NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION
1. Heiman 1999.
2. Aspen Chamber Resort Association, City and County Information. http://www.aspenchamber.org/htdocs/city.cfm, accessed March 18, 2002.
3. For an insightful study of social conflicts in wealthy tourist destinations, see Dolgon 2005.
4. Agyeman 2005; Bullard 2000; Cole and Foster 2001; Pellow 2002; Pellow and Park 2002; Sze 2007; and Williams 2005.
5. For research on extractive industries see Gedicks 2001 and Khagram 2004. For research on “natural disasters” see Boyce, Wright, Bullard, Pastor, Fothergill, and Morello-Frosch 2006; Bullard and Wright 2009; and Mileti 1999.
6. Bullard 2005; Clapp 2001; Hoerner and Robinson 2008; Pellow 2007.
7. Pellow and Park 2002.
8. Pellow 2002.
9. Bullard, Mohai, Saha, and Wright 2007; Faber and Krieg 2001; United Church of Christ 1987; Mohai and Saha 2007.
10. Agyeman, Cole, Haluza-DeLay, and O’Riley. 2009; Moore, Kosek, and Pandian 2003; Stein 2004; and Weaver 1996.
11. See Freudenburg 2005; Gould 2006; Lipsitz 2006; and Pulido 2000. See also Pellow 2009.
12. Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 2005, 19–20.
13. Kempf 2007, 25.
14. It is certainly not the case that one either is or is not environmentally privileged; there are gradations of privilege and disadvantage, and some people may experience privilege on one issue or axis and disadvantage on another (such as being a citizen of the United States but also being a person of color or working class). So this is a dynamic concept that can be applied across populations and life experiences.
15. Heiman 1999.
16. Hooper 1999.
17. Mutrie 2001. NumbersUSA is based in Washington, DC.
18. The resolution adds, “Fifty percent of our original wetlands have been drained to accommodate growth. Ninety-five percent of all U.S. old-growth forests have been destroyed. It is estimated that we have consumed approximately three-fourths of all our recoverable petroleum, and we now import more than half of the oil we consume in the United States. America’s underground aquifers are being drawn down 23 percent more than their natural rates of recharge.”
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid.
21. Terry Paulson’s opening statement, December 13, 1999, Aspen. Emphasis added.
22. For excellent historical data on nativist perceptions of immigrants as pollutants in the United States, see Washington 2005, 79. She also makes a similar argument for the way that many African American populations have been treated. See also Briggs and Mantini-Briggs 2004; Molina 2006; and Shah 2001. These important works also present evidence that various groups of marginalized “others” are viewed as public health and environmental threats, depending on the place and historical moment.
23. SPLC 2001.
24. Aztlán is the Aztec name that many Chicana/o activists have used to describe what is now the U.S. Southwest, which used to be northern Mexico before it was annexed by the United States. Aztlán became a powerful symbol of the historical presence that Chicanos have had in pre-Columbian North America.
25. Stiny 1999c.
26. A resolution of the Board of County Commissioners of Pitkin County, Colorado, Supporting Population Stabilization in the United States, March 22, 2000.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid.
29. Smith 2005.
30. Chung 2000.
31. See the letter from the SouthWest Organizing Project (SWOP) to the “Group of Ten” national environmental organizations, written by environmental justice activists Pat Bryant and Richard Moore, February 21, 1990; see also Bullard 2000, and Nordhaus and Shellenberger 2007, for critiques of mainstream environmentalism’s elitism.
32. For data on the ecological impacts of the California Gold Rush, see Pellow and Park 2002. For similar information on the rush in the Rockies, see chap. 2, this volume.
33. Davis 1999.
34. For example, White River, Yosemite, Yellowstone, Great Smoky Mountains, and Glacier National Parks. See Spence 1999.
35. Hartmann 2003.
36. See De Genova 2005; Higham 2002; and Jacobson 2008.
37. Lowe 1996.
34. Gutierrez 1995; Ngai 2004; and Roediger 2005.
39. See Pellow 2009.
40. Massey 2003.
41. Cornelius 2002; Kotlowitz 2009; and Harris 2009.
42. Ong 2006; and Sassen 1998.
43. Davis 2007.
44. Ibid.
45. Among the numerous anti-immigrant policies and laws in U.S. history are the Chinese Exclusion Acts, the Cable Act, the Page Act, the Alien Land Laws, the Asiatic Barred Zone, the Gentleman’s Agreement, the Tydings-McDuffie Independence Act, and the Johnson-Reed/National Origins Act. In addition, there are numerous anti-immigrant Supreme Court, federal court, and district court rulings, the FBI, local police forces, the Texas Rangers, and countless nongovernmental organizations and social movements that have organized into militias, terrorist organizations, and political pressure groups to control, expel, or repel immigrants over the centuries. See Lowe 1996.
46. Sassen 1998.
47. California voters approved Proposition 187 in November 1994, during the same election when Republicans retook the U.S. Congress and launched the “Contract with America”—a massive series of policies designed to roll back progressive gains from the 1960s and 1970s. Proposition 187 would have banned access to public education, public social services, and nonemergency public health care for undocumented immigrants in California. Later ruled unconstitutional, the legislation was never implemented. Under the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 and the 1996 Welfare and Immigration reforms, noncitizens became vulnerable to indefinite detention by federal authorities: they were denied access to judicial review of deportation orders and thus were no longer eligible for basic federal public benefit programs. In fact, the 1996 laws barred hundreds of thousands of legal immigrants (foreign nationals with authorization to be in the United States) from receiving food stamps and federal disability assistance.
48. The films Falling Down and Menace II Society are particularly troubling depictions of anti-immigrant sentiment. Challenges to these nativist images such as Morgan Spurlock’s television show Thirty Days and the film A Day Without a Mexican have far less impact, judging by the small audiences they have reached. The “Right Wing Revolution” in the United States helped launch and sustained the prominence of nativist AM talk radio hosts and authors such as Rush Limbaugh, Don Imus, and Ann Coulter. One of the most popular shows on the Cable News Network (CNN) during the 2000s was Lou Dobbs Tonight, a major voice in the nativist movement (Dobbs moved from CNN to host a national radio show in 2009). Coupled with Glenn Beck’s and Bill O’Reilly’s shows on Fox TV, the nativist message enjoys prime time most nights each week.
49. SPLC 2007.
50. The term “War on Terror” was the hallmark of the George W. Bush regime. While the Obama administration has decided against using the phrase (and substituted the “War on al Qaeda” and other variations on this theme), many of the same features of the previous polices remained in place (Solomon 2009).
51. NAPALC 2001.
52. Takaki 1998.
53. Aoyagi-Stom 2008.
54. Wayne Cornelius, a political scientist at the University of California–San Diego, indicated that the recent spike in anti-immigrant sentiment is the eighth major wave of nativism in U.S. history (Cornelius 2006).
