben Redoubt, let alone reached the final objective.60
Private Davie Starrett, 9th Battalion, Royal Irish Rifles, 107th Brigade, 36th (Irish) Division
With such a man driving them on elements of the 107th Brigade managed to reach and take up positions in Stuff Redoubt. Private Starrett was employed as a runner, moving backwards and forwards between the surviving officers and Crozier’s headquarters in a dugout on the edge of Thiepval Wood.
Trenches and tops were blocked with the dead, but on days like that there’s no sympathy in your heart. Over them you go. I found the signals and the office staff, McKinney and Bowers were always exactly in the right place. The dugout was being used as a clearing station. It was hard passing without a word men in terrible pain—men you knew. Kelly, a big lump of a fighting Irishman, in charge of rations, was there too. The fierce shelling continued and the place seemed taped to an inch. Stretcher bearers fell every minute. Most that reached Doncaster Dump were wounded carrying wounded. The barrage, for such it seemed, lifted and caught our rear. Probably Jerry was trying to stop reinforcements. A badly wounded runner brought a message, the Colonel was found, he read and answered it, and went back to our men holding the newly won trenches. The heat and the stench made the day more unpleasant. Prisoners began to arrive, seeming well-pleased to be out of the fight. They were hit badly, too, those who could drag along carrying those who could not. One young German died as he was put down. Half of his face was blown away.61
Private Davie Starrett, 9th Battalion, Royal Irish Rifles, 107th Brigade, 36th (Irish) Division
The wounded were flooding back from the front, where their awful appearance cast a melancholy cloud over their comrades in the divisional rear areas.
It was a terrible sight to see the wounded coming down in hundreds, the most serious in any conveyance that was handy—in GS wagons, motor lorries, ambulances, or anything they could get. Those that could possibly crawl at all, had to get from the trenches to the dressing station, which was about 3 miles, as best they could. Each time we were coming back from the guns with empty ammunition wagons, we packed as many wounded on as we could, as we passed the dressing station on our way back, but a lot of them were too badly wounded to stand the jolting of the wagon, and preferred to go on their own.62
Gunner William Grant, D Battery, 154th Brigade, 36th (Irish) Division
On the right flank of 36th Division, the 96th and 97th Brigades of 32nd Division launched themselves directly against the Thiepval Spur. The 96th Brigade encountered concentrated machine-gun fire from the German machine guns concealed in the ruins of Thiepval village. Progress was simply impossible and the battalions melted away as they tried to move forward. Next to them the 97th Brigade had slightly more success as it attacked the western face of Leipzig Redoubt. This was possibly due to the innovative tactics of Brigadier J. B. Jardine who ordered his men to creep out into No Man’s Land slightly before zero hour and approach as close as possible to the barrage falling on the German front line. When the barrage lifted the 16th and 17th Highland Light Infantry undoubtedly caught the German defenders by surprise.
At 7.23 we climbed out of the trenches and started to move across No Man’s Land. We were loaded down with full kit, and in addition, a spade, shovel or pick. We soon reached the enemy front line and the work of the ‘moppers-up’ began, shouting down dugouts to the Hun to come up. The battalion had started kicking footballs in front of them. Leipzig Trench was taken and we began to advance towards the Hindenburg Trench. Alas, almost every company officer had been killed. D Company had been almost annihilated.63
Private James Jack, 17th Battalion, Highland Light Infantry, 97th Brigade, 32nd Division
The wire in front of that part of the 17th Highland Light Infantry in particular had been well cut and the sheer speed of its attack caught the Germans in the deep dugout somewhat by surprise. Before they could emerge the Scots were in amongst them and the first obstacle had been overcome. But the Hindenburg Trench still lay a good 150 yards ahead of them and as they lurched forward again they soon came under heavy machine-gun fire from the Wundtwerk Redoubt.
The machine gun swept us down outside the Leipzig Redoubt. It became evident that we, who were working up between two communications trenches, after two or three rushes, that further advancing was impossible without support. We waited for our own reserve waves and the Lonsdales who should have come on behind. But no reserves reached us and we saw our only hope lay in the fact that they had rushed one of the communication trenches and might manage to bomb out the machine gun. But the bombers were checked out of the range of the gun. We began to work towards the communications trench, but owing to the lie of the ground we were badly exposed.64
Private Bentley Meadows, 17th Battalion, Highland Light Infantry, 97th Brigade, 32nd Division
As the men pressed on they encountered more and more intact belts of barbed wire. With the advantage of any surprise lost they found the going was increasingly difficult and the number of casualties swiftly escalated. Amongst them was Private Jack.
Advancing towards the Hun second trench, I felt as if a mule had kicked me above the right eye. Lying prone, I endeavoured to think what had happened. It turned out that I had been sniped, the bullet piercing the steel helmet in the front and circling inside three times had cut a furrow above my right eye. The other eye had swollen up and having crawled into the trench, almost blinded, I was ordered by Captain Laird, my platoon commander to proceed to the rear. Looking back I saw him hit by a shell adding another officer casualty to the growing number. Proceeding round a traverse to the Hun communication trench, I spied a large Hun officer at the top of a dugout. I immediately gave him three of the best as I peered at him. He did not move and getting closer I found that he had been the victim of one of his own shells, part of the casing having fixed his head to the entrance of his dugout. He had not been missed by the ‘moppers up’ as I first thought.65
Private James Jack, 17th Battalion, Highland Light Infantry, 97th Brigade, 32nd Division
Those who remained found themselves increasingly isolated. No reinforcements could get forward to join them and their numbers were rapidly eroding away. Soon there would be no one left.
I at length found myself the only living occupant of that corner. About twelve o’clock I managed to leap the parapet without being hit. I found my platoon officer, Lieutenant MacBrayne, lying shot through the head. Of the others of my platoon I could get no news, except those I saw lying dead or wounded.66
Private Bentley Meadows, 17th Battalion, Highland Light Infantry, 97th Brigade, 32nd Division
The remnants banded together for mutual support and resolved on one last attempt to get forward. It was a forlorn hope more born of desperation than any realistic expectation of success.
An officer suddenly jumped the parapet and shouted, ‘Come on the Seventeenth!’ I followed him with about twenty others. But we found the barbed wire impossible to cut through and he gave us the order, ‘Every man for himself!’ Making my way back to the trench I rested in a shell hole occupied by a sergeant wounded in the leg. Whilst talking to him we both fell asleep and slept until about 5 p.m., when the Germans counter-attacked. Their artillery became violent and they attempted to come over the open. We ran for the communication trench and found it disorganised, orders got mixed and some seemed anxious to retire. Fortunately the 17th HLI bombers, who were in the advanced position, held their ground, driving the enemy back with their own bombs, and the attack over the open was checked by our brigade machine guns which had been massed in the German front line.67
Private Bentley Meadows, 17th Battalion, Highland Light Infantry, 97th Brigade, 32nd Division
The perspective had changed from the prospect of making a renewed advance to that of a desperate struggle to hold what little ground they had gained.
Our flanks were exposed and blockades had to be formed at the front line and all lines forward to our advanced posts, which developed into a series of bombing posts. The nature of the Leipzig defences, a maze of trenches and underground saps, made advancing into the salient extremely hard. One was continually attacked in the rear. What seemed dugouts were bombed, and when passed numbers of the enemy rush from them, they being really underground communications with their rear defences. The whole fighting was of a cold, deliberate, merciless nature. No quarter was given or taken.68
Private Bentley Meadows, 17th Battalion, Highland Light Infantry, 97th Brigade, 32nd Division
It was at some point in this vicious fighting that one amongst many German soldiers, poor Private Eversmann who was quoted extensively in the last chapter, met his end. How did he die? Whether he was hit by shrapnel, buried alive, shot or bayoneted it surely made little difference to him. His poignant little diary from which the extracts were originally taken was picked up later in the day by one of the Scotsmen. The desperate nature of the fighting in which he died is clearly evident from the account of one of the young German officers of the 99th Infantry Reserve Regiment, which was responsible for holding the German lines in this sector.
The shout of our sentry, ‘They are coming!’ tore me out of the apathy. Helmet, belt, rifle and up the steps. On one of the steps something white and bloody, in the trench a headless body. The sentry had lost his life from a last shell, before the fire was directed to the rear—he had paid for his vigilance with his life. It had torn open his head and his brain was lying on the steps. We rushed to the ramparts; there they come, the khaki-yellows, they are not more than 20 metres in front of our trench. They slowly advance, full equipped, to march across our bodies into the open country. But no boys, we are still alive—the moles come out of their holes. Machine-gun fire tears holes in their rows. They discover our presence—throw themselves on the ground, in front of our trenches. Once these were the trenches, now a mass of craters. They are welcomed by hand grenades and gunfire, and now have to sell their lives themselves. With my rifle firing, I felt my right hand hit by a heavy stroke, a bullet from a distance of 20 metres. The gun fell out of my hand, blood is running. I can still see how a rifleman tries to throw himself out of reach of a hand grenade thrown by Kühnel. In vain. It explodes and will probably have finished him. I have my wound dressed by an orderly and take over leading the platoon again. Another half-hour and it becomes clear that the attack has been repelled, at least in our section. I make a reconnaissance of the company positions and cannot recognise it any more. Last night it had been completely smashed. The dugout of the commanding officer is squashed, Hartbrich is alive but stunned by gas poisoning. I find Captain Meschenbier of the 3rd Company suffering from a heart attack. His company has been occupying the notorious corner of the mine explosion and had been surprised and overthrown. Only a few men, who were in the second trench, are left. Volunteers, amongst them Kühnel, begin to drive the intruders out, proceeding from the left from breastwork to breastwork, throwing hand grenades and slowly they succeed. Badly wounded ‘Tommies’ fall into our hands and their rations provide something to satisfy our hunger and thirst. But then we come to a part of the position where the enemy is able stop our advance by flanking machine-gun fire. I return to my company and give orders to restore communications between the various positions and to rearrange the groups to take account of the casualties. Hartbrich has now recovered from his stupefaction, but I feel a weakness overcoming me. At midday, I am aware that I cannot carry on, so I tell Hartbrich that I must retire.69
Lieutenant F. L Cassel, 99th Infantry Reserve Regiment, 26th Reserve Division, German Army
As the young German officer slowly made his way back he found awful evidence of the sheer weight of the British bombardment all around him. The shells seemed to be everywhere.
On my way back, what a sight! The further you got to the rear, the more the shells whistled, buzzed, hissed and boomed around your ears. Since the attack had started in the morning, the barrage fire had been laid to the rear again. At the commanding officer’s dugout, I reported that officers were required at the front. The large dugout looked terrible, full of casualties. The seriously wounded were lying there in rows to be transported further back during the night. Doctors and orderlies worked like butchers in an atmosphere that made me feel like vomiting. I was glad when I was in the open air again, in spite of all those hissing shells.70
Lieutenant F. L. Cassel, 99th Infantry Reserve Regiment, 26th Reserve Division, German Army
While the men of 99th Infantry Reserve Regiment fought to hold back the onrush of the 36th Division and 32nd Division of the X Corps, they were greatly assisted by the usual British confusion as to the degree of progress they had made. Erroneous air reports of glinting British helmets seen moving about in Thiepval village encouraged a totally false perception that it was safely in British hands. As a result the artillery did not return to bombard the village and all later attempts to use the reserves to bolster the attack on Thiepval Spur were foredoomed to failure in the face of the untouched German machine-gun nests and massed artillery. Unfortunately, this total failure knocked on to undermine the heroic success of the 36th Division to their left. Although the amazing advance of the 36th Division to capture Schwaben Redoubt had threatened to unhinge a vital part of the German line, the Irishmen were at the same time soon totally isolated. The German response was inevitable.
