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Human Osteoarchaeology in Ireland
Abstract
Human osteoarchaeology has been growing from strength to strength in Ireland in recent years. The current paper begins with a brief introductory review of the history of the discipline within an Irish context. This is followed by an overview of some of the main methodologies employed in the general analysis of archaeological human skeletal remains. The final section of the text addresses the issue of why it is important to study archaeological human skeletons. A number of the main themes of relevance to human osteoarchaeological studies, including demography, health, trauma and diet, are explored and illustrated using Irish case studies (Fig. 4.1).
Introduction
Human skeletal remains represent one of the most tangible forms of archaeological evidence since they are the actual physical remains of our ancestors–the very people who were responsible for the creation of all other archaeological evidence that we encounter in our work as archaeologists. Osteoarchaeological and palaeopathological analyses of human skeletal remains can provide us with great insights concerning the physique, health, diet and lifestyles of our ancestors. If a biocultural approach is employed –whereby the skeletal evidence is combined with information derived from a wide variety of sources, including artistic and documentary records, the environment and material culture–it is possible to gain an even more holistic understanding of past populations (see Bush and Zvelebil 1989; Roberts and Cox 2003). This type of multidisciplinary approach can be particularly rewarding since it enables us to gain clearer insights into a variety of key themes of archaeological research, such as the nature of social structure, burial practices, labour divisions, warfare, economy and migrations.
A review of the development of human osteoarchaeological research within an Irish context has recently been published by Murphy (2002a) but the current discourse provides an opportunity to synthesise the contents of that paper. As was the case for many parts of the world, nineteenth and early twentieth century research on archaeological human skeletal remains within Ireland concentrated on craniometric analysis. The main objective of this research was to enable the study of variation and affinities of past populations, thereby enabling researchers to identify indigenous and intrusive groups (e.g. Frazer 1890–91; Haddon 1896–98; Borlase 1897; Macalister 1921; Martin 1935). A number of substantial assemblages of human remains were subject to craniometric and osteometric analyses throughout the early and middle twentieth century, including the Early Christian populations from Gallen Priory, Co. Offaly (Howells 1941), and Castleknock, Co. Dublin (McLoughlin 1950). Palaeopathological analysis, which is now one the main aspects of human skeletal research, was largely ignored in early anthropological studies. One of the exceptions to this situation was the publication of a note by Walmsley (1923) on a cranium recovered from Nendrum monastery, Co. Down, which he considered to have displayed a trepanation. This paper represents one of the earliest attempts to look beyond osteometric analyses.
Figure 4.1: Location map of sites mentioned in the text.
Throughout the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s there was a general dearth of specialists on the island with the expertise to analyse archaeological human remains and it was necessary to have such analyses undertaken in Britain by recognised individuals, such as Professor Don Brothwell in England (e.g. Brothwell 1985; 1987) and Dr. J. L. Wilkinson in Wales (e.g. Brannon et al. 1990 writing of an excavation undertaken in 1985). During the mid-1980s a number of Irish archaeologists began to seek specialist postgraduate training and undertake research degrees in osteoarchaeology and palaeopathology (Power 1984; O’Donovan 1985), a pattern which continued through the 1990s (e.g. Buckley 1991; Murphy 1994; Lynch 1998) and into the new millennium (e.g. Keating 2001). Indeed, human osteoarchaeology is now one of the growth areas within Irish archaeology and there are now approximately 25 qualified osteoarchaeologists working on the island (L. Buckley 2006, pers. comm.).
Methodology
Excavation
A number of detailed guidelines for the excavation of both inhumed and cremated archaeological human remains exist, including McKinley and Roberts (1993). In addition, valuable documents have been produced in recent years which focus on the ethical and legal issues surrounding the excavation of archaeological human skeletal remains (e.g. O’Sullivan et al. 2002; Mays 2005). When a human skeleton is encountered during an excavation it is best practice that an osteoarchaeologist is present on site so that the remains of the individual can be partially examined in situ and advice on recording and recovery can be imparted to the excavators (Buckley et al. 1999). In situations where a trained osteoarchaeologist is not involved in the excavation and recovery of human skeletal remains there is a danger that strands of evidence will be overlooked. Kidney or gall stones, for example, are easily missed and discarded. It is often the case that in situ foetal bones present within the abdominal area of a pregnant individual are recorded, but little attention is given to the orientation of the foetus or his/her position within the pelvis. Both of these are important details which have the potential to provide insights as to why the baby and its mother may have died. At a basic level an osteoarchaeologist will be able to record information (such as lengths of the long bones) from a poorly preserved skeleton while it is still in situ; once the remains have been lifted from the ground it may no longer be possible to record these measurements due to the fragmentation of the bones. As such, important information concerning a person’s estimated living stature can be lost.
It can also be easier for an osteoarchaeologist to interpret taphonomic processes that may have affected human skeletal remains if they have been involved in the excavation process. Certain soil conditions can affect human remains in a particular manner and result in extensive erosion. Remains recovered from shallow graves, or those which may have been disturbed in antiquity can display signs of weathering and bleaching. Burials recovered from contexts associated with voids can display signs of rodent gnawing. This was the case for a number of disarticulated bones recovered from Post-Medieval contexts within St. John’s Church, Islandmagee, Co. Antrim. During excavation it was thought that one of the crania displayed a trepanation, but osteological analysis revealed the perforation to have been caused by rodent gnawing (Murphy 2002b, 141).
The juxtaposition of certain grave goods in close proximity to human skeletal remains can also affect the bones. For instance, during excavations at Tonybaun, Co. Mayo, the use of copper shroud pins had left discrete areas of green discoloration and soft tissue preservation on the remains of many individuals (Fig. 4.2) (Murphy 2004a; Nolan 2006). Indeed, there is much potential for the application of the anthropologie de terrain method, developed in France, to be applied to Irish burials from all periods. This method involves the detailed recording of skeletons in situ, and has the potential to yield a variety of information that is often overlooked. On the basis of subtle disturbances to the position of the bones, for example, it might be possible to infer that organic grave goods had originally been positioned alongside the body. At a more basic level the position of the bones can enable one to determine if a body had been buried within a coffin or placed straight into the ground, even in the absence of wood remains (see Nilsson Stutz 2003).
Figure 4.2: Copper shroud pin with associated hair preservation on a fragment of cranium recovered from Tonybaun, Co. Mayo (Photo: E. Murphy).
When dealing with collections of disarticulated human remains recovered from megalithic tombs or cave deposits the involvement of an osteoarchaeologist during the excavation process is even more critical. It is clear that our Neolithic ancestors were deliberately processing their dead and selecting particular parts of certain members of society for interment within these tombs. Cut marks have been identified on a fragment of mandible retrieved from the possible Late Neolithic site at Millin Bay, Co. Down (Murphy 2003), and a detailed study has been undertaken on taphonomic aspects of Neolithic remains recovered from Poulnabrone portal tomb and Parknabinnia chambered tomb in Co. Clare (Beckett 2005). Such post-excavation analyses are of course crucial but, again, analysis of collections of disarticulated groups of bones when still in situ has the potential to yield subtle forms of evidence that can be lost by the time the remains reach the laboratory for analysis. The position of larger bones may be clearly recorded in plans and photographs, for example, but such details for smaller skeletal elements are often lacking.
