Ensuring happiness in the afterlife
Gabriela Ingle
To the memory of Aelia Secundula. We all have already spent much, as is right, on the burial, but we have decided furthermore to put up a stone dining chamber where Mother Secundula rests, wherein we may recall the many wonderful things she did, while the loaves, the cups, the cushions are set out, so as to assuage the sharp hurt that eats at our hearts. While the hour grows late, gladly will we revisit our tales about our virtuous mother, and our praises of her, while the old lady sleeps, she who nourished us and lies forever here in sober peace. She lived 72 years. Dated by the province’s year 260 [CE 299]. Statulenia Iulia set up [the memorial].1
At the end of the third century CE Statulenia Iulia buried her mother, Aelia Secundula, in Satafis, North Africa, and dedicated to her an inscribed funerary monument (quoted above). The epitaph informs us that Statulenia installed a permanent stone table at her mother’s grave where the family held meals in her memory. These included reciting stories about Aelia Secundula, and praising her for all the good things she had done. The memorial to Aelia Secundula is not a unique example of Roman devotion to the dead. The Romans placed a lot of emphasis on their funerary culture: from grand mausolea, elaborately decorated sarcophagi and painted tombs, to smaller scale grave stones, memorials, altars, and even simple inscriptions and grave goods; all evidence of the desire to preserve the memory of the deceased. In addition, cemeteries, tombs and graves were equipped with dining installations and paraphernalia intended to supply the dead with all necessary provisions: memorial meals and libations.
The significance of dining practices can also be deduced from the many convivial scenes that have been preserved in Roman tombs and catacombs. As the images are most often placed centrally within the decorations we may assume that they played an important role, or carried a significant message for the tombs’ owners. Various interpretations of the scenes have been provided to date, but scholarship has never focused on the role of the images of collective dining, and why the Romans used such a motif on their funerary monuments (e.g. Jastrzębowska, 1979; Ghedini, 1990; Amedick, 1991; Dunbabin, 2003; Jensen, 2008). It would seem that some scenes were designed to illustrate commemorative meals, while others portrayed Elysian picnics. But what was the purpose of decorating the tombs and gravestones with convivial images? What was the function of such decoration? One reason, of course, would be to preserve the memory of the deceased – represented as dining in the afterlife. But what about the convivial images depicting living relatives commemorating the deceased? It is evident that the decoration was placed (in the majority of cases) inside the tombs, visible only to small, closed groups of people. In such a case, who was intended to view these convivial scenes?
This chapter will investigate the dining scenes that represent commemorative meals as they not only reflected certain beliefs in the afterlife, but also carried an important commemorative function themselves. It is worth beginning with one of the more recently known richly decorated tombs from the City of Rome, the tomb of Vibia and Vincentius on the Via Appia Antica, as its decoration contains two different types of dining scenes: an Elysian picnic, and a depiction of a refrigerium.
In the 1750s, during extensive exploration and plundering of the Roman catacombs intended to recover early Christian relics, Giovanni Gaetano Bottari came across a small fourth-century CE hypogeum that contained arcosolia (arched niches containing graves) decorated with some unusual features for Christian repertoire. As the complex was connected to the famous catacomb of St Callixtus, Bottari assumed that it must have belonged to Christian owners (Ferrua, 1971, p. 7). Soon after, the Vatican officials, who had sponsored the explorations, realized Bottari’s mistake and had the corridor leading to the hypogeum sealed up in order to prevent any further investigation of the pagan tombs (MacMullen, 2009, p. 74). The hypogeum was re-discovered in the late 1840s, proclaimed as ‘syncretistic’, and the images decorating several of its tombs were interpreted as illustrating gnostic and mystery beliefs (Ferrua, 1971, p. 16–24).
