2

The origins of the linen industry in north Armagh and the Lagan valley1

PLATE 2

Taken near Hillsborough in the County of Down, representing pulling the Flax when grown, Stooking or putting it up to dry, Ripling or saving the Seed, and boging or burying it in water.

WILLIAM HINCKS 1783

NO SERIOUS STUDY has yet been made of the origins of the linen-weaving industry in Ulster in the late seventeenth century. In the standard work, The Rise of the Irish Linen Industry, Conrad Gill dealt in a very summary and allusive fashion with its early history, using a small number of quotations from later printed sources to suggest that the industry was established by Scots settlers and vastly improved by Huguenots.2 This picture has been generally accepted even by recent writers and the only modification to it has been by Dr E.R.R. Green in the essay on ‘The Linen Industry in County Down’ in his book The Industrial Archaeology of County Down. He thought there was no doubt that ‘The industrial development of this region originated with the English and Scottish settlers and their desire to exploit properties which they had acquired.’ In support of this theory Green quoted a 1738 reference: ‘In Ireland they had little or no manufactures of linen, even for home consumption, till towards the end of King Charles II’s reign, when the persecution then raised against the dissenters in Scotland forced many of them over to the north of Ireland.’ Green also noted the contribution of two local landowners, Arthur Brownlow of Lurgan and Samuel Waring of nearby Waringstown. He did, however, lay rather more emphasis than Conrad Gill on the value of the Huguenot contribution although he thought it reasonable to assume that Crommelin settled in Lisburn ‘because the linen manufacture was in a more flourishing state there than anywhere else in the country’.³

Green’s analysis represents quite accurately the extent of the knowledge of the origins of the industry that can be gained from printed sources, for these have been pretty effectively combed by succeeding generations of students intrigued by the problem. But there are other sources which have been largely neglected and which do light up hidden facets of these well-worn quotations and enable us to test the validity of many conjectures in order to produce a more substantial overall picture of the origins of the industry. The records of the Quaker meetings of Lisburn and Lurgan survive from the mid-1670s and contain incidental references to the linen trade and to personalities in the industry.4 Among the few surviving seventeenth-century parish registers for Ulster are those for Blaris (Lisburn) and Shankill (Lurgan):⁵ they reveal the size and structure of the population in these areas. Almost unknown, too, except to genealogists, are the treasures of the Registry of Deeds established in Dublin about 1708: huge volumes contain memorials of deeds, leases, mortgages, wills and marriage settlements, providing a useful measure of the extent of economic activity in many periods in many parts of Ireland. Finally, there are estate records and although they are not numerous for the seventeenth century they do exist as a valuable supplement to the sources for re-creating the economic and social pattern of that period.

The earliest reference to a considerable domestic weaving industry in Ulster dates from 1682.

The Scotch and Irish in that province [Ulster] addicting themselves to spinning of linen yarn, attained to vast quantities of that commodity, which they transported to their great profit, the conveniency of which drew thither multitudes of linen weavers, that my opinion is, there is not a greater quantity of linen produced in like circuit in Europe: and although the generality of their cloth fourteen years since was sleisie and thin yet of late it is much improved to be a good fineness and strength, and will in all probability increase daily both in quantity and quality …⁶

This estimate was made by Colonel Richard Lawrence, who had himself unsuccessfully managed a linen manufactory for the Duke of Ormonde at Chapelizod near Dublin. Its accuracy is supported by the evidence we have. There had been for many years in Ulster a substantial production of yarn and after the 1660s it was worked up by immigrants from the north of England into a product well-known and respected in the London market before the arrival of the Huguenots. The industry was by then technically far enough advanced to hold its own with that of the Huguenot immigrants and to absorb their ideas very rapidly. At the same time the expansion of the agricultural economy, the wealth of the butter trade, and the consequent creation of a network of good markets made it easy for the more specialised activities of linendrapers to develop. The industry was indeed so firmly based that when England gave the Irish linen industry a favoured position in her markets after 1696, Irish exports of linen yarn and cloth rose by leaps and bounds.