The Englishman still sits in Schwaben Redoubt. He must be driven out of it, out of our position. The attack is to be pushed with all energy. It is a point of honour for the division to recapture this important point today. The artillery is to cooperate with all possible strength.71
Major General von Soden, Headquarters, 26th Reserve Division, German Army
The German counter-attacks pounded away at the hastily established outpost line of the Irish, slowly but surely overrunning their hard won gains. As the bombs and bayonets drew nearer and nearer, some of the Irishmen not unnaturally panicked; all their courage perhaps exhausted by the repeated shocks and terrors of this the longest day of their lives. They found little sympathy as they fell back in desperation.
A strong rabble of tired, hungry and thirsty stragglers approach me from the east. I go out to meet them. ‘Where are you going?’ I ask. One says one thing, one another. They are marched to the water reserve, given a drink and hunted back to the fight. Another more formidable party cuts across to the south. They mean business. They are damned if they are going to stay, it’s all up. A young sprinting subaltern heads them off. They push by him. He draws his revolver and threatens them. They take no notice. He fires. Down drops a British soldier at his feet. The effect is instantaneous. They turn back to the assistance of their comrades in distress.72
Lieutenant Colonel Frank Crozier, 9th Battalion, Royal Irish Rifles, 107th Brigade, 36th (Irish) Division
Another man dead, and in this case a man who perhaps had done his utmost until he was made an example pour encourager les autres. Yet the reality was that if Thiepval was not captured by the 32nd Division then the Schwaben Redoubt could never be held. Therefore, at some point, the 36th Division would have to retire from their exposed and shrinking salient. Slowly, painfully, reluctantly they did indeed begin to fall back. By this time most of their officers and NCOs were killed or wounded. Eventually they managed to stabilise the line in the original German front line. The Stuff and Schwaben Redoubts would not be captured again for three long months.
The attack of X Corps had offered only a brief flicker of hope through the astounding brief success of the 36th (Irish) Division. Yet the plain reality was that their breakthrough had been the anomaly rather than the rule, the result of raw courage and briefly favourable, localised tactical circumstances. Once the Germans had realised what was happening they were able to swiftly cauterise and seal off the wound and leave only the smallest of scars in their defences. The end result, despite all the excitement of the temporary breakthrough, was a near complete failure at a cost of around 5,104 casualties to the 36th Division and 3,949 casualties to the 32nd Division.
III Corps La Boisselle—failure in the centre
Next in line to the south was the III Corps. They too faced a formidable defensive fortress encompassing four distinct spurs with the intervening valleys running down from the Pozières Ridge. From north to south they were named: Thiepval Spur (actually in the X Corps area but the origin of such lethal flanking fire that it cannot be discounted in considering the fate of the III Corps), Nab Valley, Ovillers Spur, Mash Valley, La Boisselle Spur, Sausage Valley and Fricourt Spur. Once again the Germans had used the natural lie of the land to extract the maximum defensive effect, bending their lines into the valleys along the salient and re-entrant contour lines. Anyone venturing into one of the valleys was entering a trap with concentrated interlocking fire from three sides. The front-line fortified villages of Ovillers and La Boisselle were further bolstered by the Schwaben Höhe and Sausage Redoubts. Behind them lay a series of intermediate fortified lines and redoubts before the German second line proper, stretching in this sector from Mouquet Farm to the village of Bazentin-le-Petit.
As with their northern neighbours, the III Corps had been asked to carry out one of the most difficult offensive actions of this or any other war. The 8th Division was centred on the Ovillers Spur while the 34th Division faced the La Boisselle Spur and the valleys on either side. The artillery conformed to the generally prevailing arrangements, although some effort was made to allow the field artillery to rake back gradually in short lifts designed to cope with the numerous interlinked defence works between the main lines. It was not a proper creeping barrage as the lifts were ‘jerky’, in jumps of between 50 and 100 yards. Together the 8th and 34th Divisions were intended to advance to occupy positions just in front of the German second line between Contalmaison and Mouquet Farm.
On the left of the III Corps front, due to the configuration of the ground, the three assaulting brigades of 8th Division commanded by Major General H. Hudson were almost entirely dependent on a successful attack by the divisions on either side of them. Baldly stated, if the 32nd Division of the X Corps did not take the Leipzig Redoubt to the north then a blistering enfilading fire would rake their left flank as they advanced in the exposed Nab Valley. Similarly, if the 34th Division to their right failed in attacking the La Boisselle Salient then their right flank would be savaged from the south as it pushed into the Mash Valley. In view of this total dependence on the success of others, Major General Hudson tried to slightly postpone the 8th Division zero hour to try and reduce their exposure, but had been brusquely overruled by Rawlinson, who realised that a failure to attack at the same time would have allowed the Germans to concentrate their defensive fire on the flanks of the 32nd and 34th Divisions. It was indeed a difficult conundrum.
In the event it happened as Hudson had feared, for the men of his 70th Brigade on the left found the open ground of Nab Valley an utter death-trap. The first wave made some progress breaching the German lines, but as the German defences reorganised and the machine guns began to intervene from the flanks, the supporting battalions found it almost impossible to get across No Man’s Land. Amongst them was Corporal Tansley of the 9th Yorks and Lancs.
Zero Hour, the whistles were blown, ladders were put to mount out of the trench and lanes had been cut through the 30-foot British wire. We had been told, ‘There’s no need for this short rushes and getting down on your stomach, go straight over as if you were on parade. That’s the orders, there’s no fear of enemy attack, that’s been silenced by the British guns’. Up we went through the lanes cut in the wire, spread out and tried to follow this instruction. Myself, I was a bit sceptical about it. Anyway we tried to adhere to it as far as possible. We spread out, I and my section made for this slight ridge marked by an old farm implement. Looked around for where the line was, they seemed to disappear. Lying about on the ground. There was a severe machine-gun fire coming from the region of Pozières, half-left.73
Corporal James Tansley, 9th Battalion, York and Lancaster Regiment, 70th Brigade, 8th Division
At this point Corporal Tansley was wounded and soon found himself facing an awful predicament, badly wounded and trapped between the front lines.
Down we went and my mate who was with me, he went down shot through the legs. I attended to my mate and he had some qualms of conscience in him, because he wasn’t facing the enemy when he went down. I didn’t realise anything like that myself, but he was an old regular soldier and it troubled him so much. Side by side we were there and he was hit again, hit through the mouth. It killed him. I didn’t know when my moment might come—I expected it at any moment. The best thing I could do was to lie low, keep quiet. Another wave came over. As that was passing the enemy fire hotted up of course. They went farther on to meet the same fate. When it died down somewhat, I looked around for a shell hole and found one. It was chock-a-block full—dead, wounded, unwounded—I couldn’t get in it! So I had to remain on the surface. I was there until 3 p.m. Just before 3 p.m. I managed to crawl into the trench. I’d stayed the flow of the blood with my own digital pressure in the groin because I’d had some instruction in ambulance work I knew that by applying pressure on the pressure points it would stay the blood, which it did. There was casualties everywhere, more than the RAMC could cope with. I must have lost consciousness some part of the time. I revived a bit and asked them when they would get me away, ‘Oh yes, we’ll come to you ...’ It was really a godsend they did pick the up and bring me out because there was so many there who never got picked up at all.74
Corporal James Tansley, 9th Battalion, York and Lancaster Regiment, 70th Brigade, 8th Division
As the support battalions tried through sheer guts to get across No Man’s Land the German counter-attacks steadily eradicated the survivors of the first wave who had made the initial lodgement in the German lines. This same sad story of failure was repeated immediately to the south where the 25th and 23rd Brigades had their attacking battalions shot to bits by a combination of powerful direct fire from Ovillers and the eviscerating flank fire from La Boisselle. One young staff officer acting as divisional forward observation officer reported back on the results of the attack.
I was given a place with my signallers about 400 yards behind our front line on a bank where you could see very clearly on a fine day. The troops advanced out of the trenches, but by this time although the sky was clear the shells had thrown up so much smoke, rubble and a reddish dust was over everything. There was a mist to and hardly anything was visible. One saw these figures disappear into the mist and as they did so, so did the first shots ring out from the other side. I thought our men had got into the German trench—and so did the men that were with me. I reported as such to the division. I said, ‘I’m going forward, I can’t really see what’s happened!’ I got a message to stay where I was, so I stayed where I was! Presently as the barrage went forward so did the air clear and I could see what was happening. In the distance I saw the barrage bounding on towards Pozières, the Third German Line. In No Man’s Land were heaps of dead, with Germans almost standing up in their trenches, well over the top firing and sniping at those who had taken refuge in the shell holes. On the right there was signs of fighting, I saw Very and signal lights go up in the trenches. Then I waited and another brigade was ordered to resume the attack. Providentially for that brigade the order was cancelled with greater realisation came in as to what had really happened. It was the most enormous disaster that had befallen the 8th Division, the whole division was ruined.75
Captain Alan Hanbury-Sparrow, 2nd Battalion, Royal Berkshire Regiment, 25th Brigade, 8th Division
The German artillery added to their misery as a severe barrage poured down on the British front line and No Man’s Land. In these circumstances it was a tragedy that such secrecy had attended the construction of two substantial communication tunnels some 13 feet below No Man’s Land, for it meant that they were not brought into use until it was effectively too late in the day to change the outcome.
MEANWHILE, on their right the 34th Division had the awesome task of capturing the La Boisselle Salient. They were to attack in four ‘columns’ each marching three battalions deep on a front of about 400 yards. As the assault battalions left the assembly trenches the following battalions would simultaneously set off from the support lines on the low Usna and Tara hills lying behind the British front line. Because of the enormous strength of the La Boisselle village salient it had been decided not to attack this frontally but use pincer attacks to ‘pinch’ it out. The men were assured that the village had been utterly destroyed but once again the deep dugouts and cellars contained the seeds of disaster for the advancing British troops. In the flanking attacks they had the assistance of two huge mines. On the northern flank was Y Sap, a 1,030-feet-long tunnel which contained 40,600 lbs of ammonal, while on the southern flank the Lochnagar mine had put the phenomenal amount of 60,000 lbs of ammonal under the Germans manning the Schwaben Höhe Redoubt. These were intended to not only cause devastation in themselves, but also throw up high crater ‘lips’ of fallen debris, which it was hoped would provide substantial cover from enfilade fire as the infantry advanced across the open expanses of No Man’s Land. The mines were to be exploded just two minutes before Zero Hour at 0730.
The Y Sap mine was intended to assist the advance of the 102nd (Tyneside Scottish) Brigade as they assaulted the German line immediately to the north of La Boisselle, into the maw of the Mash Valley. The mine caused tremendous damage, but the Tynesiders still had to cross some 800 yards of open ground before they got to the German trenches under concentrated criss-cross machine-gun fire originating from in front and the fortified villages of Ovillers and La Boisselle on either flank. The casualties were horrific. Very few reached the German front line and those that did were soon hunted down.
Just to the right of La Boisselle, the rest of the 102nd and the 101st Brigades were attacking on either side of the Lochnagar mine due to detonate under the powerful Schwaben Höhe Redoubt.
The mine went up and the trenches simply rocked like a boat, we seemed to be very close to it and looked in awe as great pieces of earth as big as coal wagons were blasted skywards to hurtle and roll and then start to scream back all around us. A great geyser of mud, chalk and flame had risen and subsided before our gaze and man had created it. I vividly recall as the barrage lifted temporarily and there was just the slightest pause in this torment, several skylarks were singing—incredible!76
Private Harry Baumber, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
Experiments had shown that any debris that might cause physical harm to the advancing soldiers would have crashed back to earth within 60 seconds of the explosion, although naturally the dust and smaller fragments would take longer to settle. But, not unnaturally, many of the men found this difficult to believe and perhaps waited a little longer than was strictly necessary before setting off across No Man’s Land.