This funerary complex in now known as the hypogeum of Vibia, though Vibia’a own tomb is situated in a small arcosolium carved into one of the galleries’ walls. The arcosolium was also intended for Vincentius, Vibia’s husband and priest of the eastern god Sabazius, about whom we are informed by the inscription painted above the niche:
Here you see the peaceful harbour of Vincentius. Many have preceded me and I await you all. Eat, drink, be merry and come to me. As long as you are alive, do good. You can bring this with you. The priest of Sabazius, Vincentius, is here, who practiced the sacred rites with devotion.2
Despite the small size of the tomb it became well known due to its elaborate decoration depicting four separate scenes, two of which contain multiple mythological figures (see Figure 5.1). The scenes are arranged in chronological order: the left wall contains a depiction of the kidnap of Vibia (ABREPTIO VIBIES): Dis Pater and Vibia are depicted in the style of a well-known funerary representation of the abduction of Proserpine, but, this time, an inscription clearly states that the victim is Vibia herself. Mercury, depicted on the right, holds the horses’ harness and leads the chariot to the underworld (DISCENSIO). The ceiling of the arcosolium is decorated with images depicting the judgment of the dead with DIS PATER and AERACURA, who were the Gallic chthonic gods equivalent to Pluto and Proserpine (Jufer and Luginbühl, 2001, p. 40–45; King, 2013, p. 2155–6). Vibia stands together with ALCESTIS, the deceased wife of the mythological king Admetus. The women have been brought to the judgement by Mercury the Messenger (MERCURIUS NUNTIUS) while the Three Fates (FATA DIVINA) stand on the other side of the composition.
The scene that decorates the rear wall of the niche portrays Vibia as, first, entering Elysium (INDUCTIO) together with the ANGELUS BONUS on the left and, eventually, resting on a stibadium (an elongated, half-moon-shaped cushion) amongst the BONORUM IUDICIO IUDICATI (‘those judged by the judgement of the righteous’) who all wear circlets of flowers on their heads (Dunbabin, 2003, p. 190). The wall on the right is decorated with another dining scene, this time with seven pious priests (SEPTEM PII SACERDOTES), with Vincentius among them (see Figure 5.2). Three of the priests wear Phrygian hats, which accentuate their eastern provenance. The diners also rest on a stibadium, though the couch is not situated in a flowery meadow; plentiful food and garlands above the diners emphasise the opulence of the celebratory meal.
Figure 5.1 The kidnap of Vibia (left), and the Judgement of Vibia (notice the mistake in Aeracura’s name made by the 19th-century illustrator)
Adapted from: Palmer, Northcote and Brownlow, 1885, Plate Y, a and c
The decoration, which allegorically represents Vibia’s premature death, the judgement of her soul, and her happy existence in Elysium clearly reflects certain Greco-Roman afterlife beliefs. These motifs were represented commonly in funerary art: for instance, in the early third century CE decoration of the Hypogeum of Octavii on the Via Triumphalis; in the late second century Tomb on the Via Portuense which is now on display in the Museo Nazionale Delle Terme in Rome; in the mid-second century Tomb of the Nasonii, or in the famous early third century so-called Persepine Sarcophagus, which was probably re-used for the burial of Charlemagne in 814. Visions of the Greek afterlife were also included in several literary works [e.g. Plutarch, fr.178 (Sandbach); Virgil, Aeneid 6. 743–4; Tibullus I.3.58–66; Ovid, Amores 3.9.59–61; Lucian, On Funerals 7; Synesius, Hymn 3: To the Father and Son 37; Claudian, Raptu Proserpinae II.307–26]. Despite some scholarly opinion that sources such as Virgil or Ovid did not reflect Roman belief in the afterlife, but were used solely for poetic effect (Tolman, 1910, p. 104; Zarker, 1961), references to Elysium are also found in some less poetic funerary inscriptions (e.g. CIL VI 23295; CIL IX 3968; CIL X 6785; or CIL XII 2124). The existence of belief in the Greek afterlife is also documented through certain archaeological finds, such as the Orphic gold tablets, of which at least one dated to ca. 260 CE was found in Rome (Bernabé and San Christóbal, 2008, pp. 133–136).
Figure 5.2 Elysian picnic with Vibia (left) and commemorative meal with Vincentius (right)
Adapted from: Palmer, Northcote and Brownlow, 1885, Plate Y, d and b
Due to the popularity of Greek visions of the afterlife circulating in the Roman world, Roman eschatological beliefs have often been diminished by scholars as simple copies of Greek ideas (e.g. Gwyn Griffiths, 1991, p. 95), although the variety of sources indicates that at least some Romans believed in the happy existence of souls in the Netherworld, and, as pointed out by Charles W. King (1998, p. 125–135), they viewed the afterlife in their own Roman way. As stated by Valerie Hope (2007, p. 210), it is impossible to establish exact Roman beliefs in the afterlife as the ideas varied according to one’s origin, social status and/or religion. Hope (p. 211) continues:
Everyone did not believe the same things and some people may have given little thought to what they did believe. Nevertheless, a relationship existed between the living and the dead which placed a burden of responsibility with the living. The dead needed to be treated with respect and buried properly; the dead needed to rest secure; and ideally, the dead needed to be honoured and remembered.
