NOTES

1.Jeanne Theoharis, A More Beautiful and Terrible History: The Uses and Misuses of Civil Rights History (Boston: Beacon, 2018).

2.These earlier marches, and the 1963 march, are discussed in detail in Lucy G. Barber, Marching on Washington: The Forging of an American Political Tradition (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2002). On the Detroit Walk to Freedom, see Peniel E. Joseph, Waiting ’til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America (New York: Henry Holt, 2006), 75–84; Angela D. Dillard, “Religion and Radicalism: The Reverend Albert B. Cleage, Jr., and the Rise of Black Christian Nationalism in Detroit,” in Freedom North: Black Freedom Struggles outside the South, 1940–1980, ed. Jeanne F. Theoharis and Komozi Woodard (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), esp. 166–68.

3.Less than two weeks before the coalition met for the first time, NAACP executive secretary Roy Wilkins publicly fulminated against civil rights groups that “furnish the noise and get the publicity while the NAACP furnishes the manpower and pays the bill.” Quoted in Yvonne Ryan, Roy Wilkins: The Quiet Revolutionary and the NAACP (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2014), 112.

4.A. Philip Randolph quoted in Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954–1963 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), 840. The Kennedy quote, from a “confidential source,” is from Thomas Gentile, March on Washington: August 28, 1963 (Washington, DC: New Day, 1983), 37. Though it’s impossible to verify this quotation, it is echoed closely in an interview that researcher Albert E. Gollin conducted with CORE leader James Farmer in 1967; according to Farmer, the position of the Kennedy administration was, “If we can’t stop it then let’s control it.” “Interview with Mr. James Farmer at 165 Park Rd., New York, June 9, 1967,” Albert E. Gollin/Bureau of Social Science Research Papers, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York Public Library, box 6, folder 5, p. 8 (hereafter “Gollin Papers”).

5.“Transcript of the President’s New Conference on Foreign and Domestic Matters,” New York Times, July 18, 1963. “Memorandum, 16 August 1963, to A. Philip Randolph, Director, from Bayard Rustin and Tom Kahn,” Bayard T. Rustin Papers, Library of Congress, box 29, folder 15. Transcript of July 11, 1963, meeting between march organizers and police, Gollin Papers, box 1, folder 10, p. 18. On the violence faced by some marchers on their way home, see for example “Shots, Rocks Hit ‘Freedom’ Buses,” Afro-American, September 7, 1963; “D.C. Marchers Enroute Home Beaten in Miss.,” Atlanta Daily World, September 11, 1963.

6.“Meet the Press,” NBC News Archive, August 25, 1963. Charles Portis, “Washington March Turns into Civil Rights Festival,” Los Angeles Times, August 23, 1963. “D.C. Police Enlist 2,500 Extra Men,” Jackson Daily News, August 23, 1963. “The Longer March to Real Equal Rights,” Life, August 23, 1963. Also see “Fears of Violence Rise over March,” Austin Statesman, August 27, 1963; “Washington Gets Jittery over March,” Los Angeles Times, August 28, 1963.

7.The figures on local demonstrations were compiled by scholar John D’Emilio on the basis of Justice Department reports; see John D’Emilio, Lost Prophet: The Life and Times of Bayard Rustin (New York: Free Press, 2003), 344. Thomas Gentile provides a roundup of many local actions in March on Washington, 95–100. Contemporary accounts include “Racial Storm Warnings on the Increase,” Newsday, June 1, 1963; “East, Midwest, and South Plagued by Racial Unrest,” Atlanta Constitution, July 8, 1963; “The ‘Revolution’ Spreads All over New York,” New York Amsterdam News, July 27, 1963. On the specific protests mentioned here, see “261 Held as Savannah Negroes March on Police Headquarters,” New York Times, June 20, 1963; “Dr. Blake among 283 Held in Racial Rally in Maryland,” New York Times, July 5, 1963; Don Drake, “Sit-ins Halt Cars at Jones Beach: CORE Tries Spirit of 63 at Jones Beach,” Newsday, July 5, 1963; “Protest by St. Louis Negroes Blocks School Buses,” New York Times, June 8, 1963. Kiplinger Washington Letter, July 26, 1963, Walter E. Fauntroy Papers, George Washington University, box 30, folder 4.