Post-excavation
A number of high quality texts exist which provide details of the methodologies generally used in Western Europe and North America for the analysis of archaeological human skeletal remains (Ferembach et al. 1980; Brothwell 1981; Bass 1987; Ubelaker 1989; Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994; Brickley and McKinley 2004). Initially, the osteoarchaeologist attempts to answer a number of basic questions to enable a biological profile to be established for the individual. In the first instance it is necessary to ascertain whether the individual is an adult or a subadult. If the individual is an adult it is possible to determine whether they are male or female. On the basis of current morphological methods it is generally accepted that, prior to puberty, it is not possible to determine accurately the sex of subadult skeletons (Mays and Cox 2000, 126). In general, when a complete adult skeleton is present the sex can be established with 95–100% accuracy. If, however, only sections of the skeleton are present, then the accuracy of sex determination diminishes. Morphological analysis of the pelvis alone provides 90–95% accuracy; the skull provides 80–90% accuracy, while metrical analysis of long bones enables sex to be established with 80–90% accuracy (Krogman and Isçan 1986, 189; Ubelaker 1989, 53–5). The morphology of the pelvis is different between males and females since the female pelvis is specially adapted to enable successful pregnancy and childbirth. Differences between the male and female skull arise because puberty generally occurs, on average, two years earlier in females relative to males. As a result, males have an additional two years of somatic growth, associated with an increase in muscle mass, which causes changes at the sites of muscle attachments and also as a response to muscle-related forces (Mays and Cox 2000, 118–9).
A plethora of methods have been devised to enable age determination of both adults and subadults. The determination of the age at which an individual died involves the observation of morphological features in the skeletal remains and the comparison of the information with age-related changes recorded for modern-day populations of known age. This is followed by the estimation of any possible variability which may exist between the unknown and the recent population on which the comparative data is based (Ubelaker 1989, 63). There are two main periods in the life of a human–development, which occurs approximately between birth and 25 years of age, and degeneration, which occurs roughly from the age of 25 years onwards. It is easier to determine the age-at-death of children and adolescents than fully developed adults, since the growth and maturation of a subadult skeleton follows a reasonably predictable sequence (Chamberlain 1994, 13). Once the skeleton has completed its growth the age-related changes associated with degeneration do not progress at a predictable rate, making it more difficult to determine the age at which an adult died (Saunders 1992, 8).
The age-at-death of subadults is generally determined from the analysis of epiphyseal fusion (Ferembach et al. 1980, 530–31; Brothwell 1981, 66), the diaphyseal length of the long bones (Ubelaker 1989, 70–1), dental eruption (Ubelaker 1989, 64) and dental calcification (Moorrees et al. 1963; Smith 1991, 161). It has been demonstrated for living subadult populations of known chronological age that dental age displays less variation than skeletal age (Scheuer and Black 2000a, 13). As such, greater emphasis is generally placed on subadult age determinations derived from dental remains. An invaluable corpus of information on subadult age determination methods can be found in Scheuer and Black (2000b). The main age determination methods used for skeletally mature individuals are dental attrition (Brothwell 1981, 72); cranial suture fusion (Meindl and Lovejoy 1985) and morphological changes of the auricular surface (Lovejoy et al. 1985), sternal ends of the ribs (Isçan and Loth 1986a; 1986b) and the pubic symphysis (Brooks and Suchey 1990). None of these methods are without problems, however, and a discussion of these can be found in Cox (2000), while recommendations for determining adult age-at-death estimates are outlined in O’Connell (2004).
The estimation of living stature is determined for adult individuals using the mathematical method of Trotter and Gleser (1952; 1958) and Trotter (1970), who developed regression formulae for European and Black individuals of both sexes. They undertook an analysis of the remains of war victims of known identity from World War II and the Korean War, the statures of whom had been measured on various occasions throughout their lives in the army. In addition, the statures of cadavers of both sexes were measured by the Washington University School of Medicine. Following the donation of the skeletons of the individuals to the Terry Anatomical Collection of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, their remains were then available for long bone measurement (Trotter 1970, 72). The most accurate estimations of stature are derived from measurements obtained from the long bones of the lower limb, with the combined femur-tibia formula generally providing the most accurate estimation. Brothwell and Zakrzewski (2004) provide a useful overview of metrical and non-metrical data that should routinely be recorded from archaeological skeletons since it has the potential to provide information on ethnic affinity, the presence of families within cemetery groups and regional microevolution.
Palaeopathology is a vital component of osteoarchaeological research and is particularly essential when employing a biocultural approach. Palaeopathological conditions generally encountered among archaeological human remains can be classified into one of the following categories–developmental, traumatic, infectious, joint, endocrine, metabolic, neoplastic and dental. A number of general text books exist which provide details of the physical characteristics of lesions caused by particular disease processes, as well as the history of particular diseases (e.g. Ortner and Putschar 1985; Roberts and Manchester 1995; Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martin 1998). Recently, Roberts and Connell (2004) have provided an essential guide to recording palaeopathological lesions; the adoption of their recommendations should enable greater comparability between assemblages from different periods and a variety of geographical regions.
A substantial component of Ireland’s prehistoric burials is represented by cremated deposits, particularly during the Bronze Age. The potential information to be derived from cremated material is well understood (e.g. Buckley and Buckley 1999), and a useful synthesis of the analysis that should be undertaken on such material can be found in McKinley (2004).
Why Study Irish Human Remains?
The objective of this section of the paper is not to provide a comprehensive review of the findings derived from all analyses of archaeological human skeletal remains in Ireland recovered to date. Rather, it is intended to provide an insight as to why such analyses are important for furthering our understanding of the human past within an Irish context. As such, a number of the main lines of evidence that can be informed particularly well by data derived from human skeletal remains have been selected for discussion and will be illustrated with examples from Ireland.
Palaeodemography
As discussed above the determination of an individual’s age-at-death and sex (for older subadults and adults) are a routine aspect of the analysis of human skeletal remains. In a normal pre-industrial population group one would expect a high level of infant mortality followed by a notable decline in the mortality of children as they mostly survived to adulthood. It would then be anticipated that the number of older individuals dying would gradually decrease since most individuals died before reaching such an age (Welinder 1979, 83; Waldron 1994, 23). Brothwell (1981, 73) has indicated that the proportion of infant burials expected within a normal pre-industrial population should be approximately 50%. When population groups are encountered that markedly deviate from this anticipated age-at-death profile one has to assume that there is a cultural reason for this difference. Within Ireland there is one class of burial ground which invariably produces a deviant age-at-death profile–the cillín or children’s burial ground. Cilliní were the designated resting places for stillborn and unbaptised children who were considered unsuitable for burial in consecrated ground. Although traditionally associated with the burial of unbaptised infants, oral history has also identified the mentally disabled, strangers, the shipwrecked, criminals, famine victims, and people who had committed suicide as individuals who would also be buried within cilliní (e.g. Hamlin and Foley 1983, 43; Donnelly et al. 1999). Locations for this class of burial ground were diverse and included deserted churches and graveyards; archaeological sites including megalithic tombs, secular earthworks and castles; natural landmarks and boundary ditches; sea or lake shores and cross-roads (Ó Súilleabháin 1939). An underlying assumption in much of the literature associated with cilliní is that the separate burial of individuals within a cillín is associated with a lack of regard for these individuals. A recent study of the oral history and anthropological accounts of women who would have experienced the death of baby in early modern Ireland, however, has shown that this is absolutely not the case with regard to the majority of children interred within a cillín (Murphy forthcoming; Murphy and Donnelly forthcoming).