Colonel Lawrence had attributed the establishment of the linen-weaving industry in Ulster to the production by spinners of large surpluses of linen yarn for export. This was not a new phenomenon. At the time of the plantation of Ulster it was claimed by a propagandist for the scheme that linen yarn was ‘finer there and more plentiful than in all the rest of the kingdom’.7 On the eve of the destruction of the British colony in 1641 Ireland exported 2,921 cwt. of linen yarn while there was as yet no considerable export of linen cloth.⁸ A pamphlet published in the same year contained this comment: ‘The town of Manchester buys the linen yarn of the Irish in great quantity, and weaving it returns the same again into Ireland to sell.’⁹ In the 1660s another observer could still state with accuracy: ‘We send abroad little linen cloth and less that is good, though store of linen yarn which is an imperfect sort of country manufacture, and sheweth we have more spinners than weavers.’¹⁰ In 1673 Sir William Temple wrote: ‘Linen yarn is a commodity very proper for this country but made in no great quantities in any part besides the north nor anywhere into linen in any great degree or sorts fit for the better uses at home or exportation abroad.’¹¹

Since the existence of a spinning industry had not created a significant weaving industry in the period before 1660, it would not be convincing to argue that it did of itself attract ‘thither multitudes of linen weavers’ in the decades following 1660. The immigrants were attracted mainly by the prospect of obtaining land on good terms and at cheap rents from landlords whose estates had been depopulated during the 1640s, while many Cromwellian soldiers and ‘adventurers’ who had been compensated for their services with grants of Irish land, especially on the Magennis estate in north Down, unloaded their land on the market.12 A study of the surnames of these immigrants and of the Quaker records suggests that the majority of the settlers in the Lagan valley were from northern England. Indeed, the English character of Lisburn and the subsequent bitter rivalry between Lisburn and Belfast is the substance of a letter from Lisburn written in 1679 by a local merchant:

Through the overpowering trade of the Scottish merchants of Belfast the English trade of Lisburn is upon its ruin. To demonstrate the same, those Scotch have got all the general commissions from the London merchants for trade into their hands and not one Englishman in these parts is so employed and those Scotch merchants of Belfast for the encouragement of their countrymen in this town allow and pay about 12d. per pound for commodities more than to any Englishman …¹³

The trade of the region was based on agricultural products. In 1683 Belfast exported 7,017 barrels of corn, 12,445 hides, 4,610 barrels of beef, 3,769 cwt. of tallow, 766 cwt. of cheese and 33,880 cwt. of butter.¹⁴ The accumulation of provisions to meet this demand created an extensive network of markets in the Belfast hinterland. The location of the markets is defined in a letter explaining the struggle between Belfast and Lisburn for control of the butter trade in 1679. Sir George Rawdon of Lisburn feared that ‘the butter trade, the chief business here, will inevitably be forestalled and Belfast merchants will have agents at Lurgan and Moira for all Armagh butter and at Hillsborough and Dromore for Down, and as it began to look like a war between these two towns formerly on this account, so it will renew on this occasion …’¹⁵ However, Lisburn market not only survived but prospered so that many improvements were carried out in the market place in the 1680s with the intention of making it the best in Ireland.¹⁶ The customs of Lurgan market, sixteen miles away, also rose from £5 in 1658 to £10 in 1675, £14 in 1682 and £30 by 1702.17

These markets, however, served not only as collection points for goods to supply Belfast but as service depots for the local people who brought to them their linen and woollen manufactures as well as their crops. Although in 1683 Belfast exported only 341 pieces of linen (about 17,000 yards) and 181 cwt. of yarn,¹⁸ the linen industry was already well established in the province. In 1682 Colonel Lawrence had given as his opinion that in the north of Ireland more linen was produced than ‘in like circuit in Europe’ and in the same year a Portadown clergyman reckoned that in and about Lurgan was managed the greatest linen manufacture in Ireland.¹⁹ This production therefore must have been absorbed by the home market and there is evidence that even it was insufficient to meet local demands, for 163,000 yards of Scottish linen were imported into Belfast in 1683.²⁰ Although in those years Lisburn merchants visited Chester and Dublin, which suggests that Dublin was the outlet for their linen cloth,²¹ any export trade through Dublin was still not considerable since Sir William Petty noted that the total number of pieces of linen exported from Ireland in 1685 was only 1,851 (about 92,000 yards).²² The demands of Dublin itself, however, may have been a factor in the development of the industry, especially of the finer branches. ‘Black’ George Macartney, the eminent Belfast merchant, did not himself deal in linen except to oblige special customers, but his orders included several requests for locally woven broad diaper for tablecloths and napkins. He wrote to one customer in 1680: ‘There is but one weaver here [in Belfast] that weaves diaper here of ten feet wide and he makes all of one work and sells commonly at six shillings per yard. The above fourteen yards is but 1¼ yd. wide at twenty pence per yard.’²³

