The Maximilian Affair of 1862 ignited debate over the role that France should play in Mexico, in particular, and by and large in the rest of the Latin American republics. In this excerpt, French engineer and free-market liberal Michel Chevalier (1806–1879)—whose career had taken off in 1837 with the publication of Des intérêts matériels en France—justifies France’s invasion of Mexico, citing a shared Christian tradition as well as a cultural and racial affinity. Chevalier first made this association between Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking America and “Latin Europe” in 1832 while on a state-sponsored trade mission through the United States and Mexico. He took this trip at the behest of Adolphe Tiers, France’s minister of the interior. Tiers later served as prime minister and eventually as president of the Third Republic. Chevalier’s ideas on a European “Latin race” were seminal to the diffusion of the term “Latin America.” This translation is from chapter 3 (“Motif tiré de la politique générale de la France en faveur de l’entreprise”) of the original French edition of the book Le Mexique ancien et moderne [(Paris: Librairie de L. Hachette et Cie., 1864), 494–508].
France is not, relatively speaking, indifferent to slavery, having stated her opposition to it in the strongest terms. She does not, however, feel the same religious passion and enthusiasm with which England advocates the abolishment of this institution linked to primitive societies. [France] could in fact find, among the principles of her general policies, justification for an expedition to Mexico, since this is her own cause that has nothing to do with the British government. There are many branches in the tree of Western Christian civilization, among which there is one very distinct branch that represents the Latin race. Its roots can be found in France, in Italy, in the Spanish-Portuguese peninsula, and in the various parts of the world that the French, Italians, Spanish, and Portuguese have populated with their offspring. This branch is characterized by its significant [population] numbers and the prevalence of Catholic worship. While it does not represent all who practice the Catholic faith, it is the one that makes the greatest contribution in terms of new blood and brilliant achievement. It is not our intention here to belittle anyone when we say that France is not just the soul of this branch, it is also its arm. Without our country and her aggressive initiative— which includes the noblest of sentiments in addition to military strength—the other Latin countries would be reduced to playing a very humble role on the world stage and would eventually be totally eclipsed. France is, in fact, an elder sister for all these nations, and her authority safeguards them. She is not just the leader of the group of Latin countries; she is also their sole protector since Spain left so much unaccomplished.
Among the broader range of interests pursued as part of French policies and duties, there is none clearer or more important than promoting the unity of the bloc of Latin countries and the progress of Catholic nations. It is also essential that France stand up to the various forces and factions that oppose her, to demonstrate to these countries her strength and vast influence. At this time when there is a remarkably free exchange of ideas and feelings among European countries, it is appropriate to repeat what Napoleon I stated sixty years ago. On that occasion, he documented the terms of the peace that followed the armed struggle. As always, every European war is a civil war. The goal of harmony and unity that should inspire the bonds between the various countries in Europe should also apply to all Latin nations and should be the basis of their relationship with France. France’s influence is undoubtedly what can affect unity among Latin countries and keep them focused on their common interests. Moreover, under the law of reciprocity, which is never absent from human affairs, French authority is the one condition required to consolidate and develop the Latin nations.
Our country possesses vast resources and an indomitable spirit. Her charter includes a number of generous principles. France was created on a foundation of noble traditions to which she remains ever faithful since they represent both her power and her duty. She is a long-standing patron of the arts and sciences; her industrial resources and production are constantly increasing and her agricultural prospects are extremely promising. France is respected far and wide for her fearsome arsenal of weapons. But, should Latin nations disappear from the face of the earth, she would inevitably be weakened by extreme isolation, and would be like a general without an army, like a head without a body.
This is a matter of great importance to France, and it is in her most vital interest that Spain should remain a viable nation, well established and possessed of plentiful resources and the gift of initiative. In short, France is constantly concerned with the balance of power in the world. The same applies to Italy and to Portugal in spite of its limited size. And to Belgium, which is so industrious, liberal, and shrewd—except when she spends monies to fortify Antwerp. And, further afield, there are all the countries in the New World that were founded by the Spanish and Portuguese and that are now developing their intellectual and moral culture, their wealth and population, instead of being consumed by the flames of anarchy once they earned their independence. When viewed from this perspective, we can see that Emperor Napoleon III was right in supporting Spain and asking for her to be considered among the great powers of Europe. That request was both timely and just, since it acknowledged the glorious reign that gave Spain the right to aspire to the rank she was entitled to occupy. It also recognized Spain’s ability to recover from the devastating influence of Henry IV and [Cardinal] Richelieu. They certainly were great politicians to have subdued Spain and diminished her power since she was extremely dangerous at that time. Their policies were appropriate to their century, but if they were living now, in our times, they would see things differently and would be intent on reviving Spain. From that same perspective, we should not forget the assistance given to Italy when she was determined to throw off the yoke of Austrian domination in 1859. Thanks to that expulsion, this pretty country has almost obtained its unity based on its grand policies and extreme caution. France, duly supported by this pair of peninsulas, remains fortified by and united to them through bonds of reciprocal sympathy and the thousand things we share in common. There is also the closeness of languages, customs, ideas, and, most of all, a communion in terms of a superior religion that will be maintained for our shared well-being and for the benefit of the entire world.