In recent years a number of cillín population groups have been analysed by osteoarchaeologists. A total of 62 late nineteenth and early twentieth century burials recovered adjacent to a series of enclosures at Johnstown, Co. Meath, were found to comprise almost exclusively young infants (Fibiger 2005a, 101–2). Excavations within the secular tower-house of Castle Carra, Co. Antrim, produced the remains of some 20 young infants, a number of whom appear to have definitely been premature, and a 1.5 to 2.5 year old child. The burials are considered to have been post-sixteenth century in date (Hurl and Murphy 1996; Murphy 2004b). Post-Medieval burials at the Early Christian monastic site of Illaunloughan, Co. Kerry, were found to comprise 112 individuals, 102 of whom were identified as having an age-at-death less than 16 years. It is notable that some 79.2% (76/96) of the precisely aged subadults had died at less than two years of age (Buckley 2005a, 50–1).
It is evident that the majority of individuals recovered from excavated cilliní to date have been young infants, although older children and adults are also represented but in smaller numbers. It is feasible that these latter individuals may have included famine victims, criminals and the mentally disabled, amongst others, as discussed above. Indeed, Murphy (1996) has described a possible case of hydrocephalus in a 6–7 year old child recovered from the probable cillín site at Doonbought, Co. Antrim. It can be suggested that this child may have displayed some of the characteristics apparent in modern children with this condition, including headaches, irritability, retarded mental development, loss of balance and an inability to concentrate (Murphy 1996, 440). It is therefore, possible that the child had been buried within the cillín as a direct result of his/her disability. Crombie (1990, 56) recounts a story which might also provide an explanation for the occurrence of older children within a cillín. The last burial in the cillín at Carrownaseer North, Co. Galway, was reported to have occurred during the 1940s when the present landowner’s baby brother was buried within the cillín. The baby had been baptised and hence was eligible for burial within a consecrated graveyard. The cillín was located just across the road from the family home, however, and the parents chose to bury their dead baby there so that they could be close to him. It has been proposed that since the cillín was situated adjacent to an early church site this may have further added to its appropriateness for the burial of the baby (Crombie 1990, 56).
Deviance from the expected sex ratio of 1:1 in a population (Waldron 1994, 23) can also require comment and a search for a cultural explanation. Of the 56 adults of determinable sex recovered from the Early Christian burial ground at Portmuck, Co. Antrim, 83.9% were found to have been male. As such, the sex ratio of males to females of 5.2:1 identified at Portmuck is clearly anomalous (Murphy 2006). A male-female sex ratio of approximately 10:1 was identified for the individuals interred at the Early Christian site of Gallen Priory, Co. Offaly. It is know that the burial ground at the latter site was used for the interment of the monks who would have lived at the associated priory (Howells 1941, 113). The Early Christian burial ground at Portmuck does not have such clear ecclesiastical associations, although it is known to have been used as a grange for the Cistercian foundation at Inch Abbey during Medieval times (Gwynn and Hadcock 1988, 144). Nevertheless, the notable preponderance of males within the site’s Early Christian horizons may be providing a tantalizing glimpse of an even earlier association with male ecclesiastical activities.
Health and disease
The study of archaeological skeletal populations can provide an enormous amount of information concerning past health and the diseases that people would have suffered from. Irish populations have produced much evidence for the more common palaeopathological conditions (cf. Roberts and Cox 2003, 30) within the categories of dental, joint, metabolic and infectious diseases as well as traumatic lesions. In addition, examples of less common conditions, such as malignant neoplasms, have also been identified. Murphy (2006) has described a 35–45 year old adult male from the Early Medieval burial ground at Portmuck, Co. Antrim, for example, with osteoblastic lesions that may be indicative of metastatic carcinoma secondary to a primary tumour of the prostate.
The following section of the article will provide examples that have been selected for discussion since they illustrate the value of palaeopathological findings for archaeologists and palaeopathologists alike.
Diffuse Idiopathic Skeletal Hyperostosis (DISH)
Buckley (2005b) provided a review of four cases of probable or definite DISH (diffuse idiopathic skeletal hyperostosis) that she had identified amongst Irish skeletons. These comprised a Bronze Age older adult male from Graney West, Co. Kildare (probable); a thirteenth-fourteenth century older male recovered from the Dominican Priory at Drogheda, Co. Louth (definite); a thirteenth-fourteenth century older male from St. Stephen’s leprosarium in Dublin (definite) and a Medieval older male from St. Thomas’ Abbey, Dublin (definite). More recently, Murphy (2006) has identified a possible case of the early stages of DISH in a 35–45 year old male retrieved from the Early Christian burial ground at Portmuck, Co. Antrim. The main features of DISH involve the ossification of the anterior longitudinal spinal ligament and the development of extraspinal enthesopathies (Rogers and Waldron 1995, 48). The condition is identified in the spine on the basis of the occurrence of flowing calcification and ossification along the anterolateral aspect of at least four contiguous vertebral bodies, the maintenance of intervertebral disc height, and the absence of ankylosis of the apophyseal joints (Resnick and Niwayama 1995a, 1465). DISH generally occurs in older individuals; a reflection of the length of time required before the spinal abnormalities progress to the degree whereby the diagnosis of DISH is easily identifiable (Resnick and Niwayama 1995a, 1466). Males are more frequently affected by DISH than females, and it is thought to be related to obesity and adult-onset diabetes (Crubézy 1990, 116). The clinical symptoms of DISH involve stiffness, restricted movement and back pain (Resnick and Niwayama 1995a, 1466).
Due to its associations with obesity and adult-onset diabetes DISH is a condition which may have dietary connotations and be suggestive of the consumption of a rich diet. It is interesting to note that all five of the definite or tentative cases of DISH from Ireland have originated from older males. The burial context of the individuals may also shed further light on their status in society. Two of the individuals originated from sites with definite religious associations–the Dominican Priory, Drogheda, and St. Thomas’ Church, Dublin, while we have already seen that the high preponderance of males at the Early Christian burial ground at Portmuck, Co. Antrim, may be an indication of ecclesiastical links. In addition, Medieval leprosaria were frequently associated with ecclesiastical orders (Lee 1996, 14) and it is possible that the individual recovered from St. Stephen’s Hospital in Dublin was a member of a religious order. In a survey of the prevalence of DISH in Britain, Roberts and Cox (2003, 246) have demonstrated that there is a much greater frequency of DISH in monastic sites relative to their secular counterparts, and that the difference is statistically significant. A similar trend would appear to be emerging for Ireland. These British and Irish trends appear to provide an indication that members of certain religious orders lived a more sedentary lifestyle and consumed a richer diet than their secular counterparts. Following a similar line of thought, Buckley (1997) has suggested that the Bronze Age individual with possible DISH recovered from Graney West may have been a leader or sage within that society.