It went up, the ground suddenly jolting and then rocking below our feet. Muck was thrown some two or three hundred feet into the air to land later like a load of coal dropping for what seemed an age. The instant it stopped we went over the top with ‘the lads’ to claim the new crater. Amid heavy supporting fire, I and a handful of men brought up the field telephones and the cables essential for the communications between the front-line troops and our artillery.77
Corporal John Maw, Royal Artillery, 34th Division
The mine had wreaked terrible devastation blasting out a volcano-like crater, which measured an incredible 270 feet across and 70 feet deep. One of the contact patrol pilots of 3 Squadron, Royal Flying Corps had an amazing view of the explosion as he flew over the battlefield.
Then came the blast when we were looking at the La Boisselle Salient—suddenly the whole earth heaved and up from the ground came great cone shaped lifts of earth up to 3,000, 4,000, 5,000 feet. A moment later we struck the repercussion wave of the blast which flung us over right away backwards over on one side away from the blast.78
Second Lieutenant Cecil Lewis, 3 Squadron, Royal Flying Corps
The sheer power of the explosion collapsed many of the German deep dugouts to smother their cowering garrisons, but even so, for all the drama and spectacle, the Lochnagar mine only eradicated the German defences in the immediate area of the crater. The rest were relatively untouched and still functioning. The machine guns from what little remained of the Schwaben Höhe Redoubt were joined by others flanking the assault from the village of La Boisselle and the Sausage Redoubt.
By now it was over the top and away up a gentle slope to the German trenches. Line behind line of steadfast men walking grimly forward and wondering what was in store. We soon found out. I noticed men falling thick and fast about me and all the time the tremulous chatter of machine guns. It was akin to striding into a hailstorm and the further you went the less and less became your comrades. Jerry had not been obliterated, his wire had not been destroyed and we had been called upon to walk 800 yards across No Man’s Land into Hell. A far cry from the walkover we had been promised.79
Private Harry Baumber, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
Their officers were equally horrified by the strength of the machine-gun fire. It seemed impossible that they were not hit as the bullets sprayed all around them, flicking spitefully at their uniforms and equipment.
When we got the orders to advance, we climbed over the top of the parapet. And the enfilade machine-gun fire—the air was full of bullets and the men began to fall all round us. It was tragic. When these men were hit with bullets, they just fell flat on their face and the air was full of bullets. I got one between my fingers, just clipped a bit out of each. When we came to want something to eat, when you got your haversack off your back you found that the bullets had gone through your Machonachie ration or tin of bully beef. Some very near misses.80
Lieutenant A, Dickinson, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
At last the men reached the smouldering depths of the Lochnagar crater, which was rimmed with lips of fallen debris that stretched up to 15 feet high. In the hurly-burly of crater fighting speed was of the essence and it was vital to consolidate the crater before the dazed Germans could regain their equilibrium.
When we arrived at the crater, our orders were to man the top, round the lip of the crater. Of course the Germans they soon played their machine guns on that lip and first one would get one through the head and roll down, then one after another would roll down into that bottom which tapered down to a point. It was still hot as an oven after just being blown up.81
Lieutenant A. Dickinson, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
To the left of the crater the 22nd Northumberland Fusiliers broke into the German lines under Major Acklom and managed to carve out a precarious foothold that stretched forward as far as the German support lines. All in all elements of three battalions gathered around the great crater, no doubt drawn by the cover it offered. Yet the flanking fire poured in from all around and crossing No Man’s Land was a deadly game. Major Vignoles attempted to get forward with the reserve D Company, which had been assigned to the mundane but essential role of carrying forward ammunition and trench stores that would be needed to consolidate their objectives. It was soon apparent that the task was anything but mundane for even before they left the British front line they came under heavy fire.
My company got out of the trench to carry forward our stuff and a Boche machine gun kept sweeping over us. I got the men down and while getting them all together I tried to stop a bullet with my left hand! I felt a crack and felt as if a red hot bar had been pushed through my hand. On looking down, I saw that I had been shot through four fingers and felt sure that all were broken. I hated leaving the Commanding Officer in such a hot corner, but I could see by the jet of blood that an artery had also been cut, which necessitated putting on a tourniquet, so I could not proceed. Anderson and Turnbull (the only two officers with me) were OK when I left, but I do not know how they got on afterwards.82
Major Walter Vignoles, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
Second Lieutenant Turnbull carried on making his way forward, but he was left completely confused by the turmoil of the battle and the sheer complexity of the situation unfolding around him. Pushing across No Man’s Land accompanied by his platoon, he found himself just to the left of the Lochnagar crater shortly after 0900.
Very puzzled with the rotten crater, which was in the wrong place. Used it to screen us from La Boisselle, got as far as the ridge, and goodness knows how many machine guns opened up on us. We all dropped, and I started to crawl to the crater to see who was there, when I got hit in the back. Corporal Turton helped me in. Unfortunately I couldn’t move about much, and felt very dazed. Corporals Barnett and Pearson came into the crater presently unhurt. Tried to sap out to one section not far off, but it wasn’t practicable. A Tyneside Irish officer gave me a drop of whisky which cheered me up. There were three unhurt officers there. Got a note from Second Lieutenant Hartshorn, 10th Lincolns and twenty men to say they were in a sunken road in the valley near the Boche lines, and asking for help. Tried to get runner back to headquarters, sent about four, but don’t know what happened to them. Later the Tyneside Irish officer went back and got through, but was wounded. I tried to get the other officers to reconnoitre and make an attempt to get forward, but they said it was quite impossible. There were 50-100 unwounded men. We consolidated round the lip of the crater; our parapet was of uncertain thickness and very crumbly. There was a certain amount of cover for all but very shallow. Colonel Howard was there badly wounded.83
Second Lieutenant JohnTurnbull, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
All hope of breaching the German lines in front of them had vanished; indeed it was apparent that they had very little chance of surviving the concentrated machine-gun fire.
With enfilading machine-gun fire from the flanks it was simply a massacre and although a few struggled into the German defences, we who were left were simply pinned down where we lay. There was no going forward and at this point no way of going back to our lines—an absolute bloody desolate shambles. If you moved an inch it brought a sweeping crackle of fire and we survivors began to realise our only hope was to wait until dark, but that was a long way off.84
Private Harry Baumber, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
To the right of them the situation was a little better where the 15th Royal Scots had managed to make considerable progress.
Prior to the attack, the No. 1s of each Lewis gun tossed up for the ‘honour’ of one gun to go with the bombers detailed to rush the crater after the mine had been blown. I tossed for B Company, No. 1 gun and won, amidst muttered remarks from the gun crew that I would ruddy well win a toss like that, and, expecting dirty work we took the reserve gun crew with us, twelve men, and myself in charge, making the thirteenth, as some bright gem quickly pointed out. We went out with the bombers five minutes before zero hour to positions as near as we thought was safe, so that we could work round the crater, after the mines were detonated. This was accomplished with slight loss, and as we lay down, the whole earth seemed to sway sideways. The debris went up hundreds of feet in the air, and above the bombardment we could hear the debris falling, unfortunately burying several of the party. I remember covering my head with my arms and waiting for the first clout. I was lucky and advanced with the rest of the survivors, round the right-hand side of the crater. I was firing at the retreating Germans in front of their third line, when the last remaining Lewis gunner was killed as he handed the another magazine. So I had to carry on with the Lewis gun, spare parts, haversack, and eight full magazines, not forgetting my rifle. When I dropped into their fourth line it was full of Jerries, and, much to the benefit of my trousers, they promptly put up their hands. I made such a noise that they thought my whole battalion had arrived.85
Corporal Harry Beaumont, 15th Battalion, Royal Scots, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
Realising they could get no further without considerable reinforcements they dug in where they were in Round Wood, where they managed to link up with the forward parties from the neighbouring 21st Division.
Still flying high above them was Second Lieutenant Cecil Lewis who was desperately trying to work out what was going on down below. He soon realised that there was an unbridgeable gulf between the theory and practice of contacting men in action on the battlefield.
We had all our contact patrol technique perfected and we went right down to 3,000 feet to see what was happening. We had a klaxon horn on the undercarriage of the Morane—a great big 12 volt klaxon—and I had a button which I used to press out a letter to tell the infantry that we wanted to know where they were. When they heard us hawking at them from above, they had little red Bengal flares, they carried them in their pockets, they would put a match to their flares. All along the line, wherever there was a chap, there would be a flare and Bob’s your uncle! It was one thing to practice this but quite another for them to really do it when they were under fire and particularly when things began to go a bit badly. Then they jolly wouldn’t light anything and small blame to them because it drew the fire of the enemy on to them at once. So we went down looking for flares and we only got two flares on the whole front. We were bitterly disappointed because this we hoped was our part to help the infantry and we weren’t able to do it.86
Second Lieutenant Cecil Lewis, 3 Squadron, Royal Flying Corps
Yet some of the contact patrols were occasionally able to help the beleaguered infantry. Their value was illustrated when at one point later in that awful day the British artillery began to land shells dropping short on to the crater.
For some unknown reason, our artillery started shelling us with whizz-bangs. Our planes were sailing close overhead and though I shone a mirror up they took no notice. In the end I sent an orderly to Colonel Howard to ask for permit to use a red flare, which he gave. As soon as we lit it, our planes went straight off home and our batteries shut up, but of course the Boche redoubled his efforts, though we escaped without further casualties.87
Second Lieutenant JohnTurnbull, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
Cut off as they were it was difficult for the officers to make sure that the men kept their sense of purpose and indeed that they did not begin to panic. Although he had been wounded before he reached the crater, Turnbull insisted on staying put with his men. He knew he was needed to help bolster up the men’s morale.
I kind of dozed most of the time, but woke up and thought of things now and again, i.e. got Corporal Turton to see rifles were all cleaned etc. He was a brick that day. I found my flow of language, which I am afraid I am rather free with ordinarily, good and bad, very useful several times. Especially when some of the fit men wanted to bolt for it, and leave a good one hundred wounded who couldn’t walk. I asked them what the ****** they thought they were doing and ordered them back, and they all meekly went back, much to my surprise.88
Second Lieutenant John Turnbull, 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment, 101st Brigade, 34th Division
Despite all the German pressure the scattered parties around the Lochnagar crater and in Schwaben Höhe managed to maintain their position until nightfall. That night a Russian sap was opened up to provide communications and slowly the positions were connected and consolidated.
Back at the headquarters of the 8th and 34th Divisions the staff officers were left face to face with a failure that was far beyond their comprehension. Many had been worried by their onerous responsibilities, had feared that there might be hard fighting, had dreaded heavy casualties. But they had never imagined anything like this.