One of the strongest aspects of Roman belief in the afterlife was the idea of the everlasting connection between the worlds of the dead and the living, and the mutual effect the two strata had on each other. In other words, the dead could influence the world of the living and vice versa. Therefore, the Romans developed a complex set of mortuary customs, festivals for the dead and commemorative rites that were intended not only to strengthen the worship of the dead, but also to preserve the souls of the deceased in the afterlife, and in return the dead would not trouble the living (e.g. Scheid, 1984; Février, 1996; King, 1998; Rebillard, 2003; Spera, 2005; Dolansky, 2011).
This takes us to the second dining scene from the arcosolium of Vibia; the convivium of Vincentius and his fellow priests. Although the picnic scene with Vibia undoubtedly depicts an Elysian feast, there is no consensus as to the interpretation of the convivial scene featuring Vincentius. On the one hand it has been suggested that because the main inscription refers to Vincentius as the deceased, the meal should also be understood as alluding to an event held in the afterlife (Dunbabin, 2003, p. 190; Casagrande-Kim, 2012, p. 167). On the other hand, the iconographical differences between the two convivial images (i.e. the meal scene with priests is not set in an outdoor scenery and the priests do not wear circlets of flowers on their heads) may indicate that the dining scene with Vincentius is a depiction of a funerary meal organized by Vincentius to honour his wife (Jastrzębowska, 1979, p. 66–67).
The latter interpretation appears more plausible as the decoration was commissioned by Vincentius himself, and the unity of the composition and style demonstrates that the meal scene with seven priests was also included in the original plan. Therefore, it is more likely that Vincentius intended to depict himself as commemorating his wife in the company of his colleagues, rather than as the deceased. If, however, the decoration was commissioned after Vincentius’s death, his family would more likely have asked for him to be portrayed as dining in paradise together with his beloved wife. In addition, the inscriptions on the picnic scene with Vibia present her among those that have been judged, which indicate that the client (i.e. Vincentius) decided to subtitle the painting to avoid any doubts regarding the convivium represented. The dining scene with Vincentius, on the contrary, does not contain such inscriptions (Vincentius is not represented as entering Elysium, nor are the diners those who have been judged), which would suggest that the understanding of this convivial scene was more obvious to the viewer and, excepting the presentation of the diners as seven priests, the labels were not essential. For that reason, it is possible that the Elysian picnic with Vibia was not based on any well-known theme in funerary decoration in Vincentius’s region and time – in fact, the last known Elysian picnic scene before Vibia’s, decorated an early third century CE tomb situated near Columbarium 1 of Vigna Codini in Rome (Jastrzębowska, 1979, p. 36, no. XXII). By contrast, the meal with Vincentius belonged to a more common (and more easily recognisable) repertoire, and similar scenes can be found in many cubicula in Roman tombs (e.g. in the mid/late third century CE cubicula A3, A5 and A6 in the catacomb of St Callixtus; in the late third century Capella Greca in the catacomb of Priscilla; in early fourth century cubiculum 16 in the Coemeterium Maius; in the late third/early fourth century cubicula 13 and 14 in the catacomb of Saints Peter and Marcellinus; or, on the lid of the late third century sarcophagus of Baebia Hertofile which is now in the Museo Nazionale Romano). Therefore, it is evident that the two dining scenes in the arcosolium of Vibia were intended to represent two different types of meals – one Elysian, and the other earthly.
The dining scene with Vincentius was most likely designed to represent a refrigerium – a commemorative rite that was intended to refresh the soul of the deceased in the afterlife and ensure its peaceful existence in the world of the dead. The rite is well known from epigraphic material found in Roman tombs and catacombs (e.g. the inscription from the Hypogeum of the Aurelii: ICUR VIII 20798 in Jastrzębowska, 2012, p. 60, or the graffiti in the Memoria Apostolorum in the triclia region in the catacomb of St Sebastian: Jastrzębowska, 1981, p. 67–92 and 194; Eastman, 2011, p. 72–75).