8.“State Police Called after N.C. Race Riot,” The Sun (Baltimore), June 8, 1963. On protests in Northern cities during this period and the early stirrings of Black Power, see Thomas J. Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North (New York: Random House, 2008), esp. 286–312. On the movement in Cambridge, Maryland, see Peter B. Levy, Civil War on Race Street: The Civil Rights Movement in Cambridge, Maryland (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003); Sharon Harley, “‘Chronicle of a Death Foretold’: Gloria Richardson, the Cambridge Movement, and the Radical Black Activist Tradition,” in Sisters in the Struggle: African American Women in the Civil Rights–Black Power Movement, ed. Bettye Collier-Thomas and V.P. Franklin (New York and London: New York University Press, 2001), 174–96. The Gentile quote is from Thomas Gentile, March on Washington, 119.

9.Transcript of July 11, 1963, meeting between march organizers and police, Gollin Papers, box 1, folder 10, p. 24. Rustin’s own typewritten notes from this meeting, archived in the same folder as the official transcript, paraphrase the point in even stronger language: “You can be sure they will be the kind of placards which will preserve order.” On how Randolph planned to handle the signs in 1941, see Lucy G. Barber, Marching on Washington, 124; David Lucander, Winning the War for Democracy: The March on Washington Movement, 1941–1946 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2014), 30–31.

10.“Organizing Manual No. 1, March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, August 28, 1963,” Gollin Papers, box 1, folder 10, p. 7. The timing of the manual’s mailing was ascertained from a cover letter written by staffer Cleveland Robinson and dated July 19 (Rustin Papers, Library of Congress, box 29, folder 15). Undated and edited draft of second March on Washington Organizing Manual, Rustin Papers, Library of Congress, box 30, folder 1. As an example of how Rustin viewed the lines of authority in the march organizing, he declared during the July 11 police meeting, “This is to be a Non-Violent March and no one except Mr. Wilkins, Rev. King, Mr. James Farmer, Mr. John Lewis, Mr. A. Philip Randolph, and Woodley [sic] Young, will make policy for this March, and they will determine the exact details of everything that takes place on the March in Washington” (transcript of July 11, 1963, meeting between march organizers and police, Gollin Papers, box 1, folder 10, p. 4). Thanks to Mari Jo Buhle and Steve Max for the detail about the invention of the Magic Marker.

11.On the process of approving slogans see Charles Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around: A People’s History of the 1963 March on Washington (Boston: Beacon, 2010), 110–11; lists of potential slogans submitted to the National Committee for consideration, including Moe Foner’s list, can be found in the Rustin Papers, Library of Congress, box 31, folder 8. The instructions regarding “signs of identification” are from the second and final organizing manual, which is available online: “Final Plans for the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, August 28, 1963,” http://www.thekingcenter.org/archive/document/final-plans-march-washington-jobs-and-freedom. The limitation on signs of identification is described in “March on Washington, Bulletin #2, 8-19-63, Instructions for Participants from the Washington Area,” Walter E. Fauntroy Papers, George Washington University, box 30, folder 12. “Policing picket signs”: “Transcript of Interview with Dr. John Morsell, Assistant Executive Secretary, NAACP, Held in Dr. Morsell’s Office, New York, June 7, 1967,” Gollin Papers, box 6, folder 12, p. 10. Marshal protocol: “March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, August 28, 1963, Marshals’ Manual,” Rustin Papers, Library of Congress, box 30, folder 15.

12.Malcolm X, The Autobiography of Malcolm X (New York: Random House, 1964), 323, emphasis in original.

13.On the history of YPSL and its place in the left political landscape of the early 1960s, including the role played by YPSL leaders Rachelle Horowitz and Tom Kahn, see Maurice Isserman, If I Had a Hammer: The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left (New York: Basic Books, 1987), esp. 61–64, 199–205; James Miller, “Democracy Is in the Streets”: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 74–76.