Specific Infections
Leprosy and tuberculosis are two of the best known specific infections encountered in the archaeological record. Both diseases are caused by mycobacteria–Mycobacterium leprae for leprosy and mostly Mycobacterium tuberculosis or Mycobacterium bovis for tuberculosis. Unfortunately, the palaeopathology of these specific infections is poorly understood within an Irish context and only a very small number of accounts of possible cases of these diseases have been reported in the published literature.
LEPROSY
Leprosy is a chronic specific infectious disease which can have a devastating affect on the body, depending on the immune status of the affected individual, and can result in lesions of the skin, nasal tissues, peripheral nerves and bone (Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martin 1998, 141). Leprosy appears to have peaked during Medieval times in Europe (Roberts and Manchester 1995, 148). In Britain there was a great increase in the number of leprosy hospitals built during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries followed by a notable downtrend, so that by the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries very few new foundations are recorded (Roberts 1986, 16–18). This trend has been explained as a consequence of the emergence of tuberculosis as a highly prevalent disease during Later Medieval times. As stated above, tuberculosis is also caused by mycobacteria and it is considered that exposure to tuberculosis may confer a degree of immunity to leprosy, thereby reducing an individual’s likelihood of contracting this disease. It has thus been suggested that leprosy declined in prevalence as the number of cases of tuberculosis increased during the Later Medieval period (Manchester 1991). Within an Irish context, however, the development and decline of leprosy remains somewhat poorly understood.
Murphy and Manchester (2002) have provided an overview of the evidence for leprosy in Ireland. In addition to providing a summary of the secondary evidence for the disease in the form of leprosaria, squints, place-name evidence and historical accounts pertaining to the disease they describe the only definitive case of leprosy to have been published for Ireland. Changes indicative of leprosy were clearly evident in a pair of feet recovered during excavations at Armoy, Co. Antrim; none of the other bones of the skeleton had been recovered during the excavations (Fig. 4.3). Dorsal tarsal exostoses were present on several of the tarsal bones, and are an indication of a loss of motor function which leads to the collapse of the longitudinal arch of the foot and the development of pes planus or flat foot (Andersen and Manchester 1988, 52). Surface inflammatory pitting was visible on the dorsal and plantar surfaces of most tarsals and metatarsals and was characteristic of overlying soft tissue infection. Diaphyseal remodelling, in which the medio-lateral diameter was diminished, was apparent in all metatarsals causing them to have a ‘sucked candy’ appearance and a number of their proximal ends displayed the ‘knife edge deformity’. It has been suggested that diaphyseal remodelling occurs as a result of sympathetic neuropathy and alteration of the peripheral nerve vascular bed dynamics which then selectively stimulates extracortical osteoclastic and endosteal osteoblastic reactions (Andersen et al. 1992, 211). The only phalanx present was the right first proximal phalanx which displayed the ‘cup and peg’ deformity of the first metatarsophalangeal joint.
Figure 4.3: Feet recovered from the excavation at Armoy, Co. Antrim, with lesions characteristic of lepromatous leprosy (Photo: T. Corey).
Since the bone changes were so advanced in both feet it is possible that the individual would have been suffering from the lepromatous form of leprosy, which affects people with low immunity to the disease. In addition, the severity of the bone changes in the feet make it quite possible that he or she would have displayed the characteristic changes of facies leprosa, with a collapsed nose, missing upper front teeth, loss of eyebrows, and nodules. It is possible that the disease would have progressed to a stage were the person was also hoarse and blind. It is likely that their hands would have had mere stumps for fingers, as was certainly the case with regard to the toes. Their feet and lower legs would probably have had ulcers, which they could not feel due to their damaged nerves. As a consequence of this as they went about their everyday existence they would have been picking up a variety of infections in these open sores.
The Armoy case was recovered from a site with no known associations with leprosy. A calibrated AMS radiocarbon date obtained for the feet indicated that the individual had died at some time between 1444 and 1636 cal. AD. The presence of this apparently isolated case of Late Medieval/early Post-Medieval leprosy is considered to be compatible with the history of the disease, however, since it is unlikely that there would have been any thriving leprosaria and associated cemeteries in existence at this time. It has therefore been proposed that the few existing leprosy sufferers would have been buried in the same cemeteries as everyone else (Murphy and Manchester 2002, 196–7). But what of leprosy in Ireland during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries? Why are we not seeing an increase in palaeopathological cases from these centuries in a similar manner to other parts of Europe? Roberts and Cox (2003, 270) have outlined the potential problems involved with identifying leprosy in archaeological human remains. In addition to the fact that some 85% of individuals with the disease probably died before any skeletal changes became apparent, well excavated and well preserved remains are required for a diagnosis of leprosy to be made. The small bones of the hands and feet and the facial area of the cranium are critical for an accurate identification of the disease. They make reference to Cox and Bell’s (1999) study which has indicated that phalanges are recovered in less than 40% of skeletons excavated in England.
Is it the case that poor preservation is largely responsible for the paucity of leprosy in the palaeopathological record for Ireland? All that was preserved of the Armoy leprosy sufferer was his/her feet. Murphy (2006) has tentatively identified two individuals with possible leprous lesions from the Early Christian burial ground at Portmuck, Co. Antrim. Unfortunately, in both cases the incomplete nature of the individuals’ remains, however, precludes a more definitive identification of the disease. The left proximal phalanges and a single first distal foot phalanx from Skeleton 174, a 35–45 year old male, displayed concentric diaphyseal remodeling and destruction of the distal articular surfaces. Periosteal reactive new bone formation was also apparent in the individual’s left femur and it is possible that the infection of the upper leg may have arisen as a consequence of the infectious processes that were occurring in the feet. A right fifth metatarsal recovered in association with the remains of Skeleton 193, a 35–45 year old male, is considered to display knife-edge deformity of its shaft in addition to a healed fracture at the distal end of the shaft. Both of these changes are compatible with a diagnosis of leprosy. The remains of this latter individual were extremely incomplete and disturbed, however, and it is even impossible to ascertain if the metatarsal had really originated from Skeleton 193 or if it had originally been associated with an entirely different individual altogether. There remains much to be learned about the archaeology of leprosy within Ireland, both in terms of its prevalence in the osteoarchaeological record and in our understanding of the secondary sources of evidence relating to the disease (Murphy 2005).