55. For a best-selling nativist tract that blames immigrant populations for ecological harms, see Brimelow 1995.
56. See Gottlieb 1993; Hunter 2000; Hurley 1995; Kong and Chiang 2001; and Ortiz-Garcia 2004. Ortiz-Garcia’s report reveals that “35 percent of Hispanics live in areas that violate the federal air pollution standard for particulate matter, known commonly as soot, which causes premature death and other serious health effects. More than 19 million, or 50 percent of Hispanics, live in areas that violate the federal air pollution standard for ozone, one of the major triggers for asthma attacks. Thirty-nine percent of the Latino population lives within thirty miles of a power plant—the distance within which the maximum effects of fine particle soot from the smokestack plume are expected to occur.” (3) The report also maintains that “Hispanics are regularly excluded from federal research activities and data collection efforts. The exclusion of Hispanics from these critical national data systems means that environmental health issues affecting Hispanics are going undocumented. Although many Latino communities are in close proximity to power plants, they have the least amount of representation with the health researchers who inform our nation’s policymakers.” (4). See also Pellow and Park 2002; and Perfecto and Velasquez 1992.
57. Sierra Club 2004. This report underscores the Sierra Club’s dual pressures vis-à-vis Latino populations and immigration: there are many progressives within the organization who seek to build common cause with immigrants and Latinos while there remain members who view these populations as a threat to the ecological and cultural sustainability of the United States.
58. Heiman 1999.
59. Ibid.
60. Jacoby 2001.
61. See Balibar 1991; and Cornelius 2002.
62. Winant 2001, 35.
63. While many scholars use the terms “colorblind” and “post-racial” interchangeably, there are important differences. We often need reminding that throughout our history, race has rarely been exclusively defined by skin color alone. Race in U.S. history has variously been defined by one or more of the following factors (among others): skin color, nationality, language, religion, politics, culture, phenotype, blood quantum, class, gender, sexuality, space, place, surname, fashion, cuisine, hair, and sound. There seems to be no end to and no consistency in the ways in which race can be defined. So “color blindness” is not the only way to conceive of a “postracial” condition or practices.
64. Maldonado 2004.
65. It is not surprising that biological notions of population control continue to arise in environmental and immigration debates. The language that environmental scientists use to describe the behavior of nonhuman species is powerful and spills over into popular discourses. For example, “Invading alien species are responsible for a worldwide biodiversity crisis, driving large numbers of native plant and animal species to extinction on every continent. The damage is documented by IUCN—the World Conservation Union in a new survey of the 100 worst alien species issued in time for Biodiversity Day, May 22.” The Indian mynah bird, the Asian long-horned beetle, the Asian tiger mosquito, and the yellow Himalayan raspberry are all species that are “like unwanted house guests [because] they can take over ecosystems to which they are alien species” (Environment News Service 2001). The similarities between the way that these animal and insect species and human immigrants to the United States are described is striking.
66. Sibley 1997.
67. We are indebted to Juliana Smith for reminding us of the importance of Reagan’s campaign.
68. Sibley 1997, ix.
69. Ibid., xv.
70. Limerick 1987, 181.
71. Veblen 1994.
72. Chaplin 2000.
73. For book-length treatments of this topic, see Blum 2003; Johnson 2004ab; and Kinzer 2007.
74. Taylor 2009, 117–21.
75. Dolgon 2005, 3.
76. AOL Travel website. http://travel.aol.com/travel-ideas/galleries/resort-towns, accessed January 2010.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 1
1. Jesse Jackson once gave a speech in Aspen on the movement to empower women, gays, and poor people, and raised thousands of dollars from a single event (Conover 1991, 64). On the growing number of politicians raising funds in Aspen, see Shaw 2004, 52. A recent feature story in In Style Weddings Magazine showcased Kevin Costner and his fiancée, Christine Baumgartner, planning a three-day wedding feast and party for five hundred guests on his 165-acre Aspen ranch (Schneller 2004).
2. Conover 1991, 9. This is not only pretentious but true to Aspen’s bad case of Europhilia. Davos, Switzerland, is particularly appropriate as a sister city since it is the location of the annual World Economic Forum, the meeting of the heads of state and ministers of finance of the world’s wealthiest nations, who come together to chart policymaking for the rest of the planet. Davos has, not surprisingly, been the location of some of the most spectacular global justice movement protests.
3. The average sale price of a single family home in Aspen in 2000 was $3.8 million. Aspen Chamber Resort Association. City and County Information. http://www.aspenchamber.org/htdocs/city.cfm, accessed March 18, 2002.
4. Paid advertisement in the Aspen Times, July 17–18, 2004. “Pay no Estate Tax.” “I choose to leave all my assets to my family and favorite charities; not the IRS.” “Many wealthy people have not done the necessary planning to keep the IRS from being a primary beneficiary of their estate.” “Using a case study, this seminar will show you how to . . . pay no estate tax to the IRS.” “Free Lecture. The Aspen Institute.”
5. Aspen Music Festival and School. 2002. June 20–August 18 Season Calendar. Emphasis added. See www.aspenmusicfestival.com.
6. Aspen Times, January 6, 1977, “Aspen is a Fashion Show.”
7. Clifford 1999, 33.
8. George Stranahan, interview by authors, Spring 2004.
9. Like many immigrant laborers, she follows the tourists. She works in Aspen during the summers and in Florida during the winters.
10. Bartender, interview by authors, Aspen, July 23, 2004.
11. Aspen Times, July 24–25, 2004, C19.
12. Ibid.
13. Aspen Times, August 4–5, 2001, C31.
14. In Snowmass, Summer 2004, 3B. Snowmass, CO.
15. McGovern 2006.
16. Hooper 2004b.
17. Ibid.
18. Rebecca Doane, city of Aspen’s director of Human Resources, Aspen, interview by authors, Spring 2004.
19. Brady 2002.
20. Doane, interview.
21. Tony Hershey, city councilmember, interview by authors, Spring 2004.
22. Clifford 1999.
23. Stranahan interview.
24. U.S. Census Bureau. 2000. Aspen City. In 2000, 95 percent of the population of Aspen was white, followed by Mexicans at 4 percent. Carbondale’s white population was 84 percent that year, with a 15 percent Mexican population (U.S. Census Bureau. 2000. Carbondale City). Glenwood Springs’ white population in 2000 was 90 percent with a 10 percent Mexican population. (U.S. Census Bureau. 2000. Glenwood Springs City). Mexicans are the single largest Latino population by far, and all others plus African American and Asian Americans are statistically quite small.
25. Conover 1991, 239–40.
26. Johnson 2007.
27. Ibid.
28. Conover 1991, 245.
29. Harvey 2002.
30. Doane, interview.
31. The city of Aspen received an environmental award from the USEPA “that will make it the only municipality in the nation to be designated as one of the Best Workplaces for Commuters District.” To qualify for the award, the city’s employers must offer benefits to employees who commute, like showers, lockers, monthly transit passes, etc. (Hooper 2004a).
32. Author’s interview with Ellen Friedman, executive director of the Aspen Valley Community Foundation, spring 2002. The AVCF was started by the Aspen Ski Company in 1980. According to Friedman, its mission is to support and strengthen nonprofits from Aspen to Parachute, to increase private giving, to promote philanthropy and volunteerism, and to identify and address human needs. Friedman recalled, “Last year we gave out about a million-and-a-half [dollars] in grants.”
33. Conniff 2004.
34. McGovern 2004.
35. “In the Ski Area Citizen’s Coalition annual report . . . Aspen Mountain and Buttermilk claimed top honors, scoring a grade of A, recording 93.9 points out of 100” in a report on environmentally progressive ski areas in the West. The SACC is a trade association that represents more than three hundred ski area owners and operations in the United States, so this report is likely to have a pro-industry bias. “Resorts . . . are evaluated on snowmaking and its drain on resources, water quality protection and energy and water conservation” (Staff and Wire reports. 2003).