It must be emphasized that [while I believe] the French need to energize the countries that are populated by the Latin race, it is not my intention to ignore the prospect of an alliance with the British. On the contrary, this must henceforth be considered an essential priority for France. A solid agreement between these two nations, the most powerful on the earth, is a key condition for peace in the world and for the advancement of our civilization. This would provide each of us with an ideal security arrangement and would guarantee each one’s own authority. The encouragement of this kind of harmony between the two governments in London and Paris, coupled with their respective insights into major events and the general field of international commerce, could lead to joint action in certain areas—a better crafted action than the one that displeased [the British prime minister] Lord Palmerston after several years in very significant circumstances. All this would be of undeniable benefit to the people concerned. In fact, there could be a closer understanding along the lines of the political relations between France and the two peninsulas so that the alliance could be more like a family arrangement. What I am suggesting is that England and France are sufficiently enterprising yet different to allow them to enter into an agreement and establish a bond that would be similar to one that unites Spain and France or the latter and Italy. In short, we bring more to an alliance with England if we are closely united with Spain and Italy, both of whom are well established, and the benefit increases if we are seen as the representative of the Latin race in Europe and the entire world—in other words, if the Latin countries are well organized and are perceived as being ready to move forward on the road to progress.
Therefore, when we look at the map of the world—two centuries later— and compare the sphere of influence of Catholic nations, specifically the Latin ones, it is with some dismay, especially if we look at the dissenting Christian nations, now so established and strongly entrenched, whose great sources of power and civilization are either Protestant, of one branch or another, or even Greek. We are utterly bewildered when we see the area lost by the former and gained by the latter, which is still gaining. This is troubling when we consider the interests of the Latin race and, from that perspective, contemplate how the planet, the home of our human race, has been carved up. Our feelings of dread are compounded when we examine the statistics showing population growth and wealth in different countries. It seems that Catholic nations, and most especially the Latin ones, are being threatened by a rising tide.
Two hundred years ago, Russia was a barbaric region that was never even considered in terms of the political balance of the world. Today, it is an empire with a population of seventy-four million people, widely feared because of its military strength, and extremely powerful because of its determined embrace of many features of Western civilization such as the arts and sciences. . . .
There will soon be a country that is almost as powerful as it is vast, but is a stranger to Catholicism.
Two hundred years ago, Spain was in decline but was still one of the European powers, whereas Prussia, which was not even a kingdom, ranked at a decidedly secondary level. Today, Spain is struggling to reclaim her place among the upper hierarchy of nations, while Prussia is recognized throughout the world as one of the five key countries in Europe. It has a larger population than Spain; its industry is more advanced, and it is superior in knowledge of all kind. The Ecclesiastic Principalities on the banks of the Rhine, which are Catholic, have been displaced and the flag of Protestant Prussia now flutters where the standard of the ancient bishop-princes once streamed. The Turkish Empire is on the verge of collapse and manages to frustrate all diplomatic attempts to avert such a disaster. It is like a lamp with no oil left in its tank, and it seems that the Ottoman population is about to be extinguished. Other states may rise up to take the place of the Crescent Moon Empire, but Catholics are in the minority in that part of the world. Any Christian states established there will genuflect in the direction of Greece.
But when we look beyond Europe, we see more and more evidence of the advance of non-Catholic powers and the decline of Catholic ones. First, it was [North] America that claimed a Protestant spirit; a great nation divided into several colonies that, two hundred years ago was but a meek dependant of England, with a population of barely one million at that time. This country is the United States, currently immersed in a crisis that—as distressing as it is to be embroiled in such an ordeal—will eventually lead to a new kind of progress. After three-quarters of a century of tireless effort, its population has evolved into a force to be reckoned with. The land available to them to form new States seems limitless, allowing them to attract large numbers of civilized people whose numbers, admirable qualities, and endless resources will guarantee them a substantial say in world affairs. In 1790, the total population of the United States was slightly less than four million, of which seven hundred thousand were slaves; by 1860 the population had risen to some thirty-one and a half million, of which approximately four million were slaves.