I soon realised the ghastly nature of our failure. And, from my advance observation post, I reported, very bluntly I’m afraid, to General Williams that no objectives had been gained and the left wing (102nd Brigade) had suffered heavily in the attack. Soon after sending that message, General Cameron (103rd Brigade commander) was carried into my trench—he had been wounded in the stomach. He smiled, in that nice way of his, told me to carry on, he’d be all right, and was taken down to the dressing station. From then on it was terrible—to see my division wiped out, on the left, in the centre and on the right. In desperation I grabbed a rifle and tried to silence one machine-gun section out in the open near the La Boisselle craters, mowing down our slow-moving infantry coming down on the left of Chapes Spur. After the attack was held, I went down to 102nd Infantry Brigade headquarters, to send messages to divisional headquarters, and I had a few words with General Ternan. He had read some of my earlier messages and was inclined to think I was in error (about the failure of the assault on the left, his brigade) in my estimation of the way the battle was going, but I gave him the details which did nothing to relieve his anxiety.89
Captain D, H. James, Trench Mortar Officer, Headquarters, 34th Division
On the whole of the III Corps front the overall picture was one of unremitting failure, which could not really be redeemed by trivial gains and lodgements that would never have been countenanced as success before the attack began. Yet the strength of the German positions was such that, with hindsight, it can be said that the outcome was almost inevitable. The alternate spurs and re-entrant valleys almost guaranteed exposure to deadly criss-crossing machine-gun fire, the British bombardment had been insufficient to destroy the defence works and the inadequate counter-battery fire had left the German guns free to roar their destructive defiance. No troops in the world could have achieved such overly ambitious objectives in front of Ovillers and La Boisselle on 1 July 1916. In trying to achieve what was impossible the 8th Division suffered an appalling 6,380 men killed, wounded and missing with a further 5,121 casualties in the 34th Division.
XV Corps: Fricourt and Mametz—hard fighting
The XV Corps was under the command of Lieutenant General Henry Horne. They faced two more of the many little spurs running down from the Pozières Ridge: namely the Fricourt and Mametz Spurs, which were separated by the valley of the Willow stream. Here again the ground was almost ideal for defence and the Germans had taken full advantage. The two villages had been converted into fortresses with a supporting trench system and deep dugouts of labyrinthine complexity. They lay behind a front line that carefully followed the winding contours of the downland to create miniature salients, which time and time again enfiladed much of No Man’s Land. Two intermediate lines further bolstered the defence before any interloper could get anywhere near the Second Line system. The XV Corps plans called for the assaulting 21st and 7th Divisions to overrun both spurs and to make a substantial further advance right up to the second German intermediate line (White Trench to Quadrangle Trench) where they were to consolidate. The village of Fricourt was not itself to be directly assaulted, but pinched out by attacks driving in from either side to isolate the defenders. Later the corps reserve, 17th Division, was to continue the advance through Mametz Wood to a line through Bazentin-le-Grand and Ginchy. Although they were attacking a position that combined natural and man-made defensive strength, one thing in their favour was that in this sector of the front the German artillery had been thoroughly targeted and to some extent silenced. This success rendered the German defences substantially more vulnerable than would otherwise have been the case. The gap between the front lines was also considerably less than in many sectors assaulted—narrowing in places to just 100 yards. A further advantage to the assaulting troops was the use of a definite form of creeping barrage. Although the heavy artillery would lift directly to the next designated barrage line the divisional artillery was to move forward at a rate of just 50 yards per minute.
The barrages will not exactly lift from one point and be put on to another; they will gradually drift forward, leaving certain lines at certain hours (which may be changed). The line of the barrage must be constantly watched by the infantry, whose front lines must keep close up to it.90
Lieutenant Colonel Alfred Fitzgerald, 15th Battalion, Durham Light Infantry, 64th Brigade, 21st Division
On the left, the 21st Division faced the fortress village of Fricourt. They were to be helped by the detonation of three mines of 25,000 lbs, 15,000 lbs and 9,000 lbs under the German lines opposite the small British salient, known as the Tambour, which gave them their collective name. In this case the mines were a pure diversion as the craters were not to be rushed, and it was hoped that the lips thrown up around them would provide an interruption to the deadly flanking fire of the German machine guns. On the left the 64th Brigade, and to a lesser extent the 63rd Brigade, made some considerable progress despite the dangerous irritation of flanking fire from Fricourt itself and La Boisselle on the left. As the leading battalions pushed forward, the support battalions followed hard on their heels. The combination of rattling machine-gun fire, whistling rifle bullets and occasional shells was enough to daunt even the bravest.
Left trench 7.30 a.m. Couldn’t have faced it unless afraid of funking before the men. Scrambled from shell hole to shell hole, through the wire and craters and awful havoc, terrible sights. Terrible slaughter by the Hun artillery and machine guns, the latter with snipers hurling bullets from every direction. Even behind us men were mown down right and left. Hun trenches simply myriads of shell holes. Not so many casualties as expected, as they crowded into deep dugouts and surrendered to attackers. Stopped a bullet on my head about 8 a.m.—dazed for about an hour or so. My steel helmet saved my life without a doubt, it cannot stop a direct bullet hit, but this one was glancing—a huge dent. Can remember shooting Hun officer who was shooting into backs of our men in front. Had dozens of close shaves and admit to being in frightened stew throughout the whole advance. One Hun machine gunner held up his hands but this line could not stop to secure him prisoner, leaving this for the second line. As soon as first line passed over he turned his gun and mowed them down from behind. Can vouch for this. Such cases makes you want to skin every Hun you see alive. Never stopped to explore Hun dugouts or prisoners. 9.15 a.m. saw four Hun lines (1,200 yards) cleared. Still murderous machine-gun fire. Dug in.91
Captain Rex Gee, 15th Battalion, Durham Light Infantry, 64th Brigade, 21st Division
Later that afternoon, the mixed remnants of the assaulting and support battalions tried to push forward from their positions in Crucifix Trench on to Shelter Wood. The result was disastrous. As they went further forward, away from their reserves and the cover of their field artillery, the Germans just grew stronger and ever more threatening.
Attempted two charges from our hasty trenches, but no use. Was only survivor from second charge. Critical situation, strong enemy position in front, attackers on left withdrawing, leaving our left flank exposed. Held on firmly all day and repulsed two enemy attacks to bomb us out. Very trying. Relieved shortly after midnight. Am only officer left in the company. Cannot understand how anyone escaped alive, never mind capture and hold Hun trenches. Haven’t got much left in the way of nerves. Had no sleep for fifty hours and no proper meals or rest. Am dog-tired and not worth much. Everything was horrible, ghastly and awful. May I never experience the same again. Saw scores horribly wounded, horribly killed. Am being converted to conscientious objector. Words cannot express the horrors of it all.92
Captain Rex Gee, 15th Battalion, Durham Light Infantry, 64th Brigade, 21st Division
On the right the 20th, 22nd and 91st Brigades of the 7th Division were faced with capturing the village of Mametz. Here six much smaller mines were to be used to assist the attacking troops and to provide a local diversion. The largest of 2,000 lbs was drilled out under Bulgar Point; most of the others of only 500 lbs each were located opposite Hidden Wood, which was not to be directly attacked. The 20th Brigade had a somewhat complicated set of objectives as it was to move forward and then swing round to form a firm defensive flank facing Fricourt. Once this had been achieved the 22nd Brigade, which initially would remain in the trenches, would advance directly on Fricourt. When the assault went in at 0730, there was little German artillery fire in response although the ubiquitous machine-gun fire caused considerable casualties. Nevertheless, some progress was made, for the German front line was overrun and fierce fighting commenced amongst the maze of trenches, dugouts and machine-gun posts that lay behind.
Amongst the battalions were the 9th Devons charged with advancing through Mansell Copse. Here the poetically minded bombing officer, Lieutenant Noel Hodgson, faced his personal Calvary. No one can ever know what was in his mind as he led his men over the top from the assembly trenches. As the men moved forward they were crucified by lethally criss-crossing machine-gun fire every step of the 400 yards that lay between them and the German front line. One man went forward with them into mortal danger, but did so in an entirely voluntary capacity—their Chaplain Ernest Crosse.
It was a great thing to think that the church was ready to go where the men had to. Quite apart from anything specific they might do, it is important to realise the significance of their presence on the battlefield. From a military point of view it was far from negligible, because they alone were not under orders to be there—and as such they could hardly fail to encourage the men, who had no option in the matter. From a religious point of view it showed to the men far better than any preaching could do, God’s care for them. If a padre’s presence was appreciated in the trenches at normal times, it was doubly so in those awful periods in the small hours of the morning waiting for the moment of attack. A young sergeant once remarked to me, ‘Damn me, if this isn’t the best battalion I ever was in. The CO goes round the tape just before you are going to kick off; the second-in-command comes almost up to the line just to see you get a hot drink at the last possible moment; and the padre follows you over the top!’93
Chaplain Ernest Crosse, 8th and 9th Battalions, Devonshire Regiment, 20th Brigade, 7th Division
During a battle the divisional complement of chaplains were carefully allotted to their battle posts. Each field ambulance was given a chaplain and an extra one was assigned to the main dressing station. Only then was permission granted for the remaining chaplains to volunteer to accompany their men into action if they so desired. In this capacity Chaplain Ernest Crosse saw it as his role to work closely with the battalion medical officer and to assist him as and when he could.
Wounded soon began to come back but our stretcher bearers seemed to move very slowly. Nearly all the first lot of wounded were Borderers. Then the welcomed sight of Boche prisoners passing by looking mad with terror. Doc and I went out to reconnoitre but the CO recommended staying where we were at the junction of 69 and Reserve. I met Trigillis on the top, just going up to support the 9th. Wished A Company of the 8th the best of luck. A journey round our front line revealed four badly wounded in a dugout. I helped Hicton to drag them out and then went for the stretcher bearers. About 3.30 p.m., Doc, Gertie and myself walked down the road to Mansell Copse. The road was strewn with dead. Almost the first I looked at being Martin. In every shell hole all across the valley and up to the German saps were badly wounded who feebly raised a hand or cried out lest they should not be seen. I bandaged up a few as best I could and then went with Gertie to collect all the stretcher bearers. Down Suffolk Avenue I found about eight loafing about with stretchers all over the place. With them and all available stretchers we returned. We now had ten stretchers and about thirty bearers. I gave orders to take the wounded only as far as 67 Support, so as to get as many as possible into our lines before dark, in case the Boche counter-attacked. The RAMC took the wounded back on our stretchers leaving us none. I told the stretcher bearers to use trench ladders instead and in this way we got in practically everybody up to the German line before dark. Met Gertie in the road and cursed about the stretchers. A shell pitched 20 yards from us. Went with Doc to examine Boche dugouts for use as an aid post. We could have taken anything we liked but had no time for it. We decided to move up in the morning. Being deadbeat I returned to Wellington Redoubt and lay down till dawn.94
Chaplain Ernest Crosse, 8th and 9th Battalions, Devonshire Regiment, 20th Brigade, 7th Division
Meanwhile, on their right, the 91st Brigade attacked across a patch of No Man’s Land that narrowed to just 100 yards. They, too, were troubled by machine-gun fire but found sufficient momentum to drive themselves right up to the outskirts of Mametz.
The first rush may have over-run the German trenches but the mopping up had not been sufficiently thorough to eradicate the copious numbers of Germans that subsequently emerged from their deep dugouts. One artillery forward observation officer witnessed the rough justice meted out when German snipers were hunted down.
The 2nd Gordons were deepening the communication trench to Bulgar support but we had to stop here some time as the sniping was continuing. One captain was sitting in the front line eating his lunch with one hand and shooting the snipers with the other as they came out to surrender. I thought that rather rough as some had their hands up, but he said that he had had several wounded Jocks shot on their stretchers. There were a great many dead lying about, both Gordons and Boche.95
Second Lieutenant Y. R. N. Probert, 37th Brigade, Royal Field Artillery, 7th Division
In the early afternoon elements of the hitherto uncommitted 22nd Brigade were ordered forward to carry out the next stage of the plan by making an assault on Fricourt itself. Private Arthur Burke was a reserve Lewis-gun team member when his battalion went over the top.