36. O’Grady 2004.
37. Coleman 1996. Coleman argues that the whiteness of ski resorts “has clear historical roots” based on the fact that so many Americans who learned to ski in the 1930s and 1940s were wealthy persons who did so while vacationing in Europe; many of the first ski instructors in the United States were from Europe; and many ski resorts were purposely modeled after European ski resorts and as “Alpine” villages. Even the state of Colorado launched a campaign, which advertised the Rockies as “the ‘other’ Alps,” featuring alpine bowls, gondolas, and even ski villages to go with the state’s high quality snow and “genuine western camaraderie” (593). This created a “whitewashing” of ski culture that remains with us today.
38. O’Grady 2004, 80.
39. A similar bumper sticker by the radical environmental group EarthFirst! has a graphic of the earth and the word “NATIVE” in capital letters. This is a big improvement over the Colorado “Native” bumper stickers that visually suggest Colorado as the exclusive domain of Anglos.
40. Ibid.
41. Ward 1996. See also Ward 1997. The negative impacts of outdoor recreational activities on ecosystems have been well documented for years.
42. Stranahan interview.
43. Hershey interview, spring 2004.
44. Doane, interview.
45. Jon Fox-Rubin, interview by authors, Spring 2004.
46. Scott Chaplin, Carbondale, interview by authors, July 24, 2004.
47. Carol O’Brian, program coordinator, Advocate Safehouse Project, Roaring Fork Valley, interview by authors, Spring 2004.
48. Browne and Colson 2004, 23.
49. Colson 2004. For more information on this campaign see www.pantsonfire.net.
50. Fowler 2009.
51. Aspen Times Staff Report 2004.
52. Brokaw 2006.
53. Vader 1999.
54. Passel and Cohn 2009.
55. U.S. Census 2000. “Population by Race and Hispanic Origin: Colorado Counties.” http://www.garfield-county.com/docs/population_race_2000.pdf.
56. Marie Munday, interview by authors, July 24, 2004.
57. Jessica Dove, interview by authors, July 15, 2004.
58. Associated Press 1994.
59. Fox-Rubin, interview.
60. See McCully 2001; Pellow 2007.
61. Scott Chaplin interview, July 24, 2004.
62. Alice Hubbard Laird, interview by authors, July 26, 2004.
63. Gretchen Wroblewski, Red Rooster Inn owner, Glenwood Springs, conversation with authors, July 22, 2004.
64. Condon 2000b.
65. Condon 2001.
66. Condon 2004.
67. Fox-Rubin interview.
68. McGregor 2001.
69. Davis and Moctezuma 1999.
70. We acknowledge that the Mexico–U.S. border—like many international boundaries—is often contested. For example, many Mexican American students protesting anti-immigrant bills in the House of Representatives in 2005 chanted “We didn’t cross the border, it crossed us!”
71. In 2000, the INS launched its Interior Enforcement Strategy, which was “designed to strategically and systematically reduce the overall population of illegal residents in the United States. . . . Building on the success of the INS border enforcement strategy, the agency is now focusing its capabilities on the nation’s interior, in areas that had previously not been affected by illegal immigration” (Mutrie 2000). This issue was at the heart of congressional questions almost from the beginning of the Border Patrol’s founding in the early twentieth century. The concern was that “The Border Patrol’s capacious definition of its jurisdiction illustrates the nation’s borders (the point of exclusion) collapsing into and becoming indistinguishable from the interior (the space of inclusion)” (Ngai 2004, 63).
72. Border crossings by undocumented persons are hazardous, claiming one life every day, according to an Associated Press report published in 2004 (Pritchard 2004). As we noted earlier, thousands of people are known to have died crossing the desert into the United States, but once inside the country proper, transportation routes can also be fraught with danger. In February 2000, two vans transporting undocumented persons slid off an icy highway and into a snow bank in Wolf Creek Pass, Colorado. No one was hurt in that accident, but in January 2000, fifteen people were injured and three killed in a similar accident near Walsenburg, Colorado. An INS supervisor in Alamosa told reporters that these “smuggle vans . . . remind me of slave ships. . . . They jam people into them just like the holds of slave ships. They are being exploited” (Hunter 2000). Once migrants reach their destinations, they are often working the most unrewarding, lowest-paid, and high-risk jobs available, even if they arrive here legally through the federal H2-A visa program (Yeoman 2001). The job-related death rate in Colorado for a Mexican worker is four times greater than the average U.S.–born worker. Susan Feldman works for the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and takes calls from Spanish-speaking workers concerned about occupational safety issues. She told a reporter, “They’re considered disposable” (Pritchard 2004).
73. Staff report 2000.
74. Ibid.
75. Frey 2003a.
76. Webb 2000.
77. Virginia Kice, ICE Agent in Los Angeles, interview by authors, July 22, 2004.
78. Ibid.
79. Park 2009.
80. Democracy Now! 2007.
81. Denver Post Wire Report 2009.
82. Davis and Moctezuma 1999.
83. These laws might also be interpreted and supported as public safety measures aimed at reducing fire hazards and the like.
84. Chung 1999.
85. Massey and Denton 1998.
86. Belson and Capuzzo 2007.
87. Associated Press 2001.
88. Parker 2001.
89. For the text of Colorado’s Ethnic Intimidation statute, see http://www.cuah.org/co199718.htm.
90. Associated Press 2002.
91. Chaplin interview, July 24, 2004.
92. Slotkin 1998.
93. Peter Jessup, interview by authors, July 2004, Glenwood Springs.
94. Amy McTernan, Aspen Temporary Labor Service manager, interview by authors, July 2004.
95. Leticia Barraza, interview by authors, Colorado Mountain College, Glen-wood Springs, July 26, 2004.
96. Munday interview, July 24, 2004.
97. Chaplin interview.
98. See Havlen 2004; and Carroll 2004.
99. Munday interview.
100. Ibid.
101. Aspen Temporary Labor Service, interview by authors, July 2004, Aspen.
102. Munday interview.
103. Jessup interview. There was a concern that our ability to do field research in July 2004 would be jeopardized by this incident. Jessica Dove coordinated one of the focus groups we held during that time, but in the days before that session she was apprehensive about whether it would even take place: “I am worried about whether . . . I can actually put together the focus group we had agreed to do. The main reason is because of the recent rumors that ICE raids are going on. My focus group has dropped from four people to two people because of the fear surrounding all this. So ultimately it may not materialize.” Fortunately, Dove was able to bring nearly a dozen people to the focus group, a testament to the trust she has earned among Latino immigrants in the valley.
104. Quino, from focus group at the Roaring Fork Area Adult Literacy Program (RFAALP), interview by authors, July 26, 2004. We note that stopping traffic to bring attention to police racism is what students at the University of California–San Diego did after the Rodney King verdict. Students marched from campus to Interstate 5 and held up traffic during rush hour for three hours. This is a tactic also used by activists during the Civil Rights Movement (Lipsitz 1988).
105. Colson 2000b.
106. See Smith, Sonnenfeld, and Pellow 2006.
107. Basalt city council member, interview by authors, Spring 2004.
108. See Jacoby 2001. Even today, most of the mainstream environmental organizations in the United States reflect the interests and values of middle – and upper-class, white, American males. The class and racial orientation of these groups is an extension of the broader societal exclusion of people of color, women, and the working class from participation in the formal U.S. political system. Up until the 1980s, most environmental movement groups in the United States were based and located in white communities. Directly or indirectly, people of color were excluded. For example, the 1915 bylaws of the Fraternal Order of American Sportsmen limited membership to “white male citizens of the U.S.” (Fraternal Order of American Sportsmen 1915).