14.On the attempt to expand the administrative committee for the march see Jennifer Scanlon, Until There Is Justice: The Life of Anna Arnold Hedgeman (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), 156–57. When interviewed by Albert Gollin in 1967, NAACP official John Morsell cited a 1963 membership figure of 515,000 for the NAACP, but that figure is much higher than other estimates and higher than documented membership levels before and after the march. “Transcript of Interview with Dr. John Morsell,” Gollin Papers, box 6, folder 12, p. 44. Other estimates of the NAACP’s 1963 membership figures include Yvonne Ryan, Roy Wilkins, 159–60; Gerald N. Rosenberg, The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring about Social Change? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), 154; “Mapping NAACP Chapters 1912–1977,” Mapping American Social Movements Through the 20th Century, University of Washington, https://depts.washington.edu/moves/NAACP_map-basic.shtml. For NCNW membership figures see Jo Freeman, A Room at a Time: How Women Entered Party Politics (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000), 137.

15.Septima Clark is quoted in Cynthia Stokes Brown, Ready from Within: Septima Clark and the Civil Rights Movement (Trenton: Africa World, 1990), 77–78; the episode is also discussed in Charles M. Payne, I’ve Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995), 76. “Transcript of Interview with Dr. John Morsell,” Gollin Papers, box 6, folder 12, p. 36. Dorothy I. Height, “‘We Wanted the Voice of a Woman to Be Heard’: Black Women and the 1963 March on Washington,” in Sisters in the Struggle, 87. On women civil rights activists’ frustration with the March on Washington leadership and their efforts to have a woman speaker, also see Rosalind Rosenberg, Jane Crow: The Life of Pauli Murray (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017), 266–71.

16.See Melinda Chateauvert, “Organizing Gender: A. Philip Randolph and Women Activists,” in Reframing Randolph: Labor, Black Freedom, and the Legacies of A. Philip Randolph, ed. Andrew E. Kersten and Clarence Lang (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 163–94. Coretta Scott King quoted in Jeanne Theoharis, A More Beautiful and Terrible History, 165.

17.On the importance of Black women’s mobilizing work to the civil rights movement overall, see Belinda Robnett, How Long? How Long?: African-American Women in the Struggle for Civil Rights (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), esp. 71–97; Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started It: The Memoir of Jo Ann Gibson Robinson (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987), esp. 43–47. On the male leadership takeover, see Danielle L. McGuire, At the Dark End of the Street: Black Women, Rape, and Resistance: A New History of the Civil Rights Movement from Rosa Parks to the Rise of Black Power (New York: Vintage Books, 2010), 103–5. Charles Payne, “Men Led, but Women Organized: Movement Participation of Women in the Mississippi Delta,” in Women in the Civil Rights Movement: Trailblazers and Torchbearers 1941–1965, ed. Vicki L. Crawford, Jacqueline Anne Rouse, and Barbara Woods (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1993), 1–12.

18.“Interview with Miss Rachelle Horowitz, the Administrative Assistant to Bayard Rustin of the A. Philip Randolph Institute, New York, June 8, 1967,” Gollin Papers, box 6, folder 8, p. 21; I have slightly edited the punctuation for clarity.

19.Albert E. Gollin interview with Bayard Rustin, October 26, 1967, Gollin Papers, box 6, folder 14. Rustin did not, however, make the striking point that has often been attributed to him (for instance in Charles Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around, 9): “In my view it was a classic resolution of the problem of how can you keep a crowd from becoming something else. . . . Transform it into an audience.” That quote is from the interviewer, Albert E. Gollin. The handling of the musical entertainment is described in Charles Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around, 107.