All those weary hours the lads remained calm, but very eager to get it over. They did not go over after a strong ration of rum as some people imagine these affairs are carried out, no, they went over feeling themselves. The Colonel watched them mount the steps and his last remarks were, ‘Isn’t it wonderful?’ The way they extended to six paces and walked over at the slope, one would have thought they were at Belton Park.96
Private Arthur Burke, 20th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 22nd Brigade, 7th Division
Their front waves got across No Man’s Land almost intact, but heavy machine-gun fire took an increasingly severe toll thereafter. When they arrived in the German lines there was an understandable moment of tension as the excited troops sought to determine what was happening. There were many close shaves.
I was very nearly bayoneted by a Warwick who was shot about five yards from us by snipers who opened up a fusillade. This was a very noisy, alarming and bloody affair. The cries of the wounded for stretcher bearers, who could not be attended to because of the snipers, were distressing. Although the Boche trenches were flattened by our bombardment the deep dugouts were hardly affected and spewed out snipers who effectively prevented movement until this second attack was made.97
Second Lieutenant Y. R. N. Probert, 37th Brigade, Royal Field Artillery, 7th Division
Private Burke was one of those sent to help in mopping up the German front line and dugouts. They were then to bomb their way down the German support lines across the Willow stream valley to penetrate Fricourt itself. It was clearly a vicious affair.
Then the hand-to-hand fighting started. It was Hell. Bombing was the star turn; many of the Devils were taken unawares and were asleep in their dugouts. We threw bombs of every description down, smoke bombs especially and as the hounds came up, crawling half dead, we stuck the blighters and put them out of time. In one dugout there were about twenty-five in there and we set the place on fire and we spared them no mercy, they don’t deserve it. They continued sniping as we were advancing until we reached them and then they throw up their hands, ‘Merci, Kamerad!’ We gave them mercy, I don’t think! We took far too many prisoners, they numbered about 1,000 and they didn’t deserve being spared. What tales they told us, and they would give us anything for souvenirs to spare their lives.98
Private Arthur Burke, 20th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 22nd Brigade, 7th Division
Progress was hard and achingly slow. The further they went forward the more the German resistance stiffened and the inevitable losses weakened the attackers. The arrival of reinforcements could make all the difference in these hard-fought skirmishes.
We took the first two lines after a hard struggle, but taking the third was Hell. We were all surrounded and had it not been for a very strong bombing party coming to our assistance, we should have been all ‘dicky up’. We captured many guns and all kinds of souvenirs, but the souvenir I treasure most is my life.99
Private Arthur Burke, 20th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 22nd Brigade, 7th Division
Eventually their progress was halted and although small parties of the 22nd Brigade made brief incursions into Fricourt they could not possibly cling on in the face of German counter-attacks and were soon forced to retire. However, further along the line the 91st Brigade was by this time making real progress into Mametz. By 1605 the village had been fully secured and the men had pushed on to consolidate a defensible line based on Bunny Trench.
By around 2000 all the objectives had been secured although the situation was naturally still very confused and the 8th and 9th Devons found themselves badly mixed up in trenches just to the west of Mametz. As evening began to fall some of the men who had been kept out of battle were sent forward. Among them was Private Conn who was sent forward to bring a Lewis-gun team up to strength and to assist at the same time in carrying forward some rations. In an entirely typical manner he was keen to secure the best possible souvenir of the fighting that had raged in his absence.
I lost no time in getting myself dug in. The dead had fallen in many strange, grotesque postures, some on their hands and knees as if they were praying. I did have a bit of a scrounge round though. I thought I might get one of those belts with ‘Gott mit uns’ on it or perhaps one of those Prussian helmets. I did come across one bloke, but when I lifted his helmet half the top of his nut was in it—it was full of brains like mincemeat. I’m not very squeamish, but I didn’t fancy scraping that out.100
Private Albert Conn, 8th Battalion, Devonshire Regiment, 20th Brigade, 7th Division
The attack of the XV Corps had been far more successful than that of its neighbours to the north. The reason was the far more effective counter-battery work that had preceded the assault. The German artillery was almost quiescent and as the narrower space between the opposing front lines allowed the British troops to get across No Man’s Land correspondingly quicker, they were able to catch the German front-line troops, in some cases before they had emerged from their dugouts. Ironically, the much vaunted artillery experiments with a creeping barrage, which would later provide a partial template for most infantry attacks on the Western Front, was not particularly relevant to their success. The line of bursting shells was too ‘thin’ in that there were insufficient shells bursting and there was a lack of the masses of high explosive shells needed to give it a real ‘bite’. The over-ambitious speed of advance also meant that in reality the line of shells quickly outpaced the struggling infantry, who were left far behind to fend for themselves. But the successes such as they were had come at a cost. The 21st Division suffered 4,256 casualties while the 7th Division lost some 3,380 men.
XIII Corps: Montauban—success on the right of the line
The southernmost sector of the British assault was to be carried out by the XIII Corps under the command of Lieutenant General William Congreve VC. In this sector the German front line ran out from the main Pozières Ridge across the Montauban to Mametz Spur. Behind it lay the deep Caterpillar Valley, through which the Willow stream ran on its way to pass between Fricourt and Mametz. Montauban had been fortified and there were several self-contained strong points within the trench system, such as the Glatz and Pommiers Redoubts, which had been carefully constructed to break up the smooth flow of any attack that penetrated the front line. Two intermediate defence lines were then backed up by the Second Line system some 3,000 yards back along the Bazentin Ridge. One advantage held by the British was that the Maricourt Ridge behind the British lines provided not only excellent observation of the German forward lines but shelter for the massed batteries of guns on the reverse slopes. Here there was no doubt that a clear British artillery superiority had been established, valuably augmented by the French artillery of the XX Corps, which was next in the Allied line to the south. Here the concentrated counter-battery fire had eroded the numbers of German guns facing the Allies until they were all but silenced on the day that mattered.
The plan produced by Congreve called for the 18th and 30th Divisions to seize all of the Montauban Spur on the first day, reaching forward to Montauban Alley, which ran on the near face of Caterpillar Valley. In reserve would be the 9th (Scottish) Division. The artillery were to use a simple form of the creeping barrage whereby all the heavy artillery moved in sudden lifts from one objective line to the next, but the field artillery was to creep back in short lifts picking up every previously identified trench between the lines. The VIII Corps orders were reputedly the first to actually use the word ‘creep’ although the concept was still imperfectly realised.
The 18th Division attacked from in front of the village of Carnoy directly across the intermediate trenches of Pommiers Alley and Train Alley to seize and consolidate Montauban Alley. Their commanding officer was Major General Sir Ivor Maxse, who had a reputation for attention to detail and meticulous training. He placed all three of his brigades in line for the assault: 54th, 53rd and 55th Brigades. They were assisted by the detonation of two mines, one of 500 lbs on the western edge of the sector intended to remove the threat from a nest of flanking machine guns, and another of 5,000 lbs under the German strong point at the salient of Casino Point. The German line had been much disturbed by previous mine warfare in front of Carnoy earlier in 1916 and as a result the Germans had abandoned their old linear front concentrating instead on a mixture of barbed-wire obstacles and machine-gun strong points in the old craters.
The two mines went up at 0727 and the three brigades surged forward into the attack. Private Henwood was in a support company as the 6th Royal Berkshires went over the top opposite the Casino Point mine.
We was standing on the firestep just as the attack had started and we had orders that we were going to send a mine up before our men took the front line German trench. But our men were so mad to get there they rushed forward under cover of smoke bombs, a slight wind carrying the smoke towards the German line. One of our companies, being well in front, got to the German parapet and was just landing in the trench when the mine went up and blew most of that company up with it. Just as that happened we had orders to go over the top and extend out.101
Private Fred Henwood, 6th Battalion, Royal Berkshire Regiment, 53rd Brigade, 18th Division
Further along the front, Private Cude was with a party designated to remain in the trench as the assaulting troops moved forwards.
This must be the beginning of the end. 7.22 a.m. Every gun for eight minutes gave of their best and the din was terrific. Punctual to time, 7.28 a.m., two minutes before the line advances, Captain Nevill, 8th East Surreys, kicks off the football that is to take the boys across to Jerry. Now although the line right and left have moved, I am too busy to take in the surroundings other than our immediate front. East Surreys and Queens go over singing and shouting and the ball is punted from one to another.102
Private Robert Cude, 7th Battalion, East Kent Regiment, 55th Brigade, 18th Division
One of the footballs had on it ‘The Great European Cup-Tie Final. East Surreys v. Bavarians, Kick off at Zero!’ while the other had emblazoned on it, ‘No referee’ to indicate that ‘rough stuff’ was entirely appropriate to the occasion. Second Lieutenant Alcock wrote to explain to Nevill’s family what happened in the following minutes.
Five minutes before zero time he strolled up in his usual calm way, and we shared a last joke before going over. The company went over the top very well, with Soames and your brother kicking off with the company footballs. We had to face a very heavy rifle and machine-gun fire, and nearing the front German trench, the lines slackened pace slightly. Seeing this Wilfred dashed in front with a bomb in his hand, and was immediately shot through the head, almost side by side with Soames and Sergeant Major Wells.103
Second Lieutenant Charles Alcock, 8th Battalion, East Surrey Regiment, 55th Brigade, 18th Division
Such tragedies not withstanding, the initial attack was reasonably successful. Assisted by the mines the assault battalions burst through the German front line to tackle the first real line of defence along Pommiers Trench and Train Alley. The garrison was thoroughly alert to the danger that faced them and they opened up a heavy fire. Now was the moment that Colonel Irwin considered his men needed the extra push his leadership could hopefully provide.
When the impetus died down I thought that this was the moment that I might be of some use. I went in and picked up all the chaps I could and went over the parapet by myself, stood well out in the open and said, ‘Come on, come on, come on.... !’ They all came on quite smoothly. They didn’t know what to do after they’d taken their first objective but I think I acted properly, but I really don’t know. It’s a very difficult job to know what a commanding officer should or shouldn’t do.104
Lieutenant Colonel Alfred Irwin, 8th Battalion, East Surrey Regiment, 55th Brigade, 18th Division
As the British barrage line swiftly moved on without reference to the real situation on the ground the prognosis would have been grim but for the minimal nature of the German artillery response. There was no wall of German shells smashing down on No Man’s Land to isolate the forward troops and in these circumstances the sheer weight of the superiority of numbers gave the British a greatly enhanced chance of success. Slowly they moved forward, plagued by German strong points, every one of which had to be overrun or outflanked. Nevertheless, the men continued to make progress, greatly assisted by the vaulting advance of the neighbouring 30th Division facing Montauban. There was, however, a very real price to pay—individual machine guns could cause painful casualties in a matter of mere seconds.
All our best men and NCOs are gone and when one sees the remains of a fine battalion one realises the disgusting sordidness of modern war, when any yokel can fire a gun that may or may not—chance entirely—kill a man worth fifty of the firer. But we must bear these losses silently, for it is the way that lies before us and the only way to victory.105
Second Lieutenant Alan Jacobs, 8th Battalion, East Surrey Regiment, 55th Brigade, 18th Division
Each man had his own way of dealing with the pain of the losses suffered. For some religion was at the centre of their lives and war was viewed through a prism of pure sanctimony.
Men who had not prayed for years confessed that they did pray that morning, whilst beside the dead body of several were found New Testaments sealed with the blood of men who had remembered that the Eternal God is the only Refuge of us all. A few hundred yards away from where we were fast becoming busy, my good and brave friend, Captain Nevill, led his men into the fight with footballs. And thus he died. With the Englishman’s way of fighting, he went on his way. The War was a game which was to be played to the end in a clean and straight manner.106
Chaplain Leonard Jeeves, 55th Brigade, 18th Division
Although the fighting was savage and in places little quarter was given or asked, prisoners were nevertheless taken and sent back to the rear areas. For men like Jeeves everything and anything was a reinforcement of his warped core beliefs.