The term itself (refrigerium interim) was adopted by Alfred Stuiber (1957, p. 55) from the work of Tertullian (De Monogamia, 10.5) to describe the blissful state in which the soul of the deceased awaits its resurrection into Heaven. Refrigeria, interpreted as commemorative meals, have been especially associated with the Christian faith based on several graffiti discovered in the Memoria Apostolorum mentioned above. However, not all of the six-hundred graffiti discovered in the triclia refer to Christian commemoration and some of them indicate the pagan cult of the dead (Guarducci, 1986, p. 813). Epigraphic evidence from the third and fourth centuries CE indicates that the refrigeria were also commonly offered by collegia in memory of deceased members (e.g. AE 1990, 0396).
The belief in the soul seeking eternal refreshment was well embodied in ancient funerary culture – evident from the common tradition of performing libations at graves (e.g. Bernabé and San Cristóbal, 2008, p. 29–35; Fevrier, 1996, p. 261–262). Several funerary epitaphs (e.g. CIL VI 5601; CIL VI 13224; CIL XI 4342), or even multiple inscriptions on gold-glass vessels (e.g. Morey, 1959, no. 36) confirm the hope that the soul of the deceased will be well nourished in the afterlife. The idea of the shades feeling eternal thirst is also known from classical Roman literature (e.g. Propertius 4.5.2). Therefore, the refrigeria, which had been previously recognized as Christian commemorative meals, were in fact a shared practice and a common aspect of the Roman cult of the dead.
The funerary epitaphs referring to the state of refrigerium in the afterlife often confirm the belief that the soul of the deceased is refreshed and is at peace (e.g. benemerenti in pace et in refrigerium –’well deserving in peace and in the state of refreshment’, anima dulcis in refrigerio – ‘sweet soul in rest’, privata dulcis in refrigerio et in pace – ‘sweet Privata in rest and peace’: Cabrol, Leclerq and Marrou, 1907–1953, vol. 14.2, p. 2179–2190). In many instances the inscriptions express the belief that such refreshment would be provided by God, e.g. Antonia anima dulcis in pace tibi deus refrigerit – ‘the sweet soul of Antonia refreshed in you, God’, or semper refrigeris im pace dei – ‘forever refreshed in God’s peace’. This particular belief must, therefore, have been popular among the early Christians, yet even though they believed in God’s refreshment, archaeological evidence confirms the popularity of offering libations for the dead during the refrigeria organised on several occasions throughout the year (Saxer, 1980, p. 53–55; De Santis, 2000, p. 240–241).
Thus, it appears that the term refrigerium may reflect both commemorative offerings held by family/friends for the deceased and martyrs, understood as the bereaved bringing refreshments to the dead, and also the celestial state of refreshment which hopefully awaits the deceased in the afterlife (Hofmann, 2011). It is also likely that the rite was performed by the family and friends of the deceased during a meal held in honour of the dead, which eventually adopted the name refrigerium.
As discussed earlier, the dining scene with Vincentius is not a unique representation of a refrigerium in a Roman funerary context. The scenes of refrigeria appeared in Rome at the beginning of the third century CE, alongside the development of the rite itself. All of the scenes portray several diners resting on stibadia couches with food displayed either on platters in front of them or in multiple baskets on both sides of the couches. The diners are often served by one or two attendants; additional depictions of trees or sundials indicate that the meals are held outdoors, though never in flowery meadows, and the diners are never represented as wearing flowery circlets on their heads, which distinguish these scenes from depictions of Elysian picnics (such as, for instance, the scene in the late second century CE hypogeum of Crispia Salvia in Sicily: Dunbabin, 2003, p.130). In many cases these scenes portray refrigeria organized by collegia, as, for instance, in columbarium 31 in the Via Laurentina Necropolis in Ostia (Dunbabin, 2003, p. 128), or in cubiculum 13 in the catacomb of Saints Peter and Marcellinus (Jastrzębowska, 1979, p. 28, no. XXI).