Recognition of the quality of Ulster cloth spread. A London compendium of trade in 1696 referred specifically to linens ‘made in the north of Ireland, some yard wide, some three-quarters, and some half-ell [22½ inches], which are of great use for shirts and wear very white and strong’.24 The growth of the trade encouraged more men to deal in linens. Arthur Brownlow, the squire of Lurgan from 1665 to 1710, claimed in 1708 that ‘on his first establishing the trade here, [he] bought up everything that was brought to the market of cloth and lost at first considerably; but at length the thing fixing itself, he is now by the same methods a considerable gainer …’.²⁵ It is probable, too, that the butter merchants were shrewd enough to invest in cloth when the price was right and it is certain that markets stimulated by agricultural profits would have cradled the young linen industry. Dealers did not specialise strictly in their own commodities and even as late as 1745 it was reported from Lurgan ‘that the breaking of so many factors in London has so discouraged this [linen] manufacture of late in this place where I best know it, that many substantial dealers are turning their money to other business; and the great plenty of the hides of the cattle of the poor which died this spring has induced them to turn tanners …’.²⁶ Occasionally we even find shopkeepers or merchants referring to themselves as linendrapers, a certain sign that this branch of their interests was then exercising their thoughts.²⁷

Conrad Gill thought that linendrapers were becoming a distinct class around 1720. Yet in the Lurgan area alone twenty men were described in leases and other legal documents as linendrapers before 1720, the earliest reference being to the comparatively wealthy Quaker, Robert Hoope, in 1696.²⁸ Before 1732 no man in Lurgan was referred to as a ‘bleacher’, although some of the men referred to as linendrapers owned bleachgreens. William Matthews, a shopkeeper, was the owner of a bleachgreen in Lurgan according to a memo added to a lease dated 1678: the bleaching house was certainly in existence in 1692.29 In 1697 the Quakers set to Ninian Simson ‘the plot of ground between the graveyard and the river called a bleaching yard with a bucking house’.³⁰ In 1711 a part of Dougher townland was renewed to Robert Corner, linendraper, ‘whereon he has built his dwelling house and other office houses, planted an orchard and made a bleaching yard’.³¹ On the other hand, although Michael Quinn and William Douglas are referred to as bleachers in 1732 and 1735 respectively, we have no evidence that they owned bleachgreens. It may be, therefore, that the term ‘bleacher’ was at that time applied to an expert who supervised a bleachgreen for one of the linendrapers. Indeed, the men who were known as ‘linendrapers’ in Ulster in the eighteenth century were almost always bleachers or their employees.

Other signs of specialisation had been creeping into the industry since the 1690s at the latest. A single case history taken from the minutes of the Quaker provincial men’s meeting will illustrate this. In 1689 the Quakers consented ‘that Samuel Hall be an apprentice with James Pottifar, if his mother be willing, for nine years, said James to instruct him in the trade of linen-weaving, soap-boiling and chandling, and to find the said apprentice meat, drink and clothes, bedding and washing, shoes and stockings, fitting for an apprentice of such trade’.³² In 1697, however, because James Pottifar had not ‘fully instructed the said Samuel his apprentice in the said arts of soap-boiling and chandling’, it was agreed by both sides to terminate the indenture a year early.³³ At the same time, however, the extent of specialisation within the industry is revealed by references in property leases in Lurgan, granted by the Brownlow family who owned the estate: John Turner and Thomas Chapman were described as chandlers in 1702 and 1708 respectively, Thomas Bullock as a reedmaker in 1712, David Robinson as a cardmaker in 1715, and Robert Hind as a threadmaker in 1717.