Immigration contributed significantly to this huge increase, but the main causes were the natural multiplication of human beings, the favorable circumstances provided by the land they inhabited and, most of all, their self-sufficiency. But after the [Civil] War—whose relentless fury scourged the country and interrupted the flow of prosperity in this great nation—human beings will continue to multiply as before. Then, even accounting for the admittedly limited loss of human life, its population might almost equal the population of European nations, since the figures for the latter are at best mediocre. Mr. [Joseph C. G.] Kennedy has estimated what the population of the United States will be at the end of this century, that is, thirty-seven years from now, which is the average lifespan of a full generation.1 He found that if it could sustain its yearly growth of three percent—an average that has been consistent so far and in fact has occasionally been exceeded—the United States will by then be home to some one hundred million souls. In France, on the other hand, if the population does not multiply any faster than it has in the last fifteen years we will barely reach forty million. It is not hard to imagine that, by that time and beyond, the American Union will be divided into three or four empires; the space it occupies, however, is so vast that each of those empires could be four or five times larger than France. It will be a mighty group of States that could provide a counterbalance to Europe.
The British settlement in America, which is of considerable size, seems destined to father at least two states along the shores of the oceans that border the continent. It is energetically organized and settled. At this point, we would offer an observation concerning the United States that is along the lines of the matters mentioned above. There are also a significant number of Catholics in British America; there are Irish settlers in the backlands, and French populations in Lower Canada. Roman Catholicism, however, appears to stand little chance of being widely accepted. The papal curia would be hard-pressed to find converts who would support a system that eschews liberalism and would consign its members to a permanent minority status. This is not the best place to promote the cause of religious intolerance. In matters of religion as in politics or civil relations, liberty is the guiding principle here, and Protestantism leads the way.
Looking at the two Americas, we can see that there are a couple of Catholic regions that are getting stronger. One is the Empire of Brazil, a vast, seemingly limitless region; and the other is Cuba, which is a small island colony. It is not my intention to criticize Brazil, since it is ruled in an honest and liberal manner. It has made a name for itself, is respected throughout the world, and has attracted a considerable flow of European settlers. Brazil is poised to become a continental power but, sadly, it still relies on the black slave trade as its engine of prosperity. There was a time when this sort of arrangement was acceptable but, sooner or later, it will inevitably be detrimental to its broader goals. But even if I were to be kind and indulgent, Brazil cannot be portrayed as a Latin and Catholic counterpart to what the United States represents for Protestant Anglo-Saxons. Currently, Brazil has some eight million inhabitants of all skin colors. With regard to the island of Cuba, it is the most successful area of the Antilles, having experienced remarkable growth in its wealth and its population, now comprising over twelve hundred souls. However, slavery is also prevalent in Cuba, and the black slave trade is a major contributor to its population growth.2 It should also be emphasized that the United States is ready to take advantage of any sign of weakness from Spain that would allow it to take over the island for itself.
The reader has now contemplated the expanse of the Great Oceans and has witnessed the establishment of magnificent colonies in what could be described as no man’s lands. The question that then arises is: to whom do they belong? Where are they from and what spirit drives them? None of them is descended from a Catholic nation. . . .
There is a purpose to this comparison between Catholic countries and countries that practice other forms of Christian faith. That purpose is to prompt statesmen to consider, with very good reason, that the destiny of France and the power of her authority are inextricably linked to the future opportunities of Catholic countries in general, and the Latin race in particular. This is the strongest reason to support the [French] expedition to Mexico.3
1
Kennedy was the superintendent of census in the United States for the 1850 and 1860 censuses. Chevalier references Kennedy’s report, Population of the United States in 1860; compiled from the original returns of the eighth census…, by Joseph C. G. Kennedy, Superintendent of Census. (Washington, D.C.: United States Census Office, 1864).—Ed.
2
The island of Cuba is fortunate to have found such a knowledgeable and tireless scribe, Mr. Ramón de la Sagra, who scrupulously presents all points of view. He recently published an enormous work, which includes a descriptive atlas titled Historia física, económico-política, intelectual y moral de la isla de Cuba. It is indeed one of the finest scientific publications to have been printed in Spain. His book appeared in 1842, but the author proceeded to gather more information and publish supplements to his original work, one of which appeared in 1860.
3
In the letter addressed by the Emperor [Napoleon III] to Marshall [Elias Frederic] Foray when this military commander took charge of the [Mexican] campaign, this purpose was enthusiastically endorsed.