109. Some classic studies in this area of scholarship include: Anderson 1992; Jencks 1991; and Wilson 1990. For excellent critiques of this tradition, see Briggs 2002; and Goldberg 1993.
110. C. Wright Mills, G. William Domhoff, and Rosanna Hertz have all pursued outstanding research agendas on the ruling classes, for example. See Domhoff 2009; Hertz and Imber 1995; and Mills 2000.
111. Stranahan interview.
112. See Brimelow 1996.
113. Johnson 2003, 183.
114. We are indebted to Juliana Smith for inspiring this point as a result of several conversations. See Chang and Zinn 2002; Gilmore 2007; and Parenti 2000.
115. Krugman 2002, 62.
116. Ibid..
117. Davis and Moctezuma 1999.
118. Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 2005.
119. For an excellent analysis of the increasing irrelevance of the mainstream U.S. environmental movement—particularly with respect to its lack of a social justice orientation—see St. Clair 2007.
1. 1941. “Another Kind of Boom for Aspen, Historic Mine Camp.” Aspen Times, March 6.
2. Glick 2001, 256.
3. Limerick 2000, 226.
4. Two important earlier laws were the Graduation Act of 1854, which reduced the price of public land to twenty-five cents per acre, and the Homestead Act, which allowed white settlers to own the land they farmed (Clifford 2003, 67).
5. Andrews 2007.
6. DeVoto 2000, 9.
7. Ibid., 53.
8. Turner’s paper was presented at a special meeting of the American Historical Association in Chicago, July 12, 1893. The overseas imperialism around that period would include U.S. invasions of Hawai’i, Guam, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines.
9. Limerick 2000, 19, emphasis added.
10. For an excellent critique of the post-materialist position, see Faber 2005.
11. Gedicks 2001; Khagram 2004; and McCully 2001.
12. See Limerick 1987; Lorah 1996; and Worster 1992.
13. Worster 1992, 13.
14. Davis 1999.
15. See Gottlieb 1998.
16. Spence 1999.
17. Limerick 1987, p. 89.
18. Slotkin 1998.
19. Ibid., 3
20. Kaplan 2006.
21. “The history of the West is the history of boom and bust. More than any other region of the United States, the West has found it difficult to find a happy average.” Richard Lamm, former democratic governor of Colorado (cited from the foreword in Gulliford 1989).
22. West 1998, 153.
23. Monnett and McCarthy 1996, 21.
24. West 1998, 308.
25. Cornwell n.d.
26. Aspen Daily Times, September 7, 1887.
27. Emmitt 1954, 21–22.
28. Daily Chronicle, October 11, 1879, Colorado, cf. Buys 2001, 6.
29. See Athearn 1976; and “A Walk Through Time: Historic Glenwood Springs.” Glenwood Springs Colorado: 2001 Official Guide to Glenwood Springs, 27.
30. Churchill 2003.
31. “Homeward Bound.” Aspen Daily Times, September 6, 1887. If this seems reminiscent of the pass laws for blacks in apartheid-era South Africa, it may be because that system was deliberately modeled after the U.S. reservations system.
32. J. W. Atkisson, a resident of Aspen in 1886, stated “Colorado people were not to blame in a single instance for trouble with the Indians. Helped bury twenty men in one year that had been killed by Indians” (Dictation of J. W. Atkisson, Aspen, December 16, 1886; archives, University of Colorado at Boulder Libraries, Bancroft Box 1); See also “The Ute War.” Aspen Daily Times, September 3, 1887. This article reported that many Utes had been killed in the latest skirmish between them and the settlers and the military; see also “WAR! WAR! The Utes Must Go!” Aspen Daily Times, September 7, 1887. This headline says it all.
33. Burns 1993.
34. Ibid.
35. Glenwood Springs Colorado: 2001 Official Guide to Glenwood Springs, 53.
36. Abbott, Leonard, and McComb 1982.
37. Ibid., 196.
38. Bridges 1883, 408.
39. Rohrbough 2000, 76.
40. Athearn 1976, 179.
41. Monnett and McCarthy 1996.
42. Cities that saw major riots or incidents of anti-Chinese violence or expulsions during this time included Los Angeles, Rock Springs (Wyoming), San Francisco, San Jose, Seattle, Tacoma, and Tonopah (Nevada).
43. Taylor 1929.
44. Rohrbough 2000.
45. Jung 1999.
46. Rohrbough 2000, 161.
47. Ibid., 40.
48. Gulliford and the Grand River Museum Alliance 1983. Garfield County includes the Roaring Fork Valley towns of Silt, Parachute, Rifle, Glenwood Springs, and Carbondale.
49. Ibid. Apparently, many people still view the lives of wild animals in the county as available for the taking. The following advertisement appeared in a recent guide to the city of Glenwood Springs: “Hunting in the Glenwood Springs area: Where the wildlife roams free . . . big game hunters choose Glenwood Springs for many reasons. Of course, the biggest reason is bringing home meat for the freezer. Other reasons include enjoying the outdoors, the sport of stalking prey and spending time with friends and family.” Glenwood Springs Colorado: 2001 Official Guide to Glenwood Springs, 30.
50. Voynick 1984. By 1948 every state had workers’ compensation laws. In 1970, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) became the first federal agency charged with monitoring and regulating workplace safety. And in 1977, the Mine Safety and Health Administration was launched to address the particular needs of miners and regulate that industry. Some observers might view this as progress while others argue that it took far too long to bring these efforts to fruition and that, in the end, these agencies have minimal regulatory authority over industry.
51. Kimmell 1975; See also Rocky Mountain Sun, May 26, 1892; Rocky Mountain Sun, September 24, 1892.
52. Gilbert 1991.
53. Rohrbough 2000. 206.
54. Aspen Times, April 23, 1881.
55. Aspen Times, May 28, 1881 (cf. Gilbert 1991, 22).
56. Urquhart 1970, 100.
57. Aspen Times, April 30, 1881.
58. Gilbert 1991.
59. State of Colorado Census Returns, 1885, “Pitkin County.”
60. “Mass Meeting Held,” Aspen Daily Times. July 7, 1893.
61. Aspen Daily Times, August 26, 1893.
62. Athearn 1976, 91.
63. Gage 1900.
64. Athearn 1976, 96.
65. “Harvey Young. Colorado Spring, October 13, 1886. Dictation.” Archives, University of Colorado–Boulder Libraries. Bancroft box #2.
66. Colorado Territorial and State Board of Immigration Collection, 1916. “Pitkin County.” 105–6.
67. Severy 1978.
68. Athearn 1976, 336.
69. Ibid., 337.
70. Anoe 1955, 14–15.
71. Morris 1950.
72. Haddock 1948.
73. “Outsider Says Aspen is Peopled with Mossbacks.” Aspen Democrat-Times, August 26, 1913.
74. A term used to characterize a “countercultural” white person likely (or who soon will be) living off of a trust fund, courtesy of their parents or grandparents.