All eyes were turned to the bend in the road, around which came the first batch of prisoners. A more pitiable spectacle of human misery I have seldom seen outside of a madhouse. Worn white and thin with the appalling bombardment, and with hands uplifted, they glanced like hunted animals from side to side as they crept through the lines of wounded men and went back to the place provided for them. And again, and yet again, they came along, many of them never meant for a soldier’s life, but driven to it by a State in which a few ambitious leaders made the whole land rise and use all the means that science could teach them in warfare.107
Chaplain Leonard Jeeves, 55th Brigade, 18th Division
The prisoners may have looked pitiful, but in the heightened emotions of the day there were some awful incidents as German prisoners were killed out of hand. It is strange that some of the most bloodthirsty reactions came from those who had not actually gone into action themselves.
I am aghast at the accuracy of the fire. He has plenty of machine guns and is making a frightful carnage. I long to be with the battalion so that I can do my best to bereave a German family. I hate these swines. One feels that one must kill, as often as one can. My hand strays to my pocket. I have two ‘Mills’ in each, and there are some Jerries against me. They are prisoners and had it not been for the fact that they are being closely watched, I would have put one at least of my bombs amongst them.108
Private Robert Cude, 7th Battalion, East Kent Regiment, 55th Brigade, 18th Division
By the end of the day the 18th Division had achieved all of its major objectives and managed to consolidate a new front line that stretched along Montauban Alley and Beetle Alley to make a firm link with the neighbouring 7th Division on their left. As the reserve battalions moved forward they were shaken by the sheer horror of the sights that surrounded them.
A battlefield in the old days, even though casualties were often far greater, must have been a clean, sweet business compared to one these days. The area over which it is fought is merely the face of God’s lovely earth wrecked beyond recognition, except as a plague of volcanoes. Everything about the thing is unlovely and rather dreadful; and to those who are at all weak in the stomach, very dreadful and altogether unbearable. And there are a great many to whom, at any rate in cold blood, it is intolerable. I have two officers both shaken and now useless from mere sights and I suppose there are plenty of men the same.109
Lieutenant Colonel Frank Maxwell VC, 12th Battalion, Middlesex Regiment, 54th Brigade, 18th Division
Chaplain Jeeves was watching as some of the thousands of wounded made their uncertain way back to the safety of the rear areas.
Hour after hour those heroes came, some limping, some helping others who were worse than themselves, some lying still and white upon the stretchers, some asking for the drink which we were only too glad to be able to give to them. So brave, so patient; I felt amidst it all the uplift of a spirit which was not born on earth. I have never seen anything so sublime. Surely in a hall of the brave and good beyond this world we shall meet again, if we walk worthy of all that this sacrifice has won for us?110
Chaplain Leonard Jeeves, 55th Brigade, 18th Division
The honour of taking the far right flank in the British assault went to the 30th Division commanded by Major General John Shea. The 21st and 89th Brigades attacked directly towards the village of Montauban with the intermediate German line of Dublin Trench and the Glatz Redoubt as their main objectives. Once these had been captured the 90th Brigade was to move forward to capture Montauban itself.
In this sector the British artillery had carried out their task almost to perfection with some considerable assistance from the neighbouring French artillery. As a result of their combined efforts the German artillery was silenced, the barbed wire was largely cut, Montauban had been reduced to rubble and the German trench positions had been thoroughly pounded. At 0722 the artillery was augmented by a furious bombardment from six Stokes mortar batteries, which had been secretly installed at the end of Russian saps dug across No Man’s Land. Finally at 0730 the Manchesters went over the top.
Off we started, about 50 yards between each wave. I was carrying my rifle by the sling on my shoulder with the bayonet parallel to my ear and had not gone many yards, when whizz—I felt as if someone had pulled at the top. However, I took no notice as we were at a quick march and it was taking us all our time to keep going. Like nearly every other fellow, I was smoking. No Man’s Land was one mass of shell holes, the soil was loose and we had 400 yards of this to go to the first German trench.111
Private Albert Andrews, 19th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 21st Brigade, 30th Division
They came under fire of course, but it bore no resemblance to the deluge of high explosives and massed machine-gun bullets that had haunted the men to the north.
Over the top! Up lads, good luck and we were away. We went about 25 yards, got through our wire all right, what was left of it. We were going very well; we were in the front wave. All of a sudden I realised what a hell of a weight we were carrying. The No. 1 he carried the gun, put it under his arm, finger on the trigger, and always about 2 yards in front of any infantrymen that were following. The barbed wire was shattered in strands all over the place, twisted round. When we got just off the front line, up pops a machine gun. Chained to this gun was a German. The first thing I did was to put my gun on to my shoulder and sprayed right along the top to keep their heads down. The German gunner went down; whether he was hit or not I didn’t know and I didn’t care, he was down. They were all down. That gave us a chance of getting in the trench. When we got in the gun team were practically down—not with the exertion of walking up and down shell holes and through wire, but with the damn load they were carrying. It was absolutely inhuman. My immediate concern was to get my Lewis gun on to the back of their trench, Dublin Trench. Our Brigadier General—Stanley—he was up within our front line within an hour and a half of our taking it. Not standing in the trench but standing in the open with a pair of field glasses looking at the German positions—I can see him now! We stayed about an hour till all the objectives were gained. Once you’re in the front line you don’t stay there. Then you’ve got to get forward again to dig in about another 100 yards ahead of our objective—Dublin Trench—and we start digging in. Then the fun did start. We were getting enfilade from right and left. We were the first target. You’re not going to worry about a chappie with a rifle, he can only kill one but a Lewis gunner could probably wipe the whole lot out.112
Sergeant Ernest Bryan, 17th Battalion, King’s Liverpool Regiment, 89th Brigade, 30th Division
Many of the Germans were still caught in what remained of their deep dugouts and only emerged at the very last moment when it was too late to make any real difference. As a result the losses in this sector were held reasonably in check.
As we got nearer, dozens of Germans were running through us towards our lines with their hands up. Others stopped there throwing bombs, firing machine guns and rifles, but those who stayed until we got there will fire no more.113
Private Albert Andrews, 19th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 21st Brigade, 30th Division
Carried away by the adrenaline rush of battle, there were times when war was quite literally murder.
I jumped into the German trench, what was left of it, just near a dugout door. In the doorway there was a big barrel. As soon as I jumped in, a German leapt from behind the barrel, but I was already on guard and I had my bayonet on his chest. He was trembling and looked half mad with his hands above his head, saying something to the which I did not understand. All I could make out was that he did not want me to kill him! It was here I noticed my bayonet was broken and I couldn’t have stuck him with it. Of course, I had ‘one up the chimney’ as we called it, that is a bullet in the breech, so that you only have to press your trigger. I pointed to his belt and bayonet. He took these off, and his hat and water bottle as well, emptied his pockets and offered the lot to me. Just then one of my mates was coming up the trench. ‘Get out of the way, Andy, leave him to me, I’ll give him one to himself!’ He meant he would throw a bomb at him, which would have blown him to pieces. ‘Come here’, I said. The German was on his knees in front of the now, fairly pleading. I said, ‘He’s an old man!’ He looked 60. At the finish I pointed my thumb towards our lines, never taking my bayonet off his chest. He jumped up and, with his hands above his head, ran out of the trench towards our lines calling out all the time. He was trembling from head to foot and frightened to death. I honestly believe he could have ‘done me’ as I jumped into the trench if he had not been so afraid. This was the only German I ever let off and I never regretted it. Well, with him away, we both bombed the dugout and turned round to go along the trench, when three fine Germans came running towards us with their hands up. They would be about 20 yards away. We both fired and two fell, my mate saying as we let go, ‘That’s for my brother in the Dardanelles!’, and as he fired again and the third German fell, ‘That’s for my winter in the trenches!’ We walked up to them and one moved. My mate kicked him and pushed his bayonet into him. That finished him. This kind of thing was going on all along the line, no Germans being spared. Wounded were killed by us all. We hadn’t exactly been told, ‘No prisoners!’ but we were given to understand that that was what was wanted.114
Private Albert Andrews, 19th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 21st Brigade, 30th Division
On they went, so far ahead of schedule that they had to wait for the artillery to finish knocking hell out of the German trenches that made up the Glatz Redoubt.
We waited outside Glatz Redoubt, all our guns being turned on this ring of trenches which was right on top of the ridge. We got the order, ‘Charge!’ and away we went at the double, killing all that stayed there. A good many retreated towards Montauban and we opened rapid fire at them.115
Private Albert Andrews, 19th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 21st Brigade, 30th Division
All in all the Germans that survived could testify that the British gunners had done a superb job in the southern sector of the offensive.
The troops who had so far held the lines south of Mametz and south of Montauban had sustained severe losses from intense enemy bombardment, which had been maintained for many days without a pause, and for the most part were already shot to pieces.116
Lieutenant Colonel Bedall, 16th Bavarian Regiment, 10th Bavarian Division, German Army
Now that the 21st and 89th Brigades had reached their objectives, the 90th Brigade moved up to leapfrog them as planned. As they approached they could see that the French were also making good solid progress.
As we were going over I could see the French troops advancing on our right. It was a splendid sight to see them, in their coloured uniforms and long bayonets. They advanced in short sharp rushes and they seemed to make very, very good progress. There artillery was giving them plenty of support and as they vanished in the distance, I turned round to some of my comrades and said, ‘They’re doing very well, very well indeed!’ And they did you know!117
Private Pat Kennedy, 18th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 90th Brigade, 30th Division
Meanwhile, the artillery was following its prepared programme to the letter. From its perspective everything seemed to be going like clockwork.
Received news at last from observation post, ‘Attack going OK. 1st, 2nd and 3rd lines taken with few casualties.’ At 9.56 a.m., lifted from Montauban and put up a barrage on the south-east side of the village to check any reinforcements coming up. Batteries in the rear of us who have to advance first, are now limbering up and trotting forward past our guns! Everything is going top hole—awfully bucked! At 10.10 a.m. received word from OP, ‘Infantry have taken Glatz Alley and are now entering Montauban.’118
Lieutenant William Bloor, C Battery, 149th Brigade, Royal Field Artillery, 30th Division
The village proved empty when the troops moved into the ruined streets at 1005. By 1100 they had run on to capture their allotted section of Montauban Alley in Caterpillar Valley behind Montauban. The trauma inflicted on the Germans was such that in Caterpillar Valley a number of German guns were captured.
The main role of the artillery in this phase of the battle was to disrupt any attempted German counter-attack. When the army cooperation aircraft of the RFC spotted threatening numbers of German troops moving forward in between Bernafay and Trônes Wood the artillery knew exactly what it had to do.
At 3.20 p.m. received word that two battalions of Germans had been seen on the road from Longueval, evidently coming up to support. Were warned to be ready to receive them! We are ready, and ten times ready, and the more that come, the bigger the target! Am at this moment waiting for further news of them—they are reported by the Flying Corps, and are a mile or two off yet and out of sight!119
Lieutenant William Bloor, C Battery, 149th Brigade, Royal Field Artillery, 30th Division
As night fell the positions were securely held, but it was obvious that a serious counter-attack would be launched as soon as the Germans could organise themselves. For many men, the collection of souvenirs and a little light looting of German dugouts was a pleasant distraction that might well prove fatal if older, cooler heads had not called them to their duty in consolidating the captured trenches.