20.The sign from Americus is described in Russell Baker, “Capital Is Occupied by a Gentle Army,” New York Times, August 29, 1963. On James Lee Pruitt and his unauthorized sign see Charles Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around, 110–12. A slightly different version of Pruitt’s story can be found in Michael Thelwell, Duties, Pleasures, and Conflicts: Essays in Struggle (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1987), 70–71. William P. Jones cites other examples of unauthorized signs at the march in his history, The March on Washington: Jobs, Freedom, and the Forgotten History of Civil Rights (New York and London: W.W. Norton, 2013), 188.

21.The four major studies of the March on Washington—by Thomas Gentile, Lucy Barber, Charles Euchner, and William P. Jones—all feature photographs of the rally, not the march, on their covers. On the sidelining of Coretta Scott King and other women at the march see Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters, 880; Jennifer Scanlon, Until There Is Justice, 166–67; Jeanne Theoharis, A More Beautiful and Terrible History, 169. “Transcript of Interview with Dr. John Morsell,” Gollin Papers, box 6, folder 12, p. 13.

22.Michael Thelwell, Duties, Pleasures, and Conflicts, 58, 72.

23.On the conflicts over the slogan for the 1965 Fifth Avenue Peace Parade see Nancy Zaroulis and Gerald Sullivan, Who Spoke Up?: American Protest against the War in Vietnam 1963–1975 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1984), 55–56; Tom Wells, The War Within: America’s Battle over Vietnam (New York: Henry Holt, 1994), 52–54. The details about the props, buttons, and costumes at the event come from William Borders, “Marchers Are Heckled Here—Eggs and a Can of Paint Are Thrown,” New York Times, October 17, 1965. On slogans and signs for the 1965 SANE antiwar march in Washington see “Capitol Peace March Drops Plan to Censor Signs,” New York Times, November 22, 1965; Fred P. Graham, “Vietcong Flags Are Sold in Washington as Groups Arrive for March,” New York Times, November 26, 1965; as well as Nancy Zaroulis and Gerald Sullivan, Who Spoke Up?, 63–64; Tom Wells, The War Within, 61. Though no one again tried to control the signs at a protest as completely as organizers did in 1963, conflicts over signage and messaging have been a recurring feature of mass protests. At the 1978 march for the Equal Rights Amendment, for instance, a marshal tried to take away a banner reading “Rites for Lesbian Nation” because it didn’t mention the ERA; eventually, she relented and let the marchers keep it. A more vigorous attempt came decades later, in 2006, when organizers of a May 1 immigrant rights rally in Los Angeles asked participants not to wave flags that weren’t US flags and took away signs that called for amnesty. See James Lardner and Neil Henry, “Over 40,000 ERA Backers March on Hill,” Washington Post, July 17, 1978; Chris Zepeda-Millán, Latino Mass Mobilization: Immigration, Racialization, and Activism (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 113.

24.On ACT UP’s design practices and their enduring impact on protest aesthetics and organizing, see Douglas Crimp and Adam Rolston, AIDS Demo Graphics (Seattle: Bay Press, 1990); Avram Finkelstein, After Silence: A History of AIDS through Its Images (Oakland: University of California Press, 2018).

25.On the takedown of ACORN, see Zach Carter and Arthur Delaney, “How the ACORN Scandal Seeded Today’s Nightmare Politics,” Huffington Post, May 5, 2018, https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/2009-acorn-scandal_us_5ae23fa6e4b02baed1b86696. Theda Skocpol, Diminished Democracy: From Membership to Management in American Civic Life (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2003), 7. INCITE!, ed., The Revolution Will Not Be Funded: Beyond the Non-Profit Industrial Complex (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017).

26.Rachelle Horowitz’s tally is reproduced in Thomas Gentile, March on Washington, 133. The quotations are from “Interview with Miss Rachelle Horowitz,” Gollin Papers, box 6, folder 8, pp. 29–31.

27.A reproduction of the March on Washington pledge card, and many other primary sources from the event, can be found at “Pacifism and the American Civil Rights Movement Exhibit,” Lillian Goldman Law Library, Yale Law School, https://library.law.yale.edu/pacifism-and-american-civil-rights-movement-exhibit. On the question of movement absorption after mass mobilizations, see Mark Engler and Paul Engler, This Is an Uprising: How Nonviolent Revolt Is Shaping the Twenty-First Century (New York: Nation Books, 2016), esp. 75–77.