75. Clifford and Smith 1970a, 101.
76. Ibid., 100.
77. Colestock n.d.
78. Editorial, n.d. “Reign of Injustice,” Aspen Times.
79. Clifford and Smith 1970a, 19–20.
80. Ibid. 1970b. The Pitkin County Park Association was founded to promote “the activities of all citizens of Pitkin County, Colorado, interested in preserving and enhancing the natural beauty around them, to further the growth and development of outdoor recreation and scenic beauty, and to make the general public aware of the value of such natural resources and of the need for upgrading and improving existing areas” (see Open Space Advisory Board and Aspen/Pitkin County Planning Office, 1980, Aspen/Pitkin County Open Space Master Plan, Pitkin County Planning Office, 4).
81. Gilmore and Duff 1974.
82. Aspen Times, October 9, 1969, 5A.
83. City of Aspen 1966.
84. Hammond 1995, 23. See City of Aspen, City Council Minutes, October 4, 1971. Only San Francisco and Denver had similar ordinances at the time, and this legal approach had yet to be challenged in a court of law.
85. Aspen City Council and Pitkin County Commission. 1977, Aspen/Pitkin County Growth Management Policy Plan, Aspen, Colorado. See also Aspen Times, February 24, 1977.
86. Rollins 1982.
87. “Anti-Discrimination Law Given 1st OK,” Aspen Times, November 17, 1977.
88. One of the rare exceptions was James Knowlton, an attorney with Roaring Fork Legal Services, who stated that the growth control seemed to exempt affordable housing, thus contradicting its very purpose: “they have excluded—much to my chagrin—affordable housing, basically saying ‘affordable housing at all cost’.” James Knowlton, interview by authors, Spring 2004). Of course, the price of “affordable housing” in the Roaring Fork Valley is often far out of reach for working-class people.
89. Alice Hubbard Laird, July 26, 2004.
90. Garnsey 1965.
91. Clifford 2003, 77.
92. Ibid., 184–85.
93. Birch 2006.
94. Mattern 2001.
95. Ibid. For example, the Telluride Ski and Golf company illegally destroyed nearly seventy acres of wetlands in order to construct a new golf course (Clifford 2003, 179).
96. Glick 2001, 137.
97. Ibid.
98. The voters of Colorado passed Amendment 8 in 1972, a measure that prohibited the expenditure of public dollars on the Olympic Games. The Games were moved to Innsbruck, Austria.
99. Ellis and Smith 1991, 214.
100. George Stranahan, interview by authors, Summer 2004.
101. Rebecca Doane, interview by authors, Summer 2004.
102. Lamm 2004.
103. Athearn 1976, 363.
104. U.S. News and World Report 1975.
105. Hartman 2001.
106. Ibid.
107. Clifford 2003, 192.
108. Ibid., 238.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 3
1. Aguilera 2004.
2. Luisa, from focus group at the RFAALP, interview by authors, July 2004.
3. Luis Polar, Scott Chaplin, and Felicia Trevor, interview by authors, Stepstone Center, Carbondale, July 2004.
4. Jorge, from focus group with undocumented workers, interview by authors, Stepstone Center, Summer 2004.
5. Veronica, from focus group at Catholic Charities, interview by authors, Summer 2004.
6. Renaldo Menjívar, interview by authors, Stepstone Center, Carbondale, July 24, 2004.
7. Jessica Dove, interview by authors, Basalt, CO, Spring 2004.
8. Polar, Chaplin, and Trevor interview.
9. Marie Munday, interview by authors, Aspen, July 24, 2004. “Tijuanita” means “little Tijuana” in English and “Chihuahuita” translates to “little Chihuahua.”
10. Ibid.
11. Polar, Chaplin, and Trevor interview.
12. Aguilera 2004.
13. Dove interview.
14. Many Roma communities in Central and Eastern Europe endure involuntarily living next to rivers and flood plains (Pellow 2007).
15. Romig 2001a.
16. “Home talk,” Glenwood Post Independent, April 30, 2001.
17. Familias de Bonanza Proyecto para Hogares Seguros, 2001. Petition to the Carbondale Trustees, April 24.
18. Daniels 2001a.
19. Scott Chaplin, letter to Roaring Fork Area lawyers seeking legal assistance for Bonanza Families’ Secure Homes Project/Familias de Bonanza Proyecto para Hogares Seguros. Carbondale, Colorado, May 21, 2001.
20. Scott Chaplin, n.d., Bonanza Residents Survey, Carbondale.
21. “Benefit Dance for the Bonanza Families’ Secure Home Project.” Carbondale Community School flyer, August 4, 2001.
22. Grauer 2001a.
23. Romig 2001b.
24. Grauer 2001b.
25. Scott Chaplin, interview by authors, Carbondale, July 24, 2004.
26. Simon Silva, interview by authors, focus group at the RFAALP, July 26, 2004.
27. All quotations in this section are from authors’ focus group with Scott Chaplin, Luis Polar, and Felicia Trevor, Stepstone Center, Carbondale, July 2004.
28. We note that Marie Munday contends that employers must pay an employee for time worked, see chap. 5 this book.
29. Melinda, focus group at Catholic Charities, interview by authors, Glenwood Springs Summer 2004.
30. See Gutiérrez 1995.
31. Ibid.
32. Javier, authors’ focus group with employees of the Aspen Temporary Labor Service, interview by authors, translated by Felicia Trevor, July 2004.
33. Celia, authors’ focus group at Catholic Charities, interview by authors, Glenwood Springs. July 2004.
34. Leticia Barraza, interview by authors, Colorado Mountain College, July 26, 2004.
35. Laura, interview by authors, July 27, 2004.
36. David, authors’ focus group at the Aspen Family Visitor Program, interview by authors, July 2004.
37. Barraza interview.
38. Carlsen 2007. See also Clarke 2006; Environmental Health Coalition 2004; Filner and Takvorian 2004.
39. Amy McTernan, Aspen Temporary Labor Service manager, interview by authors, July 2004. Loveland is another resort destination in Colorado.
40. Gloria, focus group at the RFAALP, interview by authors, July 26, 2004, translated by Jessica Dove.
41. Jorge Carrillo, focus group at the Stepstone Center, interview by authors, July 2004.
42. Rosalinda, focus group at the RFAALP, interview by authors, translated by Jessica Dove.
43. Carla (RFAALP), interview by authors, Summer 2004.
44. Federico (RFAALP), interview by authors, Summer 2004.
45. Lupe, Catholic Charities, Glenwood Springs, interview by authors, July 21, 2004.
46. McTernan interview, July 27, 2004.
47. Juanita, Catholic Charities, Glenwood Springs, interview by authors, July 21, 2004.
48. Magdalena and Corazon, focus group at the Aspen Family Visitors Program, interview by authors, July 2004.
49. Evita Salinas, interview by authors, July 2004.
50. Gustavo, focus group at the Stepstone Center, interview by authors, translated by Felicia Trevor, July 20, 2004.
51. Appleby 2006; Associated Press 2009.
52. Emergency Medicaid, for which undocumented immigrants qualify, covers maternal labor and delivery. Colorado is one of twelve states that provide prenatal care coverage for “qualified” immigrants who have resided in the United States for less than five years (see Kaiser Family Foundation and Center on Budget and Policy Priorities 2004).
53. Josefa and Tomas, focus group at the Stepstone Center, interview by authors, translated by Felicia Trevor, July 20, 2004.
54. Prenatal care for undocumented pregnant immigrants can be serviced through presumptive eligibility programs in many states. Presumptive eligibility allows uninsured pregnant women to obtain immediate prenatal care while their Medicaid eligibility is processed (National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health 2005).
