D. F. Lowry
The debate over termination and the extension of state jurisdiction was not simple or straightforward. Some communities divided internally, at times because of the machinations of outsiders; others supported termination until the consequences became apparent.11 For its part, the National Congress of American Indians supported self-sufficiency but rejected House Concurrent Resolution 108 and Public Law 280 as means of achieving it. The era becomes even more complex when viewed from the South. Despite meeting with frustrations during the 1930s, the Lumbees continued to press for federal recognition. The following exchange between Lumbee leader D. F. Lowry (1881–1977) and members of Congress in 1955 provides a window into the complicated politics of race, class, citizenship, and sovereignty in the Native South.12 Why do you think the representatives expressed so much concern over land ownership, the work ethic of Lumbees, and civic engagement? After reading this document, consider whether you are surprised that the resulting Lumbee Act of 1956 acknowledged the Lumbees as an Indian people but denied any federal relationship with or obligations to them.
Mr. Carlyle.13 Now, the purpose of this bill is to designate a very fine group of citizens of my home county as Lumbee Indians of North Carolina. . . . I should like for you to recall that there is nothing in this bill that requests one penny of appropriation of any kind. There is nothing in this bill that would call for any upkeep or expenditure. It just simply relates to the name of these people. . . . They have their own schools. They are interested, of course, in their churches. They dot practically every hill in my country. The Indians are good farmers. They are good merchants. They are interested in civic affairs. They are interested in their politics; they take an active interest in our public officials. Some of them are public officials in our county. . . .
Mr. Aspinall.14 What benefit would they expect to get from this? Just purely the name “Lumbee Indian Tribe” does not appear to me to give too much importance to it, unless they expect to get some recognition later on as members of some authorized tribe, and then come before Congress asking for the benefits that naturally go to recognized tribes.
Mr. Carlyle. No one has ever mentioned to me any interest in that, that they had any interest in becoming a part of a reservation or asking the Federal Government for anything. Their purpose in this legislation is to have a name that they think is appropriate to their group. I do not know that they refer to themselves as a tribe. They are citizens who belong to the Indian race and they were interested in having a name that would have, they think, some significance.
Mr. Aspinall. The difficulty there is this: Some of them may have some Cherokee blood in their veins. They surely would not want to get rid of their relationship to the famous tribe of Cherokees in order to become members of another tribe, any more than I might go back and pick up my mongrel ancestry and disclaim some of it for something else, which does not mean anything except maybe the place where I come from. . . .
Mr. Carlyle. Well, I just do not know of any particular tribe of Indians in this country that they claim to be associated with. Now, I may be in error there. I do have a member of that race here who could answer that question, I feel sure. There is a good bit of merit in your suggestion that it does not make much difference what you call a person or what the name might be, but this is their idea and they are well organized and they have requested it. . . .
Mr. Haley.15 Our next witness will be Reverend D. F. Lowry. . . .
Mr. Carlyle. Have you made some study of your race?
Reverend Lowery. I have.
Mr. Carlyle. . . . What is the main purpose that the Indians of Robeson County have in asking that their names be designated as Lumbee Indians of North Carolina?
Reverend Lowery. Since the Indians of Robeson County are mixed, an admixture of seven different tribes of Indians, including the Cherokee, Tuscarora, Hatteras, Pamlico and Croatan—about seven different tribes were mixed with them and intermarried with the first colonies. If we get the name “Lumbee” we can . . . pick up the Act of the Legislature and pick up the bill and read that the Lumbee Indians are descendants of the seven tribes of Indians that settled on the Lumbee River, and are Lumbee Indians just like the Hatteras and Mississippi Indians. Then they would have no trouble telling the people, “We are Lumbee Indians.” They could look us up and find we are in the law, in the books at Raleigh, and therefore we are honest in their eyes. That is No. 1. . . .
Mr. Aspinall. How many of your Indians who wish to come under this designation are there?
Reverend Lowery. . . . We had a referendum put on by the county commissioners. Here is a statement from the attorney of the county commissioners: The 1951 General Assembly Resolution No. 38, Section 2, Sheet 4 of referendum for an election says,
“At such election the choice of a Name for the Indians of Robeson and adjoining counties shall be determined by the greatest number of votes cast in favor of a particular name or designation, and upon such choice being determined the name shall be certified by the Board of County Commissioners of Robeson County to the 1953 General Assembly of North Carolina for its consideration and action. The election was held under rules and regulations unanimously adopted by the Board of County Commissioners of Robeson County, and the results were 2,169 votes for ‘‘Lumbee Indians of North Carolina,” 35 votes to remain “Cherokee Indians of Robeson County.”
Mr. Aspinall. Do you think that all of those who were entitled to vote voted?
Reverend Lowery. No. They never do that. But we had as big a vote as we had when we elected the president, or the governor.
Mr. Aspinall. I do not know just how that would be in your area. At different times in my area it might be one thing, and at other times it might be something else.
Reverend Lowery. I have the rules of the election, if you would like to see a copy of that, which was carried on, and it said every person would have a right to vote.
Mr. Aspinall. Do you have any tribal organization?
Reverend Lowery. Yes, sir; we have the Lumbee Brotherhood, with 4,000 members. This was organized, you know, along with this move.
Mr. Aspinall. Do you own any communal property?
Reverend Lowery. I did not understand?
Mr. Aspinall. Do you own any communal property? Is there any property held in common among the Indians, or do you have individual ownership.
Reverend Lowery. No, sir. The members own land, but this is just a cooperative move, a brotherhood.
Mr. Aspinall. Do you desire or do you think that any members of your organization would desire to have a reservation?
Reverend Lowery. No, sir; not that I know of. If there is, it is a man that has not got any land, and he does not want to work for anything, and he thinks the Government might give him a little.
Mr. Aspinall. Do you or any members of your organization anticipate that after you might receive this designation you would come to Congress and ask for any of the benefits that otherwise go to Indian Tribes?
Reverend Lowery. No, sir. We would leave the county before we would come under a reservation or anything like wards of the Government. We are citizens and always have been citizens. We would leave before we would come on the reservation. . . .
Mr. Carlyle. Let me add one thought in answer to your question. The subject of a reservation does not meet with the approval of the Indians of Robeson County at all?
Reverend Lowery. No, sir.
Mr. Carlyle. They are land owners, large farmers, and they are engaged in the mercantile business extensively. They are good businessmen. They are not interested in a handout.
Mr. Aspinall. How many of them at the present time are on the Public Welfare rolls?
Mr. Carlyle. I would not know that, but I would say no larger a percentage than you would find among the other races.
Mr. Aspinall. You mean no more than you would find among the non-Indians?
Mr. Carlyle. That is right. I would say that those who are on the welfare rolls would not exceed the number, percentagewise, you would find among the Negroes and the white race.
Reverend Lowery. We are all working Indians. I am a retired rural letter carrier. I drove the mail for thirty years. I am a retired minister. I preached for forty years before I retired at the age of seventy-two. So we work.