This book has covered a range of issues with respect to halal hospitality and Islamic tourism. In so doing it points to current areas of interest in such research and also points the way to research gaps and new areas of research opportunities. This chapter provides some observations of emerging and ongoing issues in halal hospitality and Islamic tourism and is divided into five main areas: definitions, seeing Islamic pilgrimage as extending beyond the hajj, better understanding the Muslim traveller, gaining deeper insights into tourism products and destinations from Islamic perspectives along with the impacts of tourism, and reflexivity and commodification. The last section provides distinct challenges to researchers with respect to their positionality and the nature and manner of their own research journey.
Numerous chapters in this book, along with many other papers (e.g. Henderson 2009; Aziz, Rahman, Hassan & Hamid 2015; Razzaq, Hall & Prayag 2016; Khan & Callanan 2017; Boğan & Sarıışık 2018; Vargas-Sánchez & Moral-Moral 2018), have noted the lack of agreement over definitions as to what constitutes halal and Islamic tourism and hospitality. Definitions are clearly important for policy and regulatory practice as well as delineating the scope of a field of study. As a result they can also assist with answering the significant question as to whether halal tourism is ‘really halal?’ (El-Gohary 2016) and the interpretation of Islamic teachings for insights as to travel and how to respond to visitors and the other with appropriate hospitality (Siddiqui 2015).
Khan and Callanan (2017) provided an excellent outline of the issues of definition in their paper on the “Halalification” of tourism in which they found no clear difference between the various terms (e.g. halal, Muslim friendly, Islamic, Sharia) that were used in their content analysis of popular UK media, UK-based tour operators’ websites, and tourism strategies of destinations popular with Muslim tourists. They argued that the lack of a clear and consistent use of terminology may have implications for market development and particularly issues of consumer trust. Such inconsistency, they noted, also applied to the lack of standardisation of halal certification, an issue which is a substantial concern of many of the chapters in this volume. Indeed, Khan and Callanan (2017) also wondered as to whether halal values were in danger of being commodified in the absence of a universal agreed criterion for halal certification.
It seems unlikely that there will be general agreement on definitions of the different types of Islamic tourism, in much the same way as differences in general over definitions of key concepts in many areas of tourism. However, the lack of agreed definitions arguably is not surprising given that the relative spatial spread of research on Islam and tourism remains relatively limited and has not yet encompassed all of the different schools of Sharia thought that exist within Islam, the different expressions of Islam in different countries, nor even the different types of mobility and tourism. For example, in the case of the latter there is surprisingly little discussion of business travel, student travel, and visiting friends and relatives (VFR), while event and health tourism related research are only slowly starting to diversify in terms of study locations. Indeed, the wider role of Islam in national and regional diasporas is a significant factor for tourist flows that has not yet been incorporated into studies of Islamic tourism and halal hospitality.
One area that has obviously been of considerable interest to scholars as a form of religious mobility is the hajj. This has been investigated from a number of different perspectives (Peters 1996; Ockey 2011; Bianchi 2013), not least of which is from the field of travel medicine (Alzeer et al. 1998; Aguilera et al. 2002; Benkouiten et al. 2013; Shafi et al. 2016; Al-Tawfiq, Gautret & Memish, 2017; Ahmed, Ebrahim & Memish 2018; Alfelali et al. 2018; Benkouiten et al. 2018). However, there are clearly substantial opportunities for understanding not only visits to the holy cities outside of the hajj as part of umrah (Hassan, Zainal & Mohamed 2015; Almuhrzi & Alsawafi 2017; Alsumairi & Tsui 2017; Gannon et al. 2017; Lochrie et al. 2018), but also how the hajj intersects with other travel and destination opportunities (Moufahim 2013; Akbulut & Ekin 2018). The latter is becoming increasingly important for Saudi Arabia as it seeks to diversify its economy by promoting a wider range of tourism and leisure opportunities for both domestic and international visitors (Sherbini et al. 2016; Euchi, Omri & Al-Tit 2018). In addition, there is a need to better understand the role of pilgrimage as a form of travel behaviour in general within Islam (Bhardwaj 1998; van Doorn‐Harder & de Jong 2001; Haq & Wong 2010; Zamani‐Farahani & Henderson 2010; Reader 2013; Laksana 2014; Cohen & Cohen 2015; Nassar, Mostafa & Reisinger 2015; Abdi 2017; Lochrie et al. 2018; Moufahim & Lichrou 2019) and the ways in which different schools of Islamic thought interpret the role and function of pilgrimage. Such concerns are clearly important as, from some interpretations, all travel by Muslims, who are keeping faith with The Prophet’s words, could be regarded as a form of pilgrimage given that they are extolled to look at and understand all of Allah’s creation. The notion of pilgrimage in Islam therefore needs to be understood in a more nuanced fashion than is sometimes the case to appreciate the different varieties of Islamic pilgrimage, that exist in its broadest sense (Ebadi 2014), and the implications that it has for travel behaviours and their interpretation.