55. Juanita interview, All quotations in this section are from interviews with the authors, Catholic Charities, Glenwood Springs.
56. Marisa, interview by authors, Stepstone Center, Carbondale, July 2004.
57. Polar interview.
58. Gabrielson and Giblin 2008. This is the Pulitzer Prize–winning series about the notorious nativist sheriff Joe Arpaio, who became infamous for diverting law enforcement resources away from traditional activities toward punitive treatment of immigrants, including public humiliation associated with parading undocumented detainees through town in prison blues.
59. Amelia, focus group at the Aspen Family Visitors Program, interview by authors, July 2004.
60. Karina interview.
61. Aguilera 2004.
62. Frey 2004.
63. “Parent Issues at Rifle schools.” Flyer announcing a meeting organized by concerned parents after the shooting, 2001.
64. Barraza interview.
65. José Cordova, interview by authors, Stepstone Center, Carbondale, July 24, 2004.
66. Ibid.
67. See Gould, Schnaiberg, and Weinberg 1996; Szasz 1994.
68. Ibid.
69. See Agyeman, Bullard, and Evans 2003; Boggs 2000; Gould, Pellow, and Schnaiberg 2008; Pellow 2007; and Smith, Sonnenfeld, and Pellow 2006.
70. Karina interview.
71. Lorena, focus group at the Stepstone Center, interview by authors, Carbondale, July 2004.
72. Aura interview, Stepstone Center.
73. Karina interview.
74. Marisa interview.
75. Juliana interview, Stepstone Center.
76. Julio interview, Stepstone Center.
77. Cordova interview.
78. Javier, focus group with employees of the Aspen Temporary Labor Service, interview by authors, translated by Felicia Trevor, July 2004.
79. Josefa, focus group at the Stepstone Center, interview by authors, July 20, 2004.
80. Aguilera 2004.
81. Carla and Roberto, RFAALP focus group, interview by authors, translated by Jessica Dove, July 26, 2004.
82. Eva, focus group with employees of the Aspen Temporary Labor Service, interview by authors, translated by Felicia Trevor, July 2004.
83. Elena, interview by authors, Carbondale, July 27, 2004.
84. Cordova interview.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 4
1. Burke 2000. Negative Population Growth is a Washington, DC–based organization whose mission is embodied in its name.
2. Feagin 1997.
3. Gottlieb 1993, 256.
4. See Johnson v. McIntosh (1823), Cherokee Nation v. Georgia (1831), Worcester v. Georgia (1832), and Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock (1903).
5. This argument was perhaps best embodied in the Dawes Severalty Act of 1887, which forced Native Americans to move beyond collective and commons property arrangements to individual private property allocations. The act also imposed European American agricultural practices on these populations.
6. Gottlieb 1993.
7. Gottlieb and Dreier 1998.
8. panagioti 2006.
9. Ibid., 8.
10. See Roediger 2005.
11. Schmitt 2001a.
12. Dugger 2003. This article reports on a study by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace on the failed promises of NAFTA proponents.
13. McClintock 1995.
14. Churchill 2003; and Horsman 1981.
15. Hardin 1968.
16. Sferios 1998a.
17. Hardin 1968. See also Gottlieb 1993, 257.
18. See Sferios 1998b.
19. panagioti 2006, 10.
20. Flynn 2006.
21. Ibid.
22. Tactaquin 1994.
23. ZPG representatives have testified in public hearings against anti-sterilization laws (Roberts 1998, 96).
24. Population Connection’s website: www.populationconnection.org, accessed March 2008.
25. Rosenfeld 2004.
26. Tanton 2004.
27. http://www.NumbersUSA.com, accessed March 2008.
28. Roy Beck served in this capacity for the Aspen City Council and the Pitkin County Commission when they developed their “population stabilization” resolutions.
29. Motavalli 2001.
30. panagioti 2006, 11.
31. Pear 2007.
32. Camarota 2001. Emphasis added.
33. http://www.cis.org/aboutcis.html, accessed March 2008.
34. Krikorian 2007.
35. Preston 2007.
36. Pear 2007.
37. Schmitt 2001b.
38. Preston 2007.
39. Duke was invited to speak to nativist whites in Siler City, North Carolina, where anti-Latino passions were running high over the increase in Mexican immigrants working at local poultry plants (Schmitt 2001).
40. Rondeaux and Loder 2000.
41. Crass, n.d. See also Huang 2008.
42. Faber 2008; Guha 1989.
43. Hartmann 2003. This argument has a strong parallel with the claim many social scientists have made that Puerto Rican and African American female-headed households are the cause of poverty in those communities (see Briggs 2002 for a critique).
44. Population Institute. Full-page advertisement in the New York Times, June 19, 2002, A9.
45. Federation for American Immigration Reform; Immigration and Urban Sprawl. http://www.fairus.org/html/04177001.htm, accessed March 10, 2002.
47. See Bullard, Johnson, and Torres 2000; Avila 2006; and Hayden 2004.
48. Klein and Olson 1996.
49. Navarro 2001.
50. DinAlt 1997.
51. Sferios 1998a.
52. This was known as the abortion “gag rule”; President Obama overturned it during his first months in office in 2009.
53. Tactaquin n.d.
54. Burke 2000.
55. Ibid.
56. Werbach 2004.
57. Barringer 2004.
58. For more on the 1924 immigration law, see Ngai 2004 and Roediger 2005.
59. Sierrans for U.S. Population Stabilization. www.susps.org. The authors are grateful to Angelic Willis for sharing her research on this group.
60. Weiss 2004.
61. Sierrans for U.S. Population Stabilization 2004.
62. Sierra Club Policy on Population and the Environment, adopted by the board of directors, March 13, 1965; amended July 8, 1995. www.sierraclub.org. Emphasis added.
63. Sierra Club Population Policy, adopted by the board of directors, March 13, 1966.
64. Sierra Club Population Policy: Slowing U.S. Population Growth, adopted by the board of directors, May 3–4, 1969.
65. Sierra Club Policy on Population and Environment, adopted by the board of directors, June 4, 1970; amended July 8, 1995. Emphasis added.
66. Gottlieb and Dreier 1998.
67. Sierra Club Policy on Immigration, adopted by the board of directors, February 24–25, 1996.
68. Carl Pope, n.d. “Ways and Means, Moving On: Lessons from the Immigration Debate.” http://www.sierraclub.org/sierra/199807/ways.asp.
69. McGarry 2002.
70. Hill 2000. The letter’s author is from Carbondale.
71. See Craddock 2004. See also Molina 2006; and Shah 2001.
72. Lich 2004. The letter’s author is from Gypsum, CO.
73. Callison 2004. The letter’s author is from Denver, CO.
74. Hubbell 2000.
75. See Gutiérrez 1995.
76. Espinoza 2004. The letter’s author is from Nuevo, CA.
77. An advertisement for the Alliance reads “Are you curious, concerned, or disturbed that your city and county resources and ski company efforts are going to further an artificial population growth in the Roaring Fork Valley? Are you curious, concerned, or disturbed that massive, endless legal and illegal immigration are the principal causes of these developments?” (Harvey 1999a).
78. Hooper 2001.
79. Lamm was governor of Colorado from 1975 to 1987.
80. Stiny 1999a.
81. Ibid.
82. This comes from a presentation Lamm gave at the Rural Resort Region conference. The title of his talk was “The Agonizing Dilemma of Immigration.” He is now director, Center for Public Policy and Contemporary Issues, University of Denver (Harvey 2001b).