TUBERCULOSIS
Tuberculosis can either be an acute or chronic disease and it can involve both the soft and the skeletal tissues (Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín 1998, 118). If the primary site of infection fails to heal the tubercle bacilli may be disseminated haematogenously to other organs and tissues. Organ tuberculosis may not become apparent for years after the initial infection and it is exacerbated by incidents, such as malnutrition or trauma, which reduce the resistance of the infected individual. In the notable majority of cases skeletal tuberculosis occurs as a result of haematogenous dissemination from soft-tissue foci (Ortner and Putschar 1985, 141).
The bone changes of tuberculosis are essentially osteomyelitic, and the distribution of such bone changes throughout the body is usually the evidence for the disease identified by palaeopathologists (Roberts and Manchester 1995, 137). The tubercle bacteria in the bloodstream select areas of the body which are rich in marrow and have a high circulatory and metabolic rate, such as areas of cancellous bone. In adults the metaphyses and epiphyses of the long bones are predilected and, since haemopoietic marrow has a greater distribution in children, more bones can be involved in younger individuals (Ortner and Putschar 1985, 144).
The vertebral column is involved in 25–60% of all cases of skeletal tuberculosis (Resnick and Niwayama 1995b, 2463). Tuberculosis of the spine displays several characteristics depending on the virulence of the bacteria and the resistance of the individuals. In general, only a few vertebrae are involved and marked bone destruction occurs as a result of abscess formation. The vertebral bodies are almost exclusively involved (Morse 1967, 249), while the lower thoracic and upper lumbar vertebrae are the most common sites for the disease (Roberts and Buikstra 2003, 94). The most serious complication of spinal tuberculosis is that of spinal cord compression caused by the sudden collapse of the vertebral bodies, resulting in angular kyphosis (Finch and Ball 1991, 216), which is generally referred to as Pott’s Disease.
Tuberculosis can also affect joints, resulting in septic arthritis with gross bone destruction and eventual ankylosis of the joint. As opposed to degenerative joint disease, the tuberculous involvement normally only affects a single joint in an individual. Excluding the spine, the regions of the hip joint and the knee joint are the most frequently affected areas of the skeleton (Roberts and Buikstra 2003, 96–7). The occurrence of plaques of woven bone, cortical expansion, or erosive lesions on the head and neck of a rib (all of which are commonly referred to as rib lesions) have been interpreted as non-specific indicators of chronic respiratory disease stress, including pulmonary tuberculosis (Roberts et al. 1998; Matos and Santos 2006).
At least two probable cases of tuberculosis have been reported in the palaeopathological literature for Ireland. A 35–45 year old female (Sk. C753a) recovered during excavations at the Early Christian cemetery of Solar, Co. Antrim, displayed a number of lesions that were considered characteristic of tuberculosis (Murphy 1994). An erosive lesion, which measured some 39 mm medio-laterally by 33 mm supero-inferiorly, was present at the glabella region of the frontal bone and extended onto the superior aspects of the nasal bones and the medial margins of the orbits (Fig. 4.4). The lesion had destroyed the external table of the cranial vault and the surviving bone surface displayed a notably pitted appearance. It was considered probable that the lesion was indicative of Lupus vulgaris (tuberculosis of the skin). This condition generally begins before the age of 20 years and persists all through life. The nose, cheeks, brow and sides of the neck are the most commonly affected regions of the body. The skin becomes thickened and discoloured, with the appearance of nodules, ulcers and small abscesses (Macpherson 1992, 347). If it is persistent for a number of years it can cause substantial deformities and it is quite possible that the woman from Solar would have suffered from quite pronounced disfiguration of her brow and possibly nose.
Figure 4.4: An erosive lesion on the frontal bone of a 35–45 year old female from Solar, Co. Antrim, which is thought to be indicative of lupus vulgaris or tuberculosis of the skin (Photo: E. Murphy).
The individual’s ribs also displayed lesions considered to be compatible with a diagnosis of tuberculosis. At least five right and four left ribs were affected. A combination of blastic and lytic lesions were apparent on the visceral surfaces of the rib shafts, although the latter lesions were particularly extensive and had resulted in the inferior margins of the ribs having a pronounced scalloped appearance. A lack of spinal lesions in addition to the morphology of the lesions would tend to suggest they had arisen as a consequence of the blood-born spread of the infection from elsewhere in the body. It is also possible, however, that the rib lesions had resulted from the direct extension of the disease from the adjacent lungs, pleura or chest-wall lymphatic system (Mays et al. 2002, 27–8).
A circular lytic lesion, with a diameter of approximately 11 mm, was evident on the medial epicondyle of the left humerus. The elbow is frequently involved in skeletal tuberculosis, with the initial lesion developing in the humerus (Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martin 1998, 140). As such, it is quite possible this lesion was also related to tuberculosis.
A seventeenth-century young adult male (Burial 13) recovered during excavations at St. Stephen’s leprosarium, Dublin, displayed lesions compatible with tuberculosis although it was suggested that a diagnosis of actinomycosis should also be considered (Buckley and Hayden 2002, 167). At least six thoracic vertebrae displayed abscess cavities which opened onto the antero-lateral aspects of the bodies. A number of ribs displayed healed periosteal lesions, with destruction of the head and neck area having been evident in one rib. A metacarpo-phalangeal joint from the left hand displayed notable destruction of the articular surfaces (Buckley and Hayden 2002, 166–7).
Definite cases of tuberculosis have been identified in the palaeopathological record for Britain as far back as the Roman period. The number of cases identified within the palaeopathological record for Britain increases during the Medieval period, but its prevalence is still small-scale (Roberts and Buikstra 2003, 132–44). A gauge for the presence of the disease in Medieval and Early Modern times is the belief commonly held that the monarchy, as God’s Annointed, were imbued with supernatural powers of healing which were particularly effective for the treatment of the ulcerating lesions of tuberculous infection of the lymph nodes or scrofula. The monarch would touch the afflicted person, make a sign of the cross over them and give them a gold coin (Bloch 1973, 21 as quoted in Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín 1998, 128–9). As a result of this practice, tuberculosis commonly became referred to as the King or Queen’s Evil. The records of British gold coin payment indicate a relatively constant but low payment of coins from the eleventh century through to the sixteenth century, followed by a sharp increase in the early part of the seventeenth century from around 300 to 9000 annual payments (Ackerknecht 1972, 103 as quoted in Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín 1998, 129). It is generally believed that the demographic shift of people from dispersed rural settlements into overcrowded towns, in addition to the creation of unhygienic urban dairies, were largely responsible for this apparent explosion in tuberculous infection (Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín 1998, 129). By the early nineteenth century the annual tuberculosis mortality rate in Britain had peaked at approximately 400–500 deaths per 100,000 members of the population, making tuberculosis the most common cause of death by a single disease (Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín 1998, 130).
There are too few published cases of tuberculosis within the Irish palaeopathological record for trends to be observed concerning the epidemiology of the disease. In more recent documentary accounts, however, it would appear to be the case that the increase in prevalence of tuberculosis that occurred in Britain and many other parts of Europe had also occurred within Ireland.