Even though there has been a rapid expansion in research on Muslim travellers it is clear that there are many areas that require further attention (Oktadiana, Pearce & Chon 2016). Perhaps foremost amongst these is broadening the range of markets in which research is conducted. Indeed, the Muslim consumer segment is under-researched in comparison to all the other major consumer groups, while as Alserhan and Alserhan (2012) also observe, its significance is greater than the other identified billion-member market segments because:
Studies of the Muslim market can also draw on the developing literature on Islamic marketing (Alserhan 2010, 2011; Alserhan, Althawadi & Boulanouar 2016; Bouzenita & Boulanouar 2016). Of particular value, for example, is the need to utilise appropriate research strategies when dealing with women and when the researcher is a woman (Boulanouar, Aitken, Boulanouar & Todd 2017). Similarly, there is a need for more nuanced approaches to understanding dress and verbal and non-verbal communication in both the research process and from the perspective of better appreciating Muslim behaviours in general in tourism as part of service delivery processes (Koc 2018; Akhtar, Sun, Ahmad & Akhtar 2019).
Most of the research on Islamic tourism has tended to focus on lodging and restaurants/food as elements of the tourism system that are immediately recognisable for issues of halal hospitality. However, the range of tourism products and the different stages of the travel process clearly indicate the potential application of Sharia to their marketing and management (Mohsin, Ramli & Alkhulayfi 2016). One area on which much work is needed is the transport system that tourists use, especially with respect to the design and use of public transport and rail services, including associated infrastructure (Hall, Le-Klähn & Ram 2017). There is also little research undertaken on shariah-compliant airlines, such as Iran Air, Royal Brunei Airlines and Saudi Arabian Airlines, as well as dual-service (halal and non-halal services) carriers from Islamic states, and the overall availability of halal services and food on international carriers (Idris & Wahab 2018; Latiff et al. 2019). The types of analyses undertaken on lodging with respect to food, dress codes, entertainment, could easily be undertaken on airlines, along with the extent to which halal hospitality is integrated into marketing and communication strategies. In addition, there are opportunities to examine airport terminals and associated infrastructure with respect to their Shariah compliance (Arif, Gupta & Williams 2013; Gupta, Arif & Richardson 2014; Abdul Rahman, Mohammad, Abdul Rahim & Mohd Noh 2018). Similarly, key activities such as tourist shopping, sightseeing, and special-interest tourism also deserve closer attention with respect to Muslim-relevant product design. Indeed, heritage is positioned as a major tourism element in a number of Islamic countries but it is also clear that there are substantial tensions over conservation practices as well as the effects of commodification (Seyfi & Hall 2018, 2019).
There is also an emerging body of work on the promotion of halal by destinations and businesses (Razzaq, Hall & Prayag 2016; Yousaf & Xiucheng 2018), and the extent to which it meets the reality of what is offered (Alserhan et al. 2018). Such issues raise questions not only about the ethical aspects of service offerings but also the extent to which businesses find themselves “forced” into stating that they offer particular services so as to meet pressures from government and religious stakeholders. In addition, there is a need for further work on locations that explicitly promote themselves as halal or Islamic tourism destinations and the extent to which this may affect other markets (Qaddahat, Attaalla & Hussein 2017). Indeed, a statement made in many papers on halal and tourism is the extent to which halal and Sharia provides a point of strategic advantage and differentiation. This may well be so depending on the market for particular products, however empirical evidence to support such claims is often lacking and closer and more critical analyses are required.