Two or three of us went down in a fine German dugout. There were cigars, tinned food and German helmets. We all took a helmet, cigars and tobacco coming out with these German helmets on we ran straight into our Captain. ‘Yes,’ he said, ‘you all look very nice, but get some fucking digging done!120
Private Albert Andrews, 19th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 21st Brigade, 30th Division
Of course, the first real line of defence of the captured ground was their artillery. It had the massed slaughtering power to destroy any German counterattack that came within range.
At 10 p.m. the enemy started a heavy bombardment of the captured village of Montauban and also put up a barrage on his old trenches to prevent us from reinforcing. We started shooting then to cut up his counter-attack which was a failure. From this time until 2 a.m., the fire slackened somewhat, but at that time we commenced another intense bombardment. We received an SOS from Gowland, and fired for an hour. The attack was foiled. At 4.30 a.m. received by flag from Gowland, that the Boche was advancing in mass. This attack was again repulsed. We fired 834 rounds today.121
Lieutenant William Bloor, C Battery, 149th Brigade, Royal Field Artillery, 30th Division
The infantry constructed an improvised line from a mixture of smashed German trenches and hastily linked shell holes. It was a difficult situation and it was soon obvious that many of the young lads in the line were terribly inexperienced.
During one counter-attack I couldn’t get my ammunition clips out of my pouches quick enough, so this old soldier with a South African War ribbon said to me, ‘Hey lad, get your clips on the top of the parapet, it’s more easy for you to do it!’ It was a good tip because I could load very, very quick and fire. The counter-attack was beaten off.122
Private Pat Kennedy, 18th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 90th Brigade, 30th Division
Many were haunted by the imagined and all too real terrors of bayonet fighting. They had been trained in England with a straw-filled sack as an enemy; even then many had been shocked by the imprecations of their instructing sergeants who ordered them to scream and yell as if to make their lungs burst. In their makeshift front-line trenches their knees trembled at the thought of cold steel.
When you saw the Germans coming to you with fixed bayonets. The old Sergeant who had been out since Mons, he said, ‘By God, Pat, if they get any nearer, we’ll have to go and meet them with the bayonet!’ I thought, ‘Right! I’ve got a round in my breech, in case I miss him with the bayonet, I can shoot him! Just pull the trigger catch him that way. But they got very near on top of us—a few feet away from us and they were coming full pelt, yelling at the top of their voices. It’s a nasty feeling to think of these big Germans, all picked men, they were regular troops, done years and years conscript service. But really, they were on a level with us because it was their first field action they were in, I think.123
Private Pat Kennedy, 18th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 90th Brigade, 30th Division
The attacks were beaten off by a combination of effective British covering artillery fire, well-sited machine guns and the courage of troops determined to cling on to their hard won gains. Their morale was high—after all as far as they knew the British had won a great victory that day.
We didn’t know that the 1st of July was a disaster. The only success was where our division and the 18th Division gained all their objectives. We thought the war would soon be over as our men were flush with success.124
Private Pat Kennedy, 18th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, 90th Brigade, 30th Division
Collectively the XIII Corps had achieved all its objectives and thereby smashed through the German front-line trench system. The lack of any real German shell fire in comparison to the more northerly sectors had made a much more feasible operation of war and the two divisions of Kitchener’s Army had indeed done very well. Yet it should be emphasised that the British had not by any means broken through. The German Second Line system still lay before them on the ridge extending from Bazentin-le-Grand to Longueval. Behind that a Third Line system was being sketched out on the ground. Nevertheless, on a day of utter disaster, this success offered hope for the future; offered a point of focus for future attacks should Haig and Rawlinson decide to capitalise on the successes achieved. Yet the fighting had still been rough and the cost was inevitably high with the 18th Division totalling some 3,115 losses while the 30th Division incurred 3,011 casualties. Warfare was a painful business even in victory.
French Success on the Somme
The French attack alongside the XIII Corps was carried out by the Sixth Army under the command of General Fayolle. The XX Corps attacked north of the river Somme at 0730 and under the cover of a light river mist the French surged forward alongside the British 30th Division and despite stiff fighting in some sectors had overrun the entire German First Line defences. At first it seemed possible that Hardecourt could be attacked later in the day, but the difficulties in coordinating with the British meant that it was decided to hold what they had rather than risk a further advance. That this was perhaps a wise decision may be seen in the several German counter-attacks emanating from Hardecourt later in the day. South of the river Somme the French I Colonial Corps and the XXXV Corps had managed to attain complete artillery supremacy. The German batteries were almost wiped out and were unable in consequence to put up any real counter-barrage. The attack was delayed until 0930 and this perversely seems to have caught the Germans by surprise. When the French had not emerged alongside the British after two hours the Germans may have thought they were not coming at all. They were wrong and the French stormed through in fine style carrying all before them despite the dangerous flanking fire from the unengaged German positions even further to the south. The French were not a ‘New Army’ and generally had the benefit of more training and more battle experience than their British comrades—it was no disgrace that sometimes it showed. South of the Somme they pushed straight through the entire German First Line trench system and managed to establish themselves within relatively easy assaulting distance of the Second Line.
Somme Success in the Air
The morning of 1 July was not the first day of the offensive for the Royal Flying Corps. They had been engaged in a vicious battle for control of the air above the battlefield for the previous six months. Photographic reconnaissance and artillery observation were absolutely essential if the infantry were to have any chance of success on the day when it mattered. At the start of the battle the RFC had been labouring under a considerable disadvantage. The British army cooperation aircraft, the BE2c, was a stable and solid aircraft but it was, however, totally unsuited to the hurly-burly of aerial conflict. Flying against them was the formidable Fokker Monoplane EIII armed with a Spandau machine gun that fired directly through the span of the propellor using a revolutionary interrupter gear. Aware of the importance of their work, the RFC commander, Brigadier General Sir Hugh Trenchard, resolved that his men had to continue to carry out their functions and accept any consequent casualties for the ‘greater good’ of the army. It was thus fortunate that the technological tide at last began to turn back towards the British in the spring of 1916. The first sign of this was the arrival of the FE2b multi-purpose two-seater machines. This was a ‘pusher’ aircraft, with the engine behind the pilot and his observer perched in the forward cockpit with a clear field of fire for his Lewis gun. At first the fighting was still hard as the German scouts would often swoop down in ambush when the British patrols were a long way over the lines and far from the safety of home.
The Fokkers evidently worked on some pre-arranged plan as they were firing small white lights before swooping down. After the first attack which was made between us and the sun, the enemy showed much more caution in approaching near. It was in this first attack I think that Cairn Duff was shot down. Allen had his observer (Powell) shot dead as he was firing back and I rather think he got his man too as three of us saw one Fokker going down anyhow, side-slipping and nose diving. Anyway Powell had his gun right ‘on’ as the bullet grazed his trigger finger and struck him in the eye. He fell back into the nacelle breaking one of his legs in the fall. Allen was now defenceless and in spite of the fact that the machine was shot to ‘bits’ just managed to scrape back over the lines, when his engine stopped. He got back into the aerodrome.125
Captain Harold Wyllie, 23 Squadron, Royal Flying Corps
The Fokker pilots soon found that the ungainly looking FE2b two-seaters could be dangerous opponents. Yet far more overtly threatening were the new DH2 single-seater scouts. These were also pusher aircraft but they could match the Fokker for speed and manoeuvrability.
If a Hun sees a De Hav he runs for his life; they won’t come near them. It was only yesterday that one of the fellows came across a Fokker. The Fokker dived followed by the De Hav but the wretched Fokker dived so hard that when he tried to pull his machine out his elevator broke and he dived into our lines; not a shot was fired.126
Second Lieutenant Gwilym Lewis, 32 Squadron, Royal Flying Corps
Major Lanoe Hawker who commanded the DH2 pilots of 24 Squadron, RFC issued orders to his men that managed to summarise the ethos of the RFC: ‘Attack Everything.’127 Such an aggressive attitude allowed the RFC scouts to establish such a domination that the hapless BE2cs could carry out their work relatively unmolested.
Now at last though was the day when it really mattered. The RFC had to keep complete control of the skies above the battlefield. The British scouts flew missions roaming far behind the lines and attacking every German aircraft they sighted. Lieutenant Tudor-Hart and Captain Webb flying in an FE2b were about five miles behind the lines when they sighted a formation of German aircraft. The RFC had a strong ethos that no odds were to be considered too great.
We saw eight German machines approaching from the south-west—they were higher than us, and we flew towards them to attack. Two passed over our heads together about 300 yards or so apart, and I opened fire on one. They both replied together. I gave the signal to Webb to turn so that I could fire at the other machine behind us, but he put the machine’s head down. I turned to see what was the matter, and he pointed to his abdomen and collapsed over the joy stick. He died in a few seconds I think, but his last thought was to save his machine. The machine at once began turning towards the German side, and I had to get back to my machine gun to fire at a machine diving at us. This happened again and again, but my fire would always prevent them finishing the dive. Other machines fired from above all the time. I had only time to get the machine pointing towards our lines when I had to get back to the gun. I never got a chance to pull Webb out of the pilot’s seat, so I had to steer with my hand over the windscreen. I didn’t expect to get off alive, but tried to put up as good a fight as possible, and tried all the time to keep her towards our lines, but having to man the gun so often made it impossible to make progress, but the erratic course the machine flew probably saved it. At last, still being fired at, I got right down near the ground and proceeded to make a landing, as it was all I could do. I saw a lot of men with rifles, and realised that I might get shot before I could set fire to the machine, so I, at the last minute, put her nose down in order to crash. One wing tip hit first, the whole machine was destroyed. I was hurled out and escaped with a bruised and paralysed side and broken ankle and rib.128
Lieutenant W.O. Tudor-Hart, 22 Squadron, RFC
Such casualties were accepted in order to keep back the German aircraft and to give a clear run to the men on the ground. Yet the artillery observation aircraft that were intended to correct the massed batteries fall of shot found themselves struggling with the sheer number of German batteries that opened fire. With every available British gun blazing away it was difficult to work out who was firing at which target and accurate ranging was consequently difficult. Despite this the RFC had at least managed to deprive the German batteries of any chance of their own aerial observation—which in the circumstances was perhaps just as well. The British contact and reconnaissance patrols skimmed unmolested above a battlefield where it was death to show oneself on the ground. One report from Major Lanoe Hawker neatly summarised what was going on below him after a flight along the lines at 1230.
No Hostile Aircraft seen. About twelve, six-horsed vehicles moving south along Artillery Lane, and two or three moving east from Beaucourt-sur-Ancre. Two or three vehicles moving both ways along St. Pierre Divion–Grandcourt Road. Big high explosive shells bursting on our trenches opposite Thiepval. Hostile trenches from Ancre to Thiepval crowded with dark infantry—presumably Germans. Very few men seen in trenches from Thiepval to Albert–Bapaume Road. Crater north of road empty. Crater south of road and communication trench to north east held by us. Many dead lying on eastern slopes outside this crater. One-horsed vehicles moving in Contalmaison. Our men in communication trenches north of Fricourt facing south. Shrapnel bursting on a line Mametz Wood–Montauban. No indication that Ovillers, Contalmaison or La Boisselle had been captured, but enemy apparently contained in Fricourt. Pilot’s impression: enemy holding on to the line Thiepval–Ancre while he evacuates his artillery.129
Major Lanoe HawkerVC, 24 Squadron, RFC
The RFC also launched bombing raids designed to slow down and harass the movement of German reserves towards the battlefield by striking at the railway junctions, stations and railheads that were the veins of the German Army. The aircraft used were generally BE2cs, which although sturdy were unable to carry a worthwhile payload without leaving the observer behind. This demanded great courage as they had no means of defence if they were intercepted. The bombing was hardly devastating by any modern standards but the rewards could still be worthwhile, as the interrogation of a captured German soldier late in the war revealed.