83. Carroll 2002.
84. In 2009 Tancredo lambasted Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor for her affiliation with the National Council of La Raza, which he called “nothing more than a Latino KKK” (CNN Live, May 28, 2009). At the 2010 Tea Party Convention, he called for a return to literacy tests for voters, in order to prevent the election of candidates like Barack Obama, whose ascendancy he blamed on the “cult of multiculturalism.” He earlier argued that if the United States bombed holy Muslim sites in the Middle East, such a practice would deter Islamic extremists from attacking domestic U.S. targets (Associated Press 2005). Tancredo’s official website describes him as a “lone voice in the wilderness. Speaking out against the ills of the illegal alien invasion. . . . Doing whatever it takes to protect our borders, the language of our country’s founders and to save our shared American culture” (http://www.tancredo.org, accessed March 11, 2010).
85. This group includes the Colorado Alliance for Immigration Reform (CAIR), a state affiliate of FAIR. The CAIR website reads: “Advocating for the rights of future generations of Americans.” The website logo is fitting: it is simply a picture of a snow-capped mountain range, with no people and no evidence of human settlement whatsoever. This is a true preservationist approach to immigration and environmental policy. http://www.cairco.org/, accessed July 2004.
86. Christian 1999. The conference was sponsored by the Sopris Foundation, whose motto is “Creating Awareness of Population and Environmental Issues Worldwide.” The similarities between Christian’s speech here and EarthFirst! activist Edward Abbey’s words at the 1987 Round River Rendezvous are striking in terms of their contemptuous views of Latin American cultures.
87. Lamm 1999.
88. Ibid.
89. Fifth Annual State of the World Conference, Aspen, Colorado, July 2004.
90. Brown spoke at a “Reinventing Malthus for the Twenty-first Century” conference sponsored by Negative Population Growth and the Federation for American Immigration Reform in 1997. In his remarks that day he said “We have this infatuation with technology, which is understandable, whether it’s exploring Mars or the Internet and all the things one can do now in the telecommunications field. It’s fascinating, it’s exciting, but it doesn’t solve the food problem. And it doesn’t bring about the balance that we need between our continuously expanding numbers and the earth’s resources, which have not changed very much since the time of Malthus” (National Press Club. July 14, 1997, Washington, DC).
91. Terry Paulson and Mike McGarry, interview by Traci Voyles (Research Assistant), Aspen, Spring 2002.
92. Paulson and Mike McGarry interview.
93. Harvey 2001a.
94. Barber 2000. This letter to the editor was written in response to the protest against the INS plans to build an immigrant detention facility in Carbondale. The author of the letter is from Aspen. See also Baumli (2000), a letter to the editor from a Carbondale resident. This letter specifically targets the Stepstone Center, since, like the letter’s author, it is based in Carbondale. Baumli writes “As for the Stepstone Center it should be investigated for saying they are tax ‘exempt.’”
95. Harrell 2004.
96. Taylor 2000. Letter to the editor from an Aspen resident.
97. Hall et al. 1978; Bullock et al. 2001.
98. This includes movements such as the Proposition 187 mobilization, which was supported by many Latinos. People of color can work in the interest of white supremacy, so this “diversity” of support does not negate that fact (see Lipsitz 1998).
99. EF! describes itself not as an organization but as a movement. Or, as the website states, “EarthFirst is a priority not an organization” http://www.earthfirst.org/about.htm, accessed on October 22, 2007.
100. Ibid.
101. For an analysis of how the big green groups like the Nature Conservancy, the Sierra Club, Conservation International, and the World Wildlife Federation are ethically compromised by accepting corporate money and then opposing serious regulation, see Hari 2010. Groups like Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace have officially remained steadfastly independent of direct corporate influence.
102. See Hari 2010 and MacDonald 2008.
103. For excellent sources on the conflicts between environmentalists and indigenous peoples, see Chapin 2004, and Dowie 2009.
104. The Biotic Baking Brigade is an group of activists that challenges elites in positions of authority who enact ecologically destructive policies. The methods used include throwing biotically baked pies in the faces of such persons during public events; these events are almost always caught on television. Their slogan “No Pastry, No Peace!” is heard wherever they appear, and they deliver “just desserts” to economists, politicians, and “sell out” leaders of nongovernmental organizations. See http://bioticbakingbrigade.org/aboutbbb.html, accessed October 22, 2007.
105. Abzug 2001, 21.
106. Ibid., 19. See also panagioti 2006.
107. Animal 2005, 38.
108. Hartmann 1995, 2003.
109. In 1977, R. T. Ravenholt of USAID announced the agency’s plan to sterilize one-quarter of the world’s women. He stated, “Population control is necessary to maintain the normal operation of U.S. commercial interests around the world.” (Wagman 1997; cf. Smith 2005).
110. Gottlieb and Dreier 1998.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 5
1. Scott Chaplin, interview by authors, July 26, 2004.
2. Associated Press 1994.
3. Fillion 2007.
4. Colson 2000b.
5. Ibid.
6. Felicia Trevor, interview by authors, July 2004.
7. Leticia Barraza, interview by authors, Colorado Mountain College, July 26, 2004.
8. Ibid.
9. Mutrie 1999. According to this source, the Latino high school dropout rate fell to 50 percent in 1998, but it is not clear if that was part of a larger trend.
10. Ibid. The DREAM Act (Development Relief and Education for Alien Minors) is a legal initiative that would allow undocumented high school graduates greater financial access to colleges and universities (and the military) in the United States. The effort to make this a federal law failed in 2010 as a result of a Congressional Republican filibuster.
11. Jessica Dove, interview by authors, July 15, 2004.
12. Dove, interview, August 26, 2004.
13. Ibid.
14. Asistencia Para Latinos. 2000. Flyer (translated from Spanish).
15. Frey 2000b. APL received some funding from Garfield, Pitkin, and Eagle counties, the city of Aspen, Snowmass Village, the state of Colorado Department of Health and Environment, and the Aspen Valley Community Foundation.
16. Mutrie 1999.
17. Asistencia Para Latinos 1998.
18. Mutrie 1999.
19. Harvey 2001d. See also Daniels 2001b.
20. Chaplin, interview by authors, July 24, 2004.
21. Peter Jessup of Catholic Charities, interview by authors, July 26, 2004.
22. Ibid. Jessup interview.
23. Chang 2000; Milkman 2006; and Pellow and Park 2002.
24. Jessup interview.
25. Ibid.
26. James Knowlton, Roaring Fork Legal Services, interview by authors, Spring 2004.
27. The passage of the USA PATRIOT Act, for example, continues the practice of allowing the FBI to open and expand investigations into citizens’ lives and activism based solely on legally and constitutionally protected First Amendment activities. In other words, if you are reading material or speaking or writing words that the state believes is threatening to national security in any way, you may be placed under surveillance.
28. “Best Local Activist Organization: Mountain Folks for Global Justice,” Aspen Times editorial, July 1–2, 2000.
29. Frey 2000a.
30. As one local journalist wrote regarding the protest against the Aspen Institute’s elite extravaganza, “It will be refreshing to see some countervailing winds of opinion blowing round our town this weekend” (Colson 2000b).
31. Frey 2000a.
32. Colson 2000a.
33. Condon 2000a.
34. “The Top News Stories of 2000,” Aspen Daily News editorial, January 1, 2001.