There is substantial evidence in the tourism literature with respect to the negative impacts of tourism. However, there is, so far, little discussion of the potential effects of Islamic tourism. Although pilgrimage and religious events are often marked by a great sense of community there is little assessment of the social impact of leisure travel by Muslims. There is also a substantial gap with respect to Islamic understandings of the role of tourism and travel in climate change and other harmful effects on the environment, what might otherwise be regarded as haram, and the personal and state perception of such damage and responses to it. As Islam (2012) noted the Qur’an provides a firm basis for environmental critique and action within an Islamic Environmental Paradigm (IEP):
The Qur’an guarantees equal rights to other creatures living in the planet to exist and thrive. Not only is that, in IEP human beings are expected to protect the environment since no other creature is able to perform this task. Humans are the only being who have been “entrusted” with the responsibility of looking after the earth. This trusteeship is seen by IEP to be so onerous and burdensome that no other creature would “accept” it.
(Islam 2012: 77)
Similarly, the environmental impacts of the halal supply chain need to be considered beyond porcine contamination (Lubis, Mohd-Naim, Alizul & Ahmed 2016), along with a greater focus on the environmental dimensions of halal food growing (Rezai, Mohamed & Shamsudin 2015).
The final research issue is that of the reflexivity of researchers on Islamic tourism. There is often a lack of critique in the presentation of notions of halal and Islamic tourism and the governments that promote it. Of course, this may arise, at least in part, from different value and cultural bases with respect to the relative rights and responsibilities of individuals versus the state. Furthermore, in reading work on halal the operation of institutional factors and pressures to favour certain initiatives also needs to be considered. At times, some of the contextualisation of halal, especially in conference papers and open access journals, almost takes the form of attempts to prove the piety of the author rather than critically assess halal matters. There is also often insufficient criticism of poor halal certification procedures, the (lack of or partial) enforcement of halal by responsible government agencies, and the large gap that may exist between what business and enterprises say they do and what actually happens. Such lack of criticism or a willingness to discuss negative aspects of halal or Islamic tourism may be because of not wanting to appear to be critical of either Islam or one’s country. However, it may also be that a somewhat unbalanced portrayal of research topics and subjects is presented.
In addition, there is often limited reflection available on the research process and how this is part of a personal and spiritual journey, particularly if you are considering notions of halal and haram and trying to understand the path you take and the relationships with others. This means, for example, ensuring that research and publications are ethically sound and that full acknowledgement is given of others’ work and research. Researchers in Islam must not only adhere to university and publisher requirements for ethical publishing but, most importantly, the Qur’an and the hadith if their findings are to be given due weight and consideration. Such reflexivity is an important part of qualitative research but can also greatly assist in understanding a researcher’s positionality in any research situation including the impact of one’s work (Wan Hassan 2011). This last point is extremely important with respect to halal certification and Islamic tourism because of the issues that are raised about the commodification of the religious experience and the sacred (Tumbat & Belk 2010; Reader 2013; Redden 2016). For example, Sandıkcı (2018) notes how the development of the concept of the Muslim consumer is linked to the growing influence of neoliberalism and the expansion of market logic into the religious sphere—of which the development of halal certification and halal standards are the clearest examples.
Researchers are both placed within and contribute to the intersections between Islam, consumption, and the market and, as Sandıkcı (2018) observes, the conceptualisations of Muslims along with their food and lifestyles have changed in relation to market dynamics and broader socio-political and economic structures (also see Armanios & Ergene 2018). However, within tourism and hospitality there appears inadequate appreciation of this. While the development of halal certification schemes, standards, and promotion can be justified as contributing to improved levels of consumer trust in a globalised marketplace we can simultaneously argue that such developments also are used for the achievement of narrow political agendas, private commercial and economic interests, trade protectionism and competitiveness, and the exclusion of others (Fischer 2011, 2016; Bergeaud-Blackler, Fischer & Lever 2015). Just as profoundly, the focus on physical markers of “halalness” that can be marketised has meant that the intangible nature of our spirituality and our inclusive hospitality to the other are either ignored or not considered in enough detail. The full implications of the marketisation of halal and Islamic tourism need to be much more considered and thoughtful rather than rushing to take advantage of the Islamic dollar. In other words researchers may need to reframe Islamic consumers as people and the market as a community, complete with all its differences and disagreements while still maintaining a sense of common identity. In so doing, and in thinking about the future of halal hospitality and tourism research, we should follow the history of the holy Prophet Muhammad (PBOH) and reflect on how not to succumb to temptation by taking what may seem to be easier paths.
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