As previously stated, although there has been considerable discussion of the meaning of particular convivial scenes in Roman tombs, the function of this particular form of funerary decoration as a whole has been overlooked by scholars. Surely, there must have been a reason why anyone would want to represent a funerary meal or collegia meetings on their tombs. One reason, of course, would be to demonstrate the generosity of the sponsors of such meals. However, it is essential to stress here that in almost all cases the decoration was placed inside the tomb and was visible only to a small, select group of people, therefore the question of the ‘demonstration’ of activities or generosity remains. Who was intended to view these images?
Perhaps, it is worth considering once again the decorations’ funerary context. As outlined above, along with the development of this particular type of convivial representation came a specific rite of commemoration of the dead: the refrigeria, which were intended to provide nourishment for the deceased in order that their souls could exist peacefully in the afterlife. It is, therefore, likely that at least some of the representations of convivial events found in Roman tombs performed a similar function; they were intended to reassure the deceased that such rites were being performed for them.
Alternatively, some dining scenes could have been designed as a substitute for the rite itself. If, for instance, the figures of pygmies were understood in the Roman world as possessing some apotropaic qualities (Meyboom and Versluys, 2007, pp. 170–208), which clearly points to the ‘power’ of the images (Freedberg, 1989, pp. 283–316), perhaps some scenes of diners honouring the dead were intended to perform the duties of the relatives during periods when an actual commemoration could not take place? In Antiquity images were understood as bearing special properties. This is a well-documented phenomenon, as can be seen, for instance, from the magical and apotropaic medallions and amulets worn by the living, and eventually placed in graves in order to protect the dead (Denzel-Lewis, 2017; Nuzzo, 2000), or the late antique Christian destruction of the ‘wicked’ images of ancient gods that were believed to have been possessed by demons (Sauer, 2003, pp. 64–69; Stewart, 1999).
A symbolic reading of certain religious images, for example, can be observed in Mithraic representations of tauroctony (Faraone, 2013). Archaeological evidence neither confirms nor denies that a sacrifice of a bull was indeed performed by the followers of Mithras during their meetings (Elsner, 1995, pp. 210–221), therefore the portrayal of a male figure slaying a bull should be understood as a symbolic reference to the world of the gods rather than as a realistic event. Perhaps we can even read the image as a substitute for an actual ceremony as the representation of a divine sacrifice had even more power than an offering performed by people. Archaeological evidence suggests that the images of tauroctony were worshipped, which clearly indicates their powerful attributes (Elsner, 1995, p. 212).
It is, therefore, possible that the convivial images from Roman tombs were indeed perceived as possessing some special power, especially if we consider their connection with the world of the manes. As argued by Jensen (2004, p. 47), ‘[images] do not mean only one thing; they encompass the depth and richness of meaning attached to any idea or symbol’. In this case, the idea of the afterlife was visible not only in the images representing the Elysian fields, but also in the convivial scenes of the diners as symbolic or actual representations of those who met regularly to commemorate their deceased and offer libations, because that was their duty and the only way to ensure that the departed rest in peace. But the commemoration was not guaranteed forever – when both immediate family and their relatives die, who is responsible for observing the rites? Perhaps this was the main function of at least some of the convivial scenes – to endure, thus ensuring the everlasting salvation of the departed souls. If this were the case, the decoration was intended for the dead, to reassure them that the rites were being performed.
This function is perhaps best documented in the decoration of early Christian cubicula. Looking at the images from early Christian graves from the third and fourth centuries one can clearly observe that some of the biblical scenes depicted on both tombs and sarcophagi were more popular than others. The Old Testament representations that appeared most often were scenes from the life of Jonah, Noah in the Ark, Abraham and Isaac, Moses striking the rock, three youths in the fiery furnace, Daniel in the lions’ den and Susanna between the elders. The most popular New Testament images depicted the miracles performed by Jesus, such as curing the paralytic, resurrecting Lazarus, multiplying bread and fish or changing water into wine at the wedding in Cana. In the fourth century the common depiction of Moses striking the rock was often replaced by a similar composition with either Saint Paul or Saint Peter in prison performing a miracle in front of fellow prisoners (e.g. Paul on the sarcophagus of Lucius Marcus Claudianus from Rome: Deichmann, 1967, p. 317, no. 771; Peter on the famous Podgoritza plate: Finney, 1994, p. 285). It is evident that the depicted biblical stories share one soteriological (and eschatological) theme, which is salvation through faith in God (Finney, 1994, p. 283).