It is important to stress that there is no evidence for the existence of guilds of weavers in any of the Ulster towns. The corporations of Ulster boroughs were controlled tightly by local landlords and provided no scope for guilds. An apprentice was indentured to a master-weaver and, after serving his time, became a journeyman who in his turn might set up as a master-weaver if he had the mind and the capital. In 1697 when a Lisburn master-weaver fell ill the Quakers requested two of their number ‘to use their best endeavours to get Robert Hull cured of his malady and to get a journeyman to keep the looms going and take home again the said Robert’s apprentice and supply them with yarn to weave, provided that the meeting kept them indemnified in their undertakings therein’.34

In the countryside, however, the industry was taken up by farmers and their families to supplement their income from agriculture. On the Brownlow estate around Lurgan in the first twenty years of the eighteenth century, fifteen out of seventeen weavers leased land outside the town. We do not know if any of them served an apprenticeship. On the Castledillon estate in mid-Armagh a surveyor remarked about the inhabitants of the townland of Mullinasallagh in 1696: ‘The inhabitants are all very poor. They are so far from selling corn that they can hardly get bread. They pay their rent with linen cloth, having no other way.’³⁵ It could be argued that such people were being depressed into the weaving trade. However, when the industry began to expand rapidly in the second half of the eighteenth century, many farming families were attracted to participate by the prospect of better and more reliable incomes.

What were the sources of the industry’s capital? Where did linendrapers obtain capital to trade and to establish bleachgreens? This problem is really not as serious as it seems, since in pre-industrial society a small amount of capital went a long way in setting up a business. Green has pointed out that in the Banbridge area along the river Bann bleachgreens were established by farmers.36 It was easy for linendrapers to become bleachers and for bleachers to become linendrapers, and in the early years there was no advantage to be gained by specialisation since the main requirement of both was to secure enough webs for bleaching by what were at best primitive methods. It is probable that in the early years profits from the provision trade were invested in linen and whenever provisions were scarce dealers were more tempted to buy linens. Obviously Brownlow’s action in purchasing all the linens brought to Lurgan market must have played a very important role in establishing and promoting the industry as he claimed. Not until the second half of the eighteenth century, when bleaching became more specialised and the bleachgreens more considerable in size and output, is there any evidence of an English factor investing in an Ulster linen enterprise in an attempt to control quality and price. Whenever an entrepreneur from Ulster required capital he approached either contacts in Dublin or local people who had money to invest.

Money was usually raised by mortgaging or selling a lease of property. Indeed, the fact that a lease was a piece of property which could be sold or mortgaged was of vital importance to the expanding Ulster linen industry because it enabled a linendraper to raise capital easily. The records of many of these sales and mortgages as well as leases lie in the Registry of Deeds in Dublin awaiting analysis. There are, for example, more than sixty references to Lurgan property for the decade 1711–20 (the Registry only opened in 1708 although it did register earlier deeds). They show that in 1715 Hugh Mathews, a linendraper, mortgaged a Lurgan tenement for £100, Miles Reilly sold a 1672 lease for £109 16s., and John Turner sold his interest in a three-life lease for £70. Sometimes larger sums were involved: in 1720 John Nicholson, a Lurgan merchant, bought property in the town from a brother merchant, Joseph Robson, for £450, while yet another merchant, Philip Barry, mortgaged some property for £260 and sold a house for £480. For even larger sums the Lurgan drapers tapped landowners, clergy, and Dublin merchants. John Nicholson mortgaged property near Lurgan for £1,500 to Archdeacon Jenny of Dromore who also held bonds from Henry Greer for £185. In 1726 Thomas Greer mortgaged Lurgan property for £500 to the Earl of Londonderry while James Bradshaw borrowed from the Earl of Duncannon.37

Certain legends have grown up around the origins of the linen industry and especially that legend which attributes the success of the industry to the Huguenot immigrants introduced to Lisburn in 1698. Genealogical evidence can establish that the weaving industry was established in Lisburn and Lurgan by men from the north of England who flocked into Ulster in the decades following the troubles of the 1640s. The most reliable genealogical records for the identification of their origins are the seventeenth-century Quaker family records which apparently survive only for Lurgan and Ballyhagan (Richhill) meetings but not for Lisburn. The Lurgan records note the origins of twenty families who emigrated to Ulster: one is from Scotland, nine from Yorkshire, four from Cumberland, two from Lancashire, two from Northumberland, and one each from Westmoreland and Durham. Very few of their trades are recorded but William Porter ‘learned to weave in Ireland’ after he arrived from Yorkshire and Thomas Walker was also a weaver. Robert Hoope, who was to become a linendraper and the richest of the Lurgan Quakers, had arrived from Yorkshire in 1660 as a twenty-one-year-old tailor, and the list includes three other surnames eminent in Ulster linen in the eighteenth century: Turner, Greer, Bradshaw.³⁸