35. All quotations in this section are from authors’ focus group with Scott Chaplin, Luis Polar, and Felicia Trevor, Stepstone Center, Carbondale, July 2004.
36. Trevor interview, July 2004.
37. Dove interview, July 15, 2004.
38. Ibid.
39. See for example, Allen 1997; Ignatiev 1996; Jacobson 1998; Lipsitz 2006; and Roediger 2007.
40. Excellent sources on critical whiteness and ethnic studies include Brodkin 1998; Gualtieri 2009; Lipsitz 2006; and Roediger 2005 and 2007. For historical antecedents and foundations of Whiteness Studies, see DuBois 1998 and Horsman 1981.
41. Jessup interview.
42. Alice Hubbard Laird, interview by authors, July 26, 2004.
43. Jonathan Fox-Rubin, interview by authors, Spring 2004.
44. Dove interview.
45. Ip 2007; Yen 2009.
46. The first set of figures concerning income inequality comes from Ip 2007 and Yen 2009. The second group of figures concerning wealth inequality comes from Wolff 2010.
47. See Calavita 2008; see also Milkman 2006, 9.
48. Trevor interview, July 2004.
49. Ibid. For data on the exposure of people of color to power plants, see Ortiz-Garcia 2004.
50. Dove, email correspondence with authors, July 5, 2004.
51. Gould 2007.
52. McTernan, Aspen Temporary Labor Service manager, interview, July 2004.
53. Chaplin interview, July 26, 2004.
54. Rural Resort Region. 2001. “The Immigrant Workforce . . . Opportunity, Pain and Profit in Paradise: An Exploration of Issues Surrounding Foreign Workers in Colorado’s Premier Resort Areas.” Rural Resort Region Conference, Silvertree Hotel, Snowmass Village, September 19–21, 2001.
55. Mike McGarry, letter to Leticia Gomez, Mexican Consul General, Denver, September 2001.
56. Harvey 2001c.
57. Frey 2002.
58. Marie Munday, interview by authors, July 24, 2004.
59. Ibid.
60. See, for example, Munday 1999. In her letter to the editor, Munday points out that while many people ask why Latino immigrants don’t just get temporary work visas, “there is no such thing available to unskilled laborers . . . visas are only issued to people with college degrees who have special expertise which U.S. citizens do not possess, especially in the sciences. . . . Incidentally, [being undocumented or living “out-of-status”] this is a ‘civil’ offense, not ‘criminal.’”
61. Munday interview, July 24, 2004.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid.
64. Frey 2003b, and Daniels 1999a.
65. Stroud 2000a.
66. Craig 1999a.
67. Lee 2007.
68. U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO). 2005. “Information on Criminal Aliens Incarcerated in Federal and State Prisons and Local Jails.” Letter to the Subcommittee on Immigration, Border Security, and Claims, and to the Committee on the Judiciary, April 7, Washington, DC.
69. Lakoff and Ferguson 2006.
70. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement website. http://www.ice.gov/partners/dro/cap.htm, accessed November 30, 2007.
71. Davis and Moctezuma 1999.
72. Sharon Conger, letter to Andrew McGregor, Community Development director, City of Glenwood Springs. April 25, 2003. Regarding application for special use permit, U.S. Dept of Homeland Security/ICE, Midland Center. Conger was the contracting officer, U.S. General Services Administration, Public Buildings Service. Emphasis added.
73. Craig 1999a.
74. Vader 1999.
75. “INS on wrong track,” editorial board, Denver Post, December 31, 1999.
76. Daniels 2000a.
77. Stroud 1999. This fearful sentiment is reflected in federal law. We located a copy of the minutes from a meeting of Asistencia Para Latinos concerning the question of deportation. The minutes reflect a discussion among activists, residents, and legal counsel:
Q: What happens to the families of a deportee?
A: If the family is legal, they are welcome to stay. When a criminal alien is deported, the family will not automatically be deported too.
Q: What will happen to families with illegal parents and children who are US citizens?
A: The problem is that their parents’ illegal status negatively affects the children’s well-being. INS can only apply the laws fairly and humanely.” (Minutes of a meeting of Asistencia Para Latinos and the Latino Networking Council, July 22, 1999, re: INS office expansion in the region).
78. Stiny 1999b.
79. Ibid.
80. Craig 1999b. See also Aspen Times, Saturday/Sunday, August 4–5., 13A.
81. Harvey 1999b.
82. Daniels 1999a.
83. Associated Press 2000.
84. Gagnon 2000.
85. Daniels 2000b.
86. Stroud 2000b.
87. Fox-Rubin interview, Spring 2004, Basalt, CO.
88. Chaplin interview, July 2004, Carbondale, CO.
89. Munday interview, June 2, 2009 (via telephone).
90. Polar interview, January 10, 2010 (via telephone).
91. Anonymous Aspen community leader, interview by authors, Spring 2004, Aspen. CO.
92. Anonymous Aspen community leader, interview by authors, Spring 2004, Aspen, CO.
93. Dove, email correspondence with authors, July 5, 2004.
94. George Stranahan, interview by authors, Spring 2004, Woody Creek, CO. Here, Stranahan is deliberately engaging the late eugenicist Garrett Hardin, who popularized the “lifeboat” metaphor for a nation and a world with too many people who would be passengers. Instead of using the lifeboat metaphor to argue for closed borders, Stranahan does the opposite.
NOTES TO THE CONCLUSION
1. We want to be clear that by arguing for the end of capitalism, we in no way wish to uncritically embrace socialism or related systems of economic organization. It is well known that socialist states have produced deep inequalities and ecological rifts in many parts of the world. Our position is that any system that devalues human beings and ecosystems should be challenged. Even so, one cannot deny that capitalism is the dominant global economic, cultural, social, and political force at this point in history, so any so-called socialist society is ultimately and intimately linked to this reality. However, Erik Olin Wright argues that community-based socialist practices that seek to avoid many of these pitfalls exist in various forms today (Wright 2010)
2. Nordhaus and Shellenberger 2007.
3. Guinier and Torres 2002, 65. Since race can be defined in so many ways (e.g. nationality, color, religion, voice, sound, space, place, politics, etc.), we prefer not to limit the definition of post-racialism to colorblindness.
4. Smith 2005.
5. Speth 2008, 70.
6. Kovel 2002, 6.
7. Ibid., 8.
8. Ibid., 7.
9. World Resources Institute 1990; cf. Goldman 1999, 37.
10. Goldman 1999, 38.
11. Hays 1959.
12. Schnaiberg 1980, and Schnaiberg and Gould 2000.
13. Speth 2008, 70.
14. Goldman 1999, 23.
15. Lipsitz 2006, vii.
16. Kimmel and Ferber 2009.
17. Feagin, Vera, and Batur 2001, 27–28.
18. DuBois 1998.
19. Kempf 2007, 59.
20. Wise 2008, 324.
21. Guinier and Torres 2003.
22. Wise 2007, 335.
23. Cole and Foster 2001, chap. 7.
24. Moyers 2007.
25. Political Ecology Group 1996.
26. Crass 2004.
27. Penn Loh, n.d. “Linking Immigrants and Environmentalists for Sustainability and Justice.” http:www.igc.org/envjustice/rep/loh.html, accessed March 1, 2002.
28. panagioti 2006, 9.
29. Speth 2008, xiii and xiv.