28.Michael Thelwell, Duties, Pleasures, and Conflicts, 72. “Interview with Mr. James Farmer,” Gollin Papers, box 6, folder 5, p. 21. On the Queens and St. Louis protests see Will Lissner, “Pickets Chain Themselves to Crane,” New York Times, September 6, 1963; Caoimhe Ni Dhonaill, “Jefferson Bank: A Defining Moment,” Missouri Historical Society, August 26, 2017, http://mohistory.org/blog/jefferson-bank-a-defining-moment/; August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, CORE: A Study in the Civil Rights Movement, 1942–1968 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975), 227–38; Thomas Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North (New York: Random House, 2008), 313–15.

29.The New York Times quote comes from Russell Baker, “Capital Is Occupied by a Gentle Army.” A recording of “Randolph Reading the Pledge of the March on Washington” is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M81jv8abnhM.

30.Turnout figures are based on the comprehensive data compiled by the Crowd Counting Consortium, https://sites.google.com/view/crowdcountingconsortium/home. For a summary and overview see Erica Chenoweth and Jeremy Pressman, “This Is What We Learned By Counting the Women’s Marches,” Washington Post, February 7, 2017. I have used a figure for the DC Women’s March that is somewhat higher than their best guess, which I believe understates the size of the crowd that day. A figure of 4 million participants is widely cited for the huge nationwide student strike that followed Nixon’s Cambodia invasion and the killings at Kent State University in 1970, which would make these events larger as a percentage of population than the Women’s Marches, but that figure refers to the number who experienced “significant impact” from the protests, not the substantially lower number who actually participated in them. Richard E. Peterson and John A. Bilorusky, May 1970: The Campus Aftermath of Cambodia and Kent State (Berkeley: Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, 1971), 15–27.

31.L.A. Kauffman, “The Trump Resistance Can Best Be Described in One Adjective: Female,” The Guardian, July 23, 2017; Sarah Kaplan, “A Scientist Who Studies Protest Says ‘The Resistance’ Isn’t Slowing Down,” Washington Post, May 3, 2017; Jennifer Flynn, “In the Fight to Save Healthcare, the Heroes Ride on Wheelchairs—and Wear Pink,” The Nation, October 23, 2017.

32.On the poster-making parties, see the Facebook listing for the Anchorage event, http://www.facebook.com/events/640734756127781/, and these news accounts of the others: “Photos: Women Make Posters for March in Tucson and Washington,” Tuscon.com, January 6, 2017, http://tucson.com/news/local/photos-women-make-posters-for-march-in-washington-and-tucson/collection_1f6e2b66-d460–11e6-a3c2–5b9d9f476b35.html; Ed Stannard, “New Haven Sign-Makers Prepare for Anti-Trump Marches in Hartford, D.C.,” New Haven Register, January 13, 2017; Cassie Schirm, “Montanans Prepare for Women’s March in Helena with Poster Making Parties,” ABCFoxMontana.com, January 20, 2017, http://www.abcfoxmontana.com/story/34311004/montanans-prepare-for-womens-march-in-helena-with-poster-making-parties; Arielle Egozi, “Local Artists Host Community Poster-Making Sessions for Women’s March,” Miami New Times, January 5, 2017. Najeebah Al-Ghadban, “Designer’s Note: A Timeline of Events,” in Why I March: Images from the Women’s March around the World (New York: Abrams Image, 2017), 174; the other photo compilation is Why We March: Signs of Protest and Hope, Voices from the Women’s March (New York: Artisan Books, 2017). “Women’s March Signs Bound for Museums,” Toronto Star, January 27, 2017.

33.Christopher Mele, “Art Supply Sales Jumped in January, Thanks to Protest Signs, Report Says,” New York Times, March 22, 2017; for the original, detailed industry report see