Eighteenth-century Irish newspapers advertise medicines which cure diseases, including ‘the King’s Evil’ and ‘phthisis’. A single spoonful of the pectoral essence devised by Dr. Ryan of Cope Street, Dublin, allegedly cured Captain Peter McLoughlin of ‘galloping consumption with profuse bloodstained sputum’ (Fleetwood 1983, 111–12). Professor Henry MacCormac, a native of Co. Armagh and the Chair of Medicine in School of Medicine of the Royal Belfast Academical Institution, was a recognised specialist in tuberculosis. In 1855 he published a book entitled On the Nature of Consumption, in which he advocated the use of fresh air for the treatment of the disease. This approach became widely accepted as a means of combating the disease across the world, with the use of sanatoria designed to allow the patients access to clean, fresh air; it should be noted, however, that it was initially viewed as a waste of time by many of MacCormac’s contemporary doctors in England who criticised his work (Fleetwood 1983, 190)!
Mortality from tuberculosis was lower in Ireland during the 1860s and 1870s compared to England, Scotland and Wales, but levels of the disease steadily rose during the 1880s and 1890s. Ireland was one of the few developed countries in which death from tuberculosis was continuing to rise at the turn of the twentieth century. It was only during the 1950s that the rate of mortality from tuberculosis in Ireland had fallen to levels similar to those in other developed countries (Jones 2001, 2–3). Greta Jones has argued that the nineteenth and twentieth century tuberculosis epidemic in Ireland arose as a consequence of economic development. For Belfast and its hinterland she believes that industrialisation was responsible, whereas for Dublin she considers commercial rather than industrial development to have been the cause (Jones 2001, 82).
Medicine
Past medical treatments are generally poorly understood for Ireland although we do have some tantalising glimpses of medical intervention becoming apparent in the osteoarchaeological record for the Medieval period onwards. Trepanation–the removal of a roundel of bone from the cranium–is one of the most frequently identified surgical procedures within the archaeological record (Lisowski 1967, 653). Five forms of trepanation have been identified in archaeological human remains throughout the world. The trepanation can be undertaken by scraping (possibly using a piece of flint or a shell), gouging, boring and sawing (using a drill-like implement), sawing alone, and (those in which a small perforation is created) by using a drill (trephination) (Culebras 1993, 11). Lisowski (1967, 659) has summarised the motives behind trepanation operations into three categories. The operations may have been undertaken for a therapeutic reason to treat head injuries including fractures and scalp wounds. The trepanation could also have been carried out for magico-therapeutic motives whereby the cause of symptoms, such as headaches, neuralgia or epilepsy, may have been regarded as a consequence of possession by evil spirits. The third of Lisowski’s categories of motivation is magico-ritual, in which the trepanation was undertaken purely for ritual or magical purposes.
Ó Donnabháin (2003) had undertaken a recent survey of the evidence for trepanations and pseudotrepanations within the archaeological record for Ireland. One particularly impressive example of a Medieval trepanation, that was clearly undertaken within the context of surgical intervention, originated from the Church of St. Michael-Le-Pole in Dublin. The procedure had been undertaken on an adult left parietal, on the area directly overlying a branch of the middle meningeal artery, and an oval-shaped piece of bone had been detached. The perforation had cut through part of a linear depressed fracture, which appeared to have been caused by a blow from an implement with a blunt edge. Ó Donnabháin (2003, 85) postulated that the trepanation had been undertaken to alleviate symptoms that may have been arisen as a consequence of the traumatic injury. Two other features were evident on the ectocranial surface in the vicinity of the perforation–four linear incisions and three shallow, semi-circular grooves. The former were interpreted as having arisen during the cutting of the scalp, while the semi-circular grooves were believed to have been caused by the operator of the trepanation saw having failed to grip the bone during the early stages of the procedure (Ó Donnabháin 2003, 87). No signs of healing were apparent and it was concluded that the individual had died shortly after the procedure had taken place, presumably as a consequence of a fatal haemorrhage as a result of damage to the underlying branch of the middle meningeal artery or as a result of an overwhelming infection (Ó Donnabháin 2003, 88).
Moving forward in time to the nineteenth century Lynch (2002) has described evidence of medical procedures in the remains of three male individuals recovered from the graveyard associated with the church of St. John the Baptist in Sligo. In two of the cases the entire superior aspect (‘skull cap’) had been detached from the remainder of the cranium using a small, toothed, presumably metal saw. Care appears to have been taken not to damage the underlying brain and the procedures were interpreted as having occurred during the post-mortem examination of the bodies. Curiously, none of the other cut marks that might be expected to arise during the course of a post-mortem examination were apparent in either skeleton (Lynch 2002, 6). A male individual also displayed two circular, intersecting trepanations on his left parietal. The procedure appeared to have been undertaken using a trepanation saw. In a similar manner to the Medieval example described above a number of semi-circular grooves were evident adjacent to the perforations. No evidence of healing was apparent and it was considered probable that the procedures had either taken place just before the patient died or that they represent an attempt to learn how to use a trepanation saw by practicing on the cranium of a cadaver (Lynch 2002, 6).
Ó Baoill et al. (2002) reported a clear case of experimental surgery in a male cranium recovered from a Post-Medieval horizon at the corner of Hill Street and Waring Street in Belfast. Six circular perforations were visible on the frontal bone, while four were evident on the left parietal and a further example was visible on the right parietal. It was possible to ascertain that the perforations had been made using a trephine (a circular saw with a guiding central pin) since the aperture for the central pin was still visible in one case where the saw had not completely cut through the vault. An elongated opening associated with a perforation at the right coronal suture was interpreted as a botched trephination during which too much pressure had been applied to the cranium. The listings in the Belfast Street Directories of 1807/8 indicate that a number of physicians and surgeons had been living and working in Waring Street, and it was surmised that the cranium may have been used by one of these individuals for practicing trephination, a procedure that would clearly have required great skill to attain successful outcomes for the patients undergoing surgery.
Activity Markers
Specific published studies on activity markers within Irish populations are presently lacking. Evidence for one type of habitual behaviour–clay pipe smoking–has been identified in an increasing number of individuals in recent years. Clay pipe smoking would have been a habitual practice for many individuals living in Post-Medieval Ireland, in the wake of the introduction of tobacco from America in the late sixteenth century. A nineteenth century traveller to Ireland recorded with disapproval that all boys and many girls smoked from around 14 years of age onwards. The soothing effects of smoking were seen as beneficial by many doctors who prescribed it for all manner of illnesses (Danaher 1967, 66–7). The habit leaves its mark in human remains through the development of a characteristic concave wear pattern which can affect a number of teeth in an individual’s dentition. This phenomenon is known as ‘pipe-smoker’s clench’ and is due to habitual pipe-smoking and the clenching of a clay pipe between the teeth even when it is unlit (Channing and Buckley 1993). Murphy and McLaughlin (2005) provided an overview of the macroscopic and microscopic properties of three cases of pipe-smoker’s clench. Two of the examples had been recovered during excavations at Boho High Cross, Co. Fermanagh. The skull of an adult male, with an age-at-death of 25–35 years recovered from a charnel pit, displayed the characteristic concave wear patterns on his left maxillary central and lateral incisors. An extremely pronounced concave pattern of attrition was evident on the mesial side of a loose left maxillary canine. It is probable that the attrition would also have extended to the adjacent lateral incisor to form a notably pronounced semi-circular area of wear. The third case was particularly interesting since it was apparent in a 25–35 year old female recovered during excavations at Tonybaun cillín, Co. Mayo (Fig. 4.5). The wear had occurred on the maxillary left lateral incisor and canine. Only one concave wear pattern was apparent in the two complete crania discussed above but Channing and Buckley (1993) reported the case of an adult male recovered from Poolbeg Street in Dublin, in which the characteristic concave wear patterns were apparent at three locations in his maxillary dentition–between the right first and second incisors, the right canine and first premolar and the left second incisor and canine.