Fortunately for our purpose several relevant Church of Ireland parish registers have survived. They show an overwhelming preponderance of English names. Indeed, Presbyterian congregations were not established in Lisburn and Lurgan until the 1680s: that in Lurgan especially was very small throughout the eighteenth century.39 The parish registers of Blaris show that Lisburn was certainly not ‘the ruined village of Lisnagarvey, later called Lisburn’.⁴⁰ In the seven years from 1696 to 1702, 710 children were baptised in the parish, an average of just over 100 per year. This suggests a population for the parish in the region of 3,000.⁴¹ It was no wonder that in 1697 the parish vestry decided ‘to raise £60 for the repair of the church and churchyard of Lisburn, also for enlarging the said church, and other pious uses’.⁴² In the same decade in Lurgan the parish church was also enlarged⁴³ and the Quaker meetinghouse rebuilt because it was too small.⁴⁴ It is especially significant also that the figures for births in Blaris do not show any marked increase after the arrival of the Huguenots, although the register does contain a few recognisable Huguenot surnames such as Boomer and Brethet.

The significance of the Huguenot colony in promoting the linen industry in Ulster has been so overestimated as to distort the history of the origins of the linen trade. Yet the Huguenots left almost no permanent mark on the character of the industry: on its organisation, its marketing procedure, or in improved techniques. Louis Crommelin established a ‘linen manufactory’ and a bleachyard on a pattern which was to have little lasting success wherever it was tried in Ireland throughout the eighteenth century: the Joncourt scheme at Dundalk, and those of Sir Richard Cox at Dunmanway in County Cork, and the Smith family in Waterford are the most notable examples.⁴⁵ Crommelin tried to confine the weaving trade to skilled tradesmen. By 1727, however, the acts of 1705 and 1709 prescribing a five-year apprenticeship followed by two years’ service as a journeyman for every master weaver were a dead letter. The industry was not to be confined in the towns, which would ultimately have strangled it, but burst out into the rural parts of several Ulster counties.46 Any special Huguenot skills in marketing were restricted by the need to sell the linens through Dublin factors since they alone could afford to provide the credit which the English buyers demanded. As for technical innovations, Louis Crommelin’s treatise, An Essay towards the Improving of the Hempen and Flaxen Manufactures in the Kingdom of Ireland (1705), which explained all his processes from flax-growing to bleaching, was analysed and criticised by Robert Stephenson, an eminent eighteenth-century expert in the linen trade: in his opinion, Crommelin’s ideas were certainly not revolutionary.⁴⁷ It is worth noting in this context that Crommelin failed to persuade the Irish spinners to adopt the French hand-driven spinning wheel instead of the traditional treadle-driven wheel.⁴⁸ This would have been a retrograde step. Even the claim that the French introduced the weaving of fine linens into Ireland should be read in conjunction with Crommelin’s own admission in his 1707 petition:

That the said Crommelin and French colony have been necessitated much to the prejudice of their private fortunes to satisfy themselves with one single branch of establishment [mainly Holland diaper], and were ready even to abandon that, if a sense of honour and reputation had not engaged them to pursue it, but could not for want of proper encouragement to meddle with the other branches of the linen manufacture, as cambric, lawns (making but few for want of spinners and weavers), sewing thread, lace thread and tape, of which there is a very great consumption, which might have been brought to perfection, and would have been very advantageous to this kingdom.⁴⁹

Indeed, the Huguenot colony was never really a success. Crommelin and his associates had promised by the patent of 1700 to invest £10,000 in capital in the scheme but they could not carry out their promise.⁵⁰ Therefore in 1701, when a new patent for a ten-year period was granted by Queen Anne, the conditions were revised slightly and the original offer of eight per cent interest on investments in the industry was extended to anyone who would introduce new sorts of looms, to the manifest annoyance of Crommelin. When this patent expired in 1711 both the Linen Board and Parliament recognised the services of Crommelin but felt that the trustees appointed by the government to administer the patent had ‘in a just and equal manner performed the several conditions and agreements made with the said Louis Crommelin, in behalf of himself, his assistants, and colony’. They said nothing about continuing the pensions of £380 per annum and the allowance on the capital invested.51 According to his 1711 petition Crommelin and his colony really needed the money, but it was not until 22 January 1715 that his old patron, the Earl of Galway, secured for him a pension of £500 per annum with £400 for his colony.⁵² When Galway was appointed Lord Justice in Ireland in August 1715 he must have prodded the Linen Board into action, for on 24 February 1716 they examined a further petition submitted by Crommelin and recommended him for a pension of £400 ‘in consideration of all the expences he has been at, and the services he has already done, and hereafter proposes to do, to the flaxen and hempen manufacture of this kingdom’, with £60 for the pastor of the French Protestant church in Lisburn.⁵³