What is more, the earliest known written example of a Christian funerary formula, which has been preserved since antiquity, also mentions the same biblical heroes. The prayer, known as Orationis sup. Defunctu vel comendatio animae (‘The Prayer for the Dead or the Commendation of the Souls’) comes from a mid-eighth century Sacramentary of Gellone and repeats the phrase ‘Lord, save the soul of [name] as you saved . . .’ and lists Noah, Elijah, Moses, Job, Daniel, the three youths, Jonah, Susanna, Peter and Paul.3 The stories of Elijah and Job also appeared in Christian funerary decoration, for instance, in cubicula B and C in the Hypogeum of Via Dino Compagni, but no earlier than the fourth century. The function of representing biblical images on early Christian mortuary monuments and chanting the stories of the biblical heroes who were saved by God is exactly the same – to emphasize the salvation of the soul through faith (Jensen, 2000, p. 71).
Hence, it is likely that a similar formula for a funerary prayer existed as early as the third or fourth century and eventually developed into the known invocation included in the eighth century Sacramentary of Gellone (Finney, 1994, p. 282–284). It would be tempting to suggest that a Christian funerary prayer might have developed even earlier and led to the popularity of the representation of certain images on mortuary monuments. This is eminently plausible as the Christian formula itself most likely originated from a much older Jewish prayer called Mi she-’ana (Schüler, 1966, p. 58). The Jewish prayer was formed from repeated verses of ‘May he who answered XX answer us!’, where XX stands for all biblical figures, whose prayers had received a positive response from God (Solomon, 2015, p. 284). It would, therefore, be possible that Christians adopted not only the formula of the prayer, but also some Jewish iconography relevant to the text (Lietzmann, 1961, p. 143).
Also of relevance is the so-called Podgoritza plate mentioned above, which is decorated with a set of biblical figures (Adam and Eve, Lazarus, St Peter, Daniel, three youths in the fiery furnace, Susanna, and the cycle of Jonah encircling the central medallion with Abraham and Isaac) and accompanied by relevant inscriptions: ‘Jonah is saved from the stomach [of a whale]’, ‘Adam and Eve’, ‘Lord saves Lazarus’, ‘Peter strikes [the rock with] a stick and the springs begin to flow’, ‘Daniel [is saved] from the lions’ den’, ‘three youths [are saved] from the fiery furnace’ and ‘Susanna [is saved] from false accusations’.4 The similarities between the inscriptions on the Podgoritza plate and the passage from the Sacramentary of Gellone indicate that the text of the eighth century prayer could indeed have been based on much earlier invocations, while the decoration of the plate itself could be understood as ‘the missing link’ between them (Finney, 1994, p. 284–285; Hoxha, 2009).
Figure 5.3 From the left: scene of sacrifice, convivium, Abraham and Isaac. Cubiculum A3, Catacomb of Saint Callixtus
Adapted from: Bisconti, 2009, p. 21, fig. 11
Therefore, viewing the biblical scenes found in an early Christian funerary context as visual representations of funerary prayers, it is also possible to consider them as performing a soteriological function intended to substitute for actual prayers when required. This is especially evident in the decoration of cubiculum A3 in the catacomb of St Callixtus, which contains a scene of a refrigerium flanked by two scenes representing sacrifices: one with two orants standing on either side of a three-legged table to the left of the meal, and one with Abraham and Isaac depicted as orants surrounded by a small flock of sheep to the right (see Figure 5.3). The latter representation is unusual and must have been specifically commissioned to match the sacrifice scene on the left. In contrast, the scene on the left presents a moment of actual sacrifice although, since the image combines fish and bread, it is unlikely that it was intended to represent the rite of Eucharist, as, according to the early Church Fathers, the Eucharist consisted of bread and wine (e.g. Justin Martyr, First Apology 65; Irenaeus, Adversus haereses 5.2.3). Therefore, bearing in mind the sepulchral setting for the images, the offering rather reflects a funerary sacrifice. The fact that the scene of the sacrifice and the dining scene portray the same kind of food (fish and bread) strengthens a potential link between the two images: the food offered during a funerary rite is then consumed during a collective meal. Perhaps we can read the images from left to right: ‘we sacrifice this food to God, we dine to commemorate the dead (offer refrigerium), God, please save their souls as you saved Isaac’. Thus, the dining scene can be considered as a symbolic representation of a funerary rite (refrigerium) that was designed to stand for the commemoration of the dead when the rituals were not actually observed. The owners of the tombs had to observe regular rites in order to ensure a happy afterlife for the deceased as long as the tomb was in use. However, we should view the biblical and convivial scenes as being intended to last beyond the actual practices, as substitutes for prayer and commemoration when the living were not able to observe rites for the dead. They could, thus, guarantee everlasting happiness in the afterlife: as long as the images exist the prayer and commemoration is ensured, and the souls of the dead will remain safe in the world of the dead.