Figure 4.5: Evidence of pipe-smoker’s clench in the maxillary dentition of a female recovered during excavation at Tonybaun, Co. Mayo (Photo: E. Murphy).
Violence and Warfare
As with many geographical regions throughout the world there is much evidence for violence and warfaring practices among human remains from Ireland, particularly those of historical date. The following discussion will focus on a selection of cases for the purposes of illustrating a number of the different manifestations that violence has taken within the archaeological record for Ireland to date.
Individual Cases Within Cemetery Contexts
It is frequently the case that a normal cemetery population produces evidence for at least one individual who had met a violent death at the hands of another. It is generally impossible to associate such isolated cases to particular violent events but they can still provide us with a substantial amount of information concerning contemporary warfaring practices.
Excavation of the burial ground at Johnstown, Co. Meath, produced the remains of some 400 skeletons that dated from AD 400 to 1700. Four Medieval individuals displayed clear evidence of violently induced injuries, and details of three of these cases have been published (Fibiger 2005a; 2005b). A 36–45 year old male displayed a notably large ovoid-shaped blunt force injury, which may have arisen as a result of a blow from the rectangular butt end of a battle axe or the hilt of a sword, on his left anterior parietal and frontal. The margins of the injury were smooth and clear evidence of long standing healing was apparent. The other three individuals did not appear to have survived their violent incidents. A series of eight small transverse cut marks on the anterior aspect of the axis of an adult male indicated that his throat had been cut, possibly by someone positioned behind him, presumably during an ambush or surprise attack (Fibiger 200ba, 7). An 18–25 year old male displayed some 20 sharp force injuries on the bones of his head, neck, right shoulder and left hand. One, particularly large, injury would have sliced through the man’s right eye and cheek in a supero-inferior manner. None of the injuries displayed signs of healing and although the majority were dealt from a posterior position a number of anterior blows were visible. The individual also displayed os acromiale, which has been found in high frequencies among the remains of archers who died on board the Mary Rose ship (Stirland 2000, 121) as well as Schmorl’s nodes and degenerative changes of the spine. All of these lesions may be indicative that his back and right shoulder may have been subject to a high level of mechanical stress from an early age. It was postulated that Johnstown individual may have been a professional soldier who died during an organised warfaring event (Fibiger 2005b, 6–7).
A particularly poignant case of a Late Medieval/Post-Medieval individual whose remains displayed evidence of weapon injuries was recovered during excavation at Tonybaun cillín, Co. Mayo (Murphy 2004a). A series of blade injuries were evident in the cranium of a 25–35 year old female. The finding was particularly noteworthy since this individual was heavily pregnant when she died. Unfortunately, the cranium was in a poor state of preservation, with extensive fragmentation and surface erosion, and it is probable that the full extent of the injuries has not been ascertained. Nevertheless, at least three sharp force injuries were identified. An oblique blade injury, which extended for at least 50 mm across the superior aspects of the parietals, was visible. A glancing injury was present on the left side of the occipital adjacent to the external occipital protuberance, while a third possible blade injury was present at the midpoint of the poorly-preserved left parietal. The latter injury appeared to have been dealt by someone positioned in front of the woman, while the preceding injuries seem to have been dealt from above. Perhaps an initial blow had caused the woman to fall to the ground thereby enabling her assailant to deal two further blows while standing above her. No signs of healing were associated with any of the injuries. This case is particularly poignant and vividly illustrates the potential brutality of life in the past. No matter whom she was or what she had done to deserve such a violent death, it is clear that this heavily pregnant woman would have been particularly vulnerable and would have been a pathetically easy target for attack.
Mass Burials
Fibiger (2003) provided a summary of the injuries apparent in individuals retrieved from two mass graves of seventeenth century date and a number of other burial contexts at Carrickmines Castle, Co. Dublin. The remains of at least 17 individuals aged between three and 45 years of age were recovered from the mass graves. A total of seven of the articulated and one disarticulated fragment of cranium displayed evidence of weapon trauma that appeared to have been made during the peri-mortem period. A further 13 adults and sub-adults, whose remains were in a disarticulated condition, were recovered from a variety of contexts on the site; three of the disarticulated fragments displayed sharp force trauma. None of the injuries identified at Carrickmines displayed evidence of healing. A total of 13 sharp force and a single blunt force injury were identified among the entire crania. The sharp force cranial injuries displayed a variety of alignments and locations which tended to suggest that they had been dealt from a number of different positions–behind, in front, from the side or from above. Two of the post-cranial injuries appeared to have been defence wounds, attained when the victim attempted to shield his/ her face or upper body from attack. Fibiger (2003, 5) concluded that the age and sex profile of the individuals, the nature of their burial context in addition to the types of injuries present was more characteristic of an attack or massacre as opposed to formal combat. She related the characteristics of the human remains to historical accounts pertaining to the final destruction of the castle in 1642 that record the indiscriminate killing of men, women and children by English forces.
Disarticulated Remains from Non-cemetery Contexts
A human cranium recovered in isolation during excavation of a ditch associated with one of the trians of Medieval Armagh displayed signs of decapitation (Gilmore and Murphy 2001). The cranium was that of a 25–35 year old male and clear evidence of sharp force trauma was visible on its left side. The principal injury appeared to have been caused by a single sweeping blow, and the morphology and direction of the sword cut indicates that it had probably been dealt by an individual positioned to the left of the victim. The damage caused by this blow was more defined towards the back of the cranium, in the region of the left mastoid process and the occipital bone, and a probable terminal fracture was also visible on the left cheek bone. It is possible, therefore, that the weapon had initially impacted on the back of the individual’s head before it swept forward, cutting through the uppermost part of the mandible and the cheek. As a consequence, the man would have been partially decapitated. The absence of the skeleton and the post-mortem loss of half of the maxillary teeth suggest that the individual’s head had become separated from the body at some stage following death. Various explanations have been proposed to explain the occurrence of decapitated individuals in archaeological contexts. It is generally accepted that these individuals would have been decapitated for punitive reasons, as a human sacrifice, or for the purposes of obtaining the head of a vanquished enemy as a trophy in warfare.