Louis Crommelin’s reputation, in fact, depends on the coincidence that the linen industry began to boom soon after his arrival in Lisburn. In his several petitions of 1703, 1707, 1711 and 1716 he always stressed the value of his services and linked them to the great progress of the industry. He naturally did not mention the conclusion of the 1709 committee of Irish House of Commons that ‘they observe the linen manufacture is now in a declining condition by reason the acts already passed for the encouragement thereof have not fully answered the ends for which they were made’.⁵⁴ Nor did he ever refer to the statement made by the Linen Board in 1713 that ‘the linen trade here has languished since the year 1707; they [the Trustees] easily imagine that this must proceed from some false steps which the people conversant in these trades have made with relation to the manufactures.’55

The Huguenot colony in Ulster had never been large. Crommelin reckoned in 1711 that the total number was one hundred and twenty persons (who may have composed fewer than thirty families).⁵⁶ The great fire which destroyed Lisburn on Sunday, 20 April 1707 had scattered the original colony. Some of the colonists, he reported to the Duke of Ormonde, had gone to his brother’s establishment at Kilkenny while others lodged in Lurgan or stayed in the ruins and cabins.⁵⁷ The records of the Brownlow estate, however, contain very few traces of the Huguenots in this town, which recovered from Lisburn its role as ‘the greatest linen manufactory in the North’. Gill was imprudent in accepting the estimate of Hugh McCall (a nineteenth century Lisburn historian of the Ulster linen industry) that the Huguenot colony in Ulster was estimated at five hundred families.⁵⁸ Even in Lisburn in 1728, according to a rental of the Hertford estate, no more than thirty out of five hundred surnames could be considered as French in origin.⁵⁹

Crommelin’s colony had been of most value to the linen industry when it was settled in Lisburn in 1698 because it was excellent publicity for the government’s intentions to help the industry. Crommelin had great confidence in his own abilities and he told the Irish government what it wanted to hear: ‘That if the people of this kingdom come heartily into this trade there is no danger but that their goods will find a market according to their value: for it is worth and real goodness that engages chapmen and not name.’⁶⁰ In practice, too, the local weavers must have benefited from the newcomers, for the weaving of fine linens received especial encouragement from the government.

The Huguenot colony has stolen the limelight from other figures in the industry. One of the most interesting must have been the Quaker linendraper from Lurgan, Thomas Turner. Third son of an immigrant from Northumberland, Thomas Turner was born near Lurgan in 1662.61 As early as 1704 he received a grant of £220 from the Trustees for the Management of the Linen Manufacture and in 1709 he was engaged by them ‘in contriving an engine for dressing hemp and flax’. In 1715 he published for the Linen Board New methods of improving flax and flax-seed, and bleaching cloth [Appendix 1] and was employed to travel round the bleachyards to instruct bleachers in his new methods. In 1728 he secured a further subsidy to develop a new technique for bleaching and twisting yarn, for which he received a reward in 1735.⁶² Tradition in the industry also recognised a Turner as the inventor of an improved spinning-wheel.⁶³

These and other inventions, especially in the finishing processes,⁶⁴ were stimulated by the rapid growth of the Irish linen industry in the early eighteenth century. The immediate cause of the expansion of the industry, however, was the abolition by the British government in 1696 of the import duties on Irish plain linens entering England. Cheaper Irish linens gradually drove the Germans and Dutch out of the English home market. As John Cary of Bristol wrote in 1704:

The people in the North of Ireland, make good cloth, sell it at reasonable rates, and would every year make much more, had they a vent for it … It is necessary for a new undertaking to be attended with some lucky accident; the linen manufacture can never be begun in Ireland at a more reasonable time than now, being imported custom free when all the other linens of Europe pay considerable duties.⁶⁵

When the English market began to expand very quickly in the eighteenth century the linen industry in Ulster was able to respond so that Irish exports of linen climbed from less than 1½ million yards in 1712 to 5½ million in 1734, 11 million in 1750, and 46 million in 1796.⁶⁶

¹ First published in Ulster Folklife 17 (1971), pp. 42–51.