It is possible to view the convivial scene with Vincentius as a demonstration of Vincentius’ devotion to his prematurely deceased wife and his belief that Vibia is worthy of being in Elysium. But her everlasting happiness in the Netherworld may only be ensured through the preservation of her memory, the libation rites intended to nourish her soul, and the annual commemoration of her name and deeds: the same rites that the family of Aelia Secundula observed in order to honour their mother. There is no way of guessing how long Vincentius lived and for how many years he commemorated his wife in the annual offerings for the manes. However, it is likely that the image of Vincentius dining was intended to help him in this duty as it shows Vincentius, in the company of his fellow priests, while he was commemorating his wife. As long as the image remained Vibia would be remembered and her soul would happily exist in the afterlife.
1 CIL VIII 20277= ILCV 1570: Memor(i)ae Aeliae Secundulae / funeri multa quid(e)m condigna iam misimus omnes / insuper ar(a)equ(e) depose Secundulae matri / lapideam placuit nobis ad ponere mensam / in qua magna eius memorantes plurima facta / dum cibi ponuntur calicesq(ue) et co(o)pert(ur)ae / vulnus ut sanetur nos rod(ens) pectore saevum / libenter fabul(as) dum sera red(d)imus hora / castae matri bonae laudesq(ue) vetula dormit / ipsa q(uae) nutri(i)t iaces et sobra es semper / v(ixit) a(nnos) LXXV a(nno) p(rovinciae) CCLX Statulenia Iulia fe / cit (tr. MacMullen, 2009, p.58).
2 CIL VI 142e: (Vi)ncenti hoc o(pus re)quietis quot vides. Plures me antecesserunt, omnes expecto. Manduca vibe. Lude e(t) beni at me; cum vibes, bene fac; hoc tecum feres. Numinis antistes Sabazis Vincentius his es(t q)ui sacra sancta deum mente pia coluit (tr. Claridge, 2010, p. 425).
3 Sacramentary of Gellone, 486, 2893: Libera domine anima serui tui illi ex omnibus periculis infernorum et de laqeis poenarum et omnibus tribolationibus multis. Libera domine anima serui tui ill. sicut liberasti Noe per diluuium. Libera domine anima serui tui ill. sicut liberasti Henoch et Heliam de conmuni mortem mundi. Libera domine anima serui tui ill. sicut liberasti Moysen de manu pharaonic Regis egyptiorum. Libera domine anima serui tui ill. sicut liberasti Iob de passionibus suis. Libera domine anima serui tui ill. sicut liberasti Danihelem de lacum leonis. Libera domine anima serui tui ill. sicut liberasti tres puerus de camino ignis ardentis et de minibus Regis iniqui. Libera domine anima serui tui ill. sicut liberasti Ionam de uentre c[o]eti. Libera domine anima serui tui ill. sicut liberasti Susannamde falso testimonio. Libera domine anima serui tui ill. sicut liberasti Dauid de manu saul Regis et golie et de omnibus uincolis eius. Libera domine anima serui tui ill. sicut liberasti Petrum et Paulum de carceribus [et] turmentis. Sic liberare digneris animam hominis istius et tecum habitare concede in bonis celestibus. (ed. Dumas and Deshusses, 1981, p. 461).
4 CIL III 10190= ILCV 2426: Diunan de vent/re Queti liberatus est // A<d=BR>am / etet Ev/am // Dom(i)nus / La<z=I>arum // Petrus virga perq/uouset / fontes cipe/runt quore/re // Daniel de laco / leonis // Tr<e=I>s pueri de <ig=EC>ne / cami(ni) // Susana / de falso cre/mine.
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