Ó Donnabháin (1995a) has reported disarticulated remains that represented at least four male individuals and were recovered from excavations at Isolde’s Tower and Essex Street West, both of which are located along the Medieval walls of Dublin. The remains comprised fragments of three skulls, cervical vertebrae and parts of a right and left arm from two separate individuals. All three of the crania displayed weapon injuries; the nature of the injuries in two of the cases was characteristic of decapitation. In the case of the decapitation from Isolde’s Tower only the mandible was recovered. This displayed a sharp force trauma at its right gonial angle, suggesting that the blow had been dealt from behind the individual. The second case was retrieved from Essex Street West and the cranium was associated with four cervical vertebrae. A glancing blade injury was visible on the right mastoid process of the cranium and three sharp force injuries were visible on the fourth cervical vertebra, which appear to have resulted in the man’s decapitation. The fatal blow appeared to have been dealt from either in front or from the left side (Ó Donnabháin 1995b, 118).
The third cranium was recovered from Isolde’s Tower and displayed a glancing sharp force injury on the right parietal, a possible peri-mortem fracture of the right zygomatic and a fracture of the maxillary right first premolar were apparent (Ó Donnabháin and Cosgrave 1994, 103). These injuries were interpreted as an indication that the man may have been severely beaten prior to his death. The disarticulated nature of the remains, the signs of violence and decapitation and the context of their discovery led to their interpretation as the remains of severed heads and limbs from executed individuals that had been displayed on the city walls (Ó Donnabháin 1995a, 14). The presence of a small nick on the inner surface of the lamina of the left side of the atlas of the decapitated individual from Essex Street West was interpreted as possible evidence that the head had been mounted on a sharp instrument. In addition, the occurrence of localised crushing of the external vault during the post-mortem period was considered to be a possible indication that the cranium had been subject to rough treatment during the intervening period between the individual’s decapitation and its final deposition (Ó Donnabháin 1995b, 119). This interpretation finds further support in historical documents and contemporary artistic depictions which indicate that particularly serious offences, including regicide and high treason, carried a sentence of being hung, drawn and quartered. The executed individual’s head and quarters would have been mounted on the city walls and gates (Ó Donnabháin 1995a, 13).
The situation with regard to the individual from Armagh is less straightforward to interpret, largely since the cranium has been recovered in isolation from any other human remains. In addition, the sharp force trauma apparent on the cranium appears to have been delivered from the side and since it comprised a single blow it is possible that it was attained during an affray rather than as a consequence of deliberate execution. Nevertheless, the discovery of the cranium in isolation from the remainder of the individual’s skeleton and its recovery from a ditch associated with one of the boundaries of Medieval Armagh does not preclude the possibility that the individual’s head had been displayed following his violent death.
Diet
The morphological analysis of human skeletal remains has the potential to yield much information concerning past diets and economies. This type of analysis is now being increasingly augmented with data derived from the analysis of the carbon and nitrogen isotope composition of an individual’s bones (e.g. Schulting 1998). Power (1993; 1994) undertook two synthesis studies, which included some 1000 individuals, of the health and diet of prehistoric and historic populations from Ireland. One particularly informative aspect of this research was a review of dental caries’ rates across time (Fig. 4.6). The cariogenic qualities of a particular diet are determined by the proportion of readily metabolised carbohydrates it contains. Other variables involved in dietary cariogenicity includes the textures of the foods and the population’s daily pattern of consumption. Clinical studies have indicated that the most cariogenic foodstuffs are those which are sticky in texture, contain high levels of simple sugars and are consumed frequently throughout the day. The presence of foods which have a rough texture, or the existence of abrasive particles in the diet, does not readily promote the development of caries since natural oral cleaning is stimulated (Powell 1985, 314). It is generally found that agriculturists display greater frequencies of carious teeth than non-agriculturists or those relying on mixed economies (Leigh 1925, 195).
Figure 4.6: Neck caries in the mandibular dentition of a Post-Medieval female retrieved during excavation at Tonybaun, Co. Mayo (Photo: E. Murphy).
Power reported that out of 1,534 Neolithic teeth included in the study none were found to have displayed caries, while only 0.7% (5/675) of Bronze Age teeth displayed the lesions. Caries frequencies were notably higher during the succeeding Iron Age (4.4%: 18/414), Early Christian (3.9%: 71/1843) and Medieval (4.2%: 184/4334) periods, although it is interesting that the prevalences remained fairly constant throughout these periods (Power 1993, 10; Power 1994, 101). By the Post-Medieval period the situation appeared to have dramatically changed and the prevalence of caries amongst Irish populations had doubled to 8.7% (59/676) (Power 1994, 101). Power surmised that the Neolithic diet had probably been low in carbohydrates and been largely meat-based, possibly having been derived from a combination of hunting and early animal husbandry. The slightly increased prevalence of caries during the Bronze Age was considered to indicate that cereals had entered the Irish diet during the time, although it is probable that animal husbandry was still the predominant economy (Power 1993, 15). She interpreted the notable increase in prevalence of caries during the Iron Age to Medieval times as an indication of an increased reliance of cereals, a trend which remained fairly constant until Post-Medieval times when the diet quite dramatically became increasingly more cariogenic. She postulated that the diet during the Iron Age, Early Christian and Medieval periods may have been mixed, containing cereals, meats and milk products in almost equal proportions (Power 1994, 101–2). It would appear to be the case that by Post-Medieval times there was a notably greater consumption of cereals or at least a greater consumption of cereals in a sticky, porridge-like form that was conducive to the development of caries.
Conclusions
The objective of this paper has been to provide an overview of the study of human osteoarchaeology within an Irish context, in addition to providing an introduction to a number of the main methodologies involved in this analysis at present. The majority of the text, however, has concentrated on why the study of Irish human remains is of importance. A series of themes of interest to osteoarchaeologists, archaeologists and the interested lay person alike have been selected. These case studies have provided an introduction to the huge amount of information concerning past health and disease, medical practices, habitual activities, violence and warfare and diet that can be gained from the study of archaeological human skeletal remains. It is evident that the greatest amount of information can be gained about past populations by adopting a biocultural approach whereby the osteoarchaeological evidence is not studied in isolation but rather in conjunction with the historical and archaeological information relating to a particular site. By using such an approach it is possible, for example, to identify and interpret unusual populations, such as those in cilliní or ecclesiastical burial grounds.
Human osteoarchaeology within Ireland is still progressing and there is great potential for the development of collaborative synthesis projects between specialists working on the island. In addition, as more specialised biomolecular techniques, such as aDNA and stable isotope analysis, have developed they have been incorporated into research projects involving Irish skeletal remains. It is envisaged that this type of research will produce many interesting results which will help augment the morphological analyses that have been undertaken on the many 1,000s of archaeological skeletons recovered from excavations on the island to date.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Dr. Colm Donnelly, School of Geography, Archaeology and Palaeoecology, Queen’s University Belfast, for his comments on an earlier draft of the text. I am also grateful to Prof. Don Brothwell, Department of Archaeology, University of York, for reviewing the paper. Thanks are also due to Ms. Libby Mulqueeny, School of Geography, Archaeology and Palaeoecology, Queen’s University Belfast, for preparing Figure 4.1 and Mr. Tony Corey, Environment and Heritage Service, DOE: NI, for taking Figure 4.3.
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