² Gill, Conrad, The Rise of the Irish Linen Industry (Oxford, 1925, reprinted 1964), pp. 15–20.

³ Green, E.R.R., The Industrial Archaeology of County Down (Belfast, 1963), pp. 1–2.

⁴ See Goodbody, O.C. and Hutton, B.G., Guide to Irish Quaker Records 1654–1860 (Dublin, 1967).

⁵ The surviving Church of Ireland parish records are in the custody of the rectors of each parish. Microfilms of them are held by the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

⁶ Lawrence, Richard, The Interest of Ireland in its trade and wealth stated (Dublin, 1682), pp. 189–90.

⁷ Cal. State Papers Ire., 1608–10, p. 208.

⁸ Cal. State Papers Ire., 1669–70, p. 54.

⁹ ‘The Treasure of Traffike’ (London, 1641), quoted by William Pinkerton in ‘Contributions towards a history of Irish commerce’, Ulster J. Archaeol., 1st ser., 3 (1855), 193.

¹⁰ Cal. State Papers Ire., 1662–6, p. 693.

¹¹ Temple, William, Essay on Trade of Ireland (Dublin, 1673).

¹² Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, 1676–8, 3rd ser., V, 397; Smout, T.C., Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 1660–1707 (Edinburgh, 1963), pp. 90–93; see calendar of Waring papers, PRONI D/695.

¹³ Cal. State Papers Domestic, 1679–80, p. 298.

¹⁴ Benn, George, A History of the town of Belfast (Belfast, 1877), pp. 317–8.

¹⁵ Cal. State Papers Domestic, 1679–80, p. 282.

¹⁶ Cal. State Papers Domestic, 1683, p. 249.

¹⁷ Arthur Brownlow’s lease book (PRONI, T970), 54.

¹⁸ Benn, op. cit., pp. 317–8.

¹⁹ ‘An account of the Barony of O’Neiland, Co. Armagh in 1682’, ed. R.M. Young, Ulster J. Archaeol., 2nd ser., 4 (1898), 241.

²⁰ Benn, op. cit., p. 319. This is suggested too by the quotation in note 10.

²¹ Cal. State Papers Domestic, 1671, 313, 349.

²² Hull, C.H. (ed.), Economic Writings of Sir William Petty (Cambridge, 1899), II, 595.

²³ Letter from George Macartney, Belfast, to ‘My Lady Steward’ [Dublin?], 11 August 1680. PRONI Mic./19/2.

²⁴ Quote from pamphlet ‘The Merchant’s Warehouse Laid Open’ in Ulster J. Archaeol., 1st ser., 3 (1855), 198.

²⁵ Molyneux, Dr Thomas, ‘Journey to the North in 1708’ in Young, R.M. (ed.), Historical Notices of Old Belfast (Belfast, 1896), p. 154.

²⁶ Letter from Rev. Richard Barton, Lurgan, to Walter Harris, 27 May 1745, in the Harris MSS, Muniment Room, Armagh Public Library.

²⁷ Notes 27 to 29, and 31 are based on an analysis of records relating to the Brownlow estate in the neighbourhood of Lurgan in North Armagh. The estate papers are held by Messrs Watson & Neill, solicitors, High Street, Lurgan, while there are many memorials relating to the estate in the Registry of Deeds, Henrietta Street, Dublin.

²⁸ Mordecai Barrow 1711; James Bradshaw 1711; James Bullock 1716; William Cave 1718; Charles Corner 1718; Robert Corner 1711; Thomas Fletcher 1719; Henry Greer 1711; James Greer 1718; John Greer 1718; Richard Holden 1711; Robert Hoope 1696; William Matthews 1715; John Robson 1709; Henry Sands 1714; Henry Spence 1713; Oliver Turkington 1718; Thomas Turner 1709; Thomas Usher 1711.

²⁹ Arthur Brownlow’s lease book, 102, 107.

³⁰ Quaker records: LGM/1/1. Lurgan Men’s Meeting, 16 January 1698.

³¹ Lease from William Brownlow to Robert Corner.

³² Quaker Records: LGM/1/1. Lurgan Men’s Meeting, 28 November 1689.

³³ Quaker Records: Q/1/1. Ulster Quarterly Meeting held in Lurgan 26 December 1697.

³⁴ Quaker Records: LBM/1/1. Lisburn Men’s Monthly Meeting, 3 April 1697.

³⁵ Lease book of the manor of Castledillon, County Armagh. PRONI Mic/80/3, f. 54.

³⁶ Green, op. cit., p. 2. One of the basic materials for bleaching was buttermilk for souring the linens.

³⁷ In the Registry of Deeds, Dublin, the memorials are in large MS volumes and the references here are to volume number/page number/memorial number.

    15/14/6652     Hugh Mathews to Roth Jones.

  15/130/6964    Miles Reilly to John Nicholson.

  14/272/6215    John Turner to Samuel Johnston.

27/409/17586    Joseph Robson to William and John Nicholson.

  28/99/16683    Philip Barry to Oliver Anketell.

  29/10/15820    Philip Barry to Robert Hawkins.

47/272/30549    John Nicholson to Henry Jenny, 1725.

52/139/33927    John Nicholson to Henry Jenny, 1726.

50/297/33087    Henry Greer to Henry Jenny, 1726.

52/160/34023    Thomas Greer to Earl of Londonderry, 1726.

58/439/40097    James Bradshaw to Lord Duncannon, 1728.

³⁸ Quaker Records: LGM/5/1. Lurgan Record Book ‘No. 1’.

³⁹ Killen, W.D., History of Congregations of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland (Belfast, 1886), pp. 178, 186. Lisburn meeting may have been established in 1681 (Cal. State Papers Domestic, 1680–1, p. 193).

⁴⁰ Charles Wilson, England’s Apprenticeship, 1603–1763 (London, 1965), p. 197, based his account on Samuel Smile’s fanciful picture.

⁴¹ Blaris parish register: PRONI T679/112. See Wrigley, E.A., An Introduction to English Historical Demography (London, 1966), p. 54.

⁴² Blaris vestry book 19 April 1697 quoted in Carmody, W.P,. Lisburn Cathedral and its past rectors (Belfast, 1926), p. 32.

⁴³ Shankill vestry book, 14 April 1697.

⁴⁴ Quaker Records: LGM/1/1. Lurgan Men’s Meeting, several references in 1695 and 1697 with detailed subscription list totalling £208.

⁴⁵ Gill, op. cit., pp. 83–5, 89.

⁴⁶ Ibid., p. 19. But note that the 1689 apprentice’s indenture quoted in note 33 was for nine years.

⁴⁷ Stephenson, Robert, An Inquiry into the State and Progress of the Linen Manufacture of Ireland (Dublin, 1757), pp. 57–68, 112–3.

⁴⁸ Gill, op. cit., p. 19.

⁴⁹ Journal of the House of Commons, Ireland (1692–1713), II, 505–6.

⁵⁰ Cal. State Papers Domestic, 1702–3, pp. 331–2.

⁵¹ Precedents and Abstracts from the Journals of the Trustees of the Linen and Hempen Manufactures of Ireland (Dublin, 1784), p. 4.

⁵² Transcripts of State Papers Ireland (PRONI T448/9).

⁵³ Precedents and Abstracts, p. 15.

⁵⁴ Journal House of Commons Ireland (1692–1713), II, appendix, cc.

⁵⁵ Precedents and Abstracts, p. 8.

⁵⁶ Ibid., p. 8.

⁵⁷ HMC Ormonde Papers, new ser., VIII, 299.

⁵⁸ Gill, op. cit., p. 19.

⁵⁹ Hertford Estate papers, PRONI D427/2.

⁶⁰ Crommelin, Louis, An Essay towards the Improving of the Hempen and Flaxen Manufactures in the Kingdom of Ireland (Dublin, 1705), p. 3.

⁶¹ Quaker Records: LGM/5/1. Lurgan Record Book ‘No. 1’.

⁶² Precedents and Abstracts, p. 93, 114, 144.

⁶³ Smith, F.W. (ed.), Irish linen trade handbook and directory (Belfast, 1876), p. 45.

⁶⁴ Gribbon, H.D., The History of Water Power in Ulster (Newton Abbot, 1969), chapter 5.

⁶⁵ Cary, John, Some Considerations relating to the Carrying on the Linen Manufacture by a Joint Stock (London, 1704), pp. 12–13.

⁶⁶ Gill, op. cit., pp. 341–2.