About 3.30 p.m. the first battalion of the 71st Reserve Regiment and the 11th Reserve Jaeger Battalion were at St Quentin Station ready to entrain, arms were piled and the regimental transport was being loaded onto the train. At this moment English aeroplanes appeared overhead and dropped bombs. One bomb fell on a shed which was filled with ammunition and caused a big explosion. There were 200 wagons of ammunition in the station at the time; sixty of them caught fire and exploded, the remainder were saved with difficulty. The train allotted to the transport of troops and all the equipment which they had placed on the platform were destroyed by fire. The men were panic-stricken and fled in every direction. One hundred and eighty men were either killed or wounded. It was not till several hours later that it was possible to collect the men of 71st Regiment. It was then sent back to billets.130
Anon German Prisoner
One lucky bomb had devastated and at least temporarily removed from the fray a whole German battalion. On a day of disaster the Royal Flying Corps had finally come of age and achieved almost everything that could have realistically been expected of it.
It may have been a bright sunny day but the fog of war enveloped much of the Somme battlefield throughout 1 July. There was an enormous confusion in trying to interpret accurate situation reports—intelligence that was perfectly accurate in itself when sent, only to be subsequently overtaken by events. Although General Sir Henry Rawlinson was in contact with the lieutenant generals commanding his five corps, they themselves had great difficulty in finding out what happened in front of them. The German shells that flayed the British front lines had cut many of the telephone lines and generally ruined the communication between the Corps and their subordinate formations.
In several sectors where No Man’s Land had become a wall of German shells the front-line units themselves had little or no idea where their forward elements had got to. The contact reports from the pilots of the Royal Flying Corps could have helped, but in many cases their reports also further muddied any accurate perception of the overall position: in general, aerial reconnaissance proved unable to distinguish between a properly consolidated British position and a few stragglers cut off and doomed to be slowly pinched out by the inexorable German counterattacks. Thus false reports of the presence of British troops in Serre, Ovillers and Thiepval created the impression that more had been achieved than was in fact the case. When General Sir Douglas Haig arrived at Rawlinson’s headquarters in the afternoon the confusion was unresolved.
Hard fighting continued all day on front of Fourth Army. On a 16 mile front of attack varying fortune must be expected! It is difficult to summarize all that was reported. After lunch I motored to Querrieu and saw Sir H. Rawlinson. We hold the Montauban-Mametz Spur and villages of those names. The enemy are still in Fricourt, but we are round his flank on the north and close to Contalmaison. Ovillers and Thiepval villages have held our troops up, but our men are in the Schwaben Redoubt which crowns the ridge north of the last named village. The enemy counter-attacked here but were driven back. He however got a position with a few men in the river valley. North of the Ancre, the VIII Corps (Hunter-Weston) said they began well, but as the day progressed their troops were forced back into the German front line, except two battalions which occupied Serre village and were, it is said, cut off. I am inclined to believe from further reports that few of the VIII Corps left their trenches! The attack on Gomme-court Salient started well, especially the 56th Division under General Hull. The 46th Division (Stuart Wortley) attacked from the north side but was soon held up. This attack was of the very greatest assistance in helping the VIII Corps, because many of the enemy’s guns and troops were directed on it, and so left the VIII Corps considerably free. In spite of this the VIII Corps achieved very little.131
General Sir Douglas Haig, General Headquarters, British Expeditionary Force
Even ignoring the calumny so casually directed against the men of VIII Corps, the diary entry is a typical mixture of truths, half-truths and downright misapprehensions that would take days to settle down into a more accurate assessment of events on that awful day. Yet, on the late afternoon of 1 July, armed with such lamentably incomplete and flimsy evidence Haig and Rawlinson were required to take far-reaching decisions that would shape the future course of the Somme offensive. In particular, it seemed to be clear that the attack of the XIII Corps and the French Army alongside them had been markedly more successful than the central and northern sectors. The question of launching a further attack to exploit the inevitable confusion in the German line was pressing and could not be long postponed. Since the attacks in the northern and central sectors had failed it was decided that a breakthrough was unlikely. Meanwhile, General Sir Hubert Gough was kicking his heels at the Fourth Army headquarters, waiting to take command of the amassed reserves and three cavalry divisions allotted to exploit any significant penetration of the German lines. Haig decided that he would be better used in taking command and, if possible, revitalising the failed assaults of the northern wing of the Fourth Army, thus creating a new Reserve Army out of the VIII and X Corps. In the meantime Rawlinson could concentrate on the central and southern wings of what was left of the Fourth Army—the III, XV and XIII Corps.
While the generals pondered their next move, the British divisions already massed close behind the line, found themselves with nowhere to go as the attack stalled along most of the line. For the men of these divisions the day was just one long utterly dispiriting exercise in disappointment.
We were in a wood, 2 miles behind the front. Reveille was at half past four, breakfast was at five and we were ordered to be ready to move off at six o’clock. By this time the bombardment had started and the ground shook even where we were and from the edge of the wood we could see the hundreds and hundreds of gun flashes and smoke. I think that every gun that was made was used on that 1st of July. Then we were told of our objective, which was a slag heap near Bapaume which was 5 miles behind the German lines. We were going to have a forced march through the British lines, the German lines and we were going to take this slag heap and we would hold it at all costs. We waited and waited for this signal to move off. We were all ready, everybody was anxious to go, and we waited and waited. At ten o’clock in the morning streams of wounded came back past us, ambulances, walking wounded. The hours went by and then at twelve o’clock they sent the mess orderlies back to the back of this wood, where the cook carts were and we knew that we weren’t going to move. We knew then that the front line had not been cracked. You know, it was a very, very despondent battalion that sat down to their meal of stew.132
Sergeant Charles Quinnell, 9th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers, 36th Brigade, 12th Division
Towards the end of the day the role of the 12th Division as a whole changed from that of renewing the thrust forward to just reinforcing and relieving the 8th Division, which had been reduced to a husk in the failed assault on Ovillers. The staff officers now had an enormous task ahead of them, and all their organisational skill was required to prevent utter chaos on the roads and communication trenches clogged with the wounded.
During the afternoon, our three brigades were moved up closer in support and at 9 p.m. we got the order to move divisional headquarters up to the front division and double up with them. This was done about 11 p.m., but of course made everything rather a tangle, especially in the dark. Our infantry was ordered to relieve the 8th Division which had not been able to get on. Fortunately it was the same front which we had reconnoitred and over which I had taken the parties of transport officers and staff captains. I had also issued all the bomb store arrangements, water supply, ration supply and maps—so we were all prepared. We had even marked out our transport camps so they all knew where to go. I had also had two lorries fitted up with tanks and pumps, one for drinking and one for animals. Water is a real difficulty about here, unless one is on or near the rivers or streams. We slept where we could.133
Quartermaster General Lieutenant Colonel E. H. E. Collen, Headquarters, 12th Division
The 6th West Kents moved up in the early evening to take up their positions in the British front line. They were led by guides from the Rifle Brigade whom they were replacing. It can be safely assumed that the remnants from the morning attack were feeling bitter.
Well our guide took B Company up to the front line with Captain Harris as officer commanding. ‘Here you are, Sir!’ he said, ‘Here is your position.’ ‘But where is the company?’ said Captain Harris. It was now very late at night and dark. ‘You will see them in the morning when you look over into No Man’s Land!’ And surely we did see them: men of that regiment and other regiments lying in lines as hay or corn would lie in a field, all mown down by those German machine guns.134
Signaller Sidney Kemp, 6th Battalion, Royal West Kent Regiment, 37th Brigade, 12th Division
In some parts of the line there was evidence of considerable panic as the new battalions took up their positions. The men moving into the line were nervy and unsure of what they were to face, while the men they were relieving had been through hell and were jumpy in the extreme.
At 7 p.m. we moved forward to relieve the 5th West Yorks at Johnson’s Post. As we moved forward along a communication trench into this inferno, the men began to turn back—word was passed down we were to retire. I stood in the corner of the trench and pulled out my revolver. ‘If any man comes back here I shoot!’ I said and after getting order I got out of the trench and ran along the top to rally the men and see what was going on at the front. There was no danger in this as we were not in sight of the German front line. Bland, the Ripon Headmaster’s son, however, with the remnant of the 5th West Yorks in Johnson’s Post which was below us, caught sight of me running with my helmet off. Thinking I was a German, he ordered his men to fire. I jumped back into the trench as the bullets cracked past me. Luckily the 5th were badly shaken and aimed badly. We eventually relieved the 5th in Johnson’s Post and I had a word with Master Bland!135
Lieutenant Thomas Pratt, 1/4th Duke of Wellington’s Regiment, 147th Brigade, 49th Division
Gradually over the next day the battered battalions were relieved and moved back to count their dead and begin the long task of rebuilding.
It was truly the longest day for those men who had been left out of battle by the assault battalions to provide a nucleus for just such a rebuilding process. All day they waited with bated breath to hear how their friends had fared in the attack. This was life or death for the men with whom they had lived and worked for nigh on two years.
It was a glorious day, the sun was merciless and the ground had recovered enough to make it fairly hard for the advancing troops. I went to a report centre with a telephone where spots of news came filtering through from time to time. ‘Attack totally unexpected.’ ‘Doing well in the south of the attack.’ ‘Five hundred prisoners taken south of Albert.’ ‘We have advanced 3 miles here.’ ‘Trench making headway.’ But of the bid for Thiepval by our division there was no news.136
Lieutenant Edgar Lord, 15th Battalion, Lancashire Fusiliers, 96th Brigade, 32nd Division
News began to trickle back from Thiepval where Lieutenant Lord’s battalion was going over the top in the ill-fated attack as part of 32nd Division. The first indications were not promising and the news went downhill from then on.
Two wounded men of our battalion came down the road on a wagon. They told us of several casualties due to an intense bombardment of our trenches before the attack started and hazarded the belief that half of our battalion was hors de combat before they went over the top. We did not believe this report to be very reliable, but every few minutes more of our wounded men passed and all told the same story, adding that the Huns seemed to have a machine gun in every trench, that the wire was uncut and he seemed to have the sector extremely heavily manned. It was like following a cricket match on a tape machine, except that the news was desultory and not consecutive, sometimes even contradictory, but one thing was certain—that the fellows one knew so intimately had probably been entirely wiped out.137
Lieutenant Edgar Lord, 15th Battalion, Lancashire Fusiliers, 96th Brigade, 32nd Division
Lieutenant Lord was particularly keen to get news of his friend Lieutenant Ivan Doncaster and the bad news merely stoked the fires of his concern. By the end of the day there was incontrovertible proof of the sheer scale of the losses suffered by his battalion.
The scene on the road called Northumberland Avenue leading to Bouzincourt defies my powers of description to do it justice. A broiling hot day, without a breath of wind, and down the dusty road came hundreds of men with wounds of every description. A few of the worst cases came on the ambulances, which were in small supply, but carts, wagons, lorries, limbers, water tanks and any vehicles which could give a lift were crammed to the utmost. The walking cases were choked with dust, staggering along between the limbers, sometimes helping each other forming human crutches, most of them wearing blood stained bandages and many in improvised splints. The agony on their faces told a weary tale of experiences well-nigh beyond recounting, as all had only just escaped the longest journey of all. I helped as I could by buying chocolates, biscuits and giving draughts of water from my bottle, but all along the road men laid down for the last time, being wounded worse than they knew.138
Lieutenant Edgar Lord, 15th Battalion, Lancashire Fusiliers, 96th Brigade, 32nd Division
Of his friend Ivan Doncaster there was still no sign. For men like Lieutenant Lord it all seemed frankly incredible. How could this have happened? What had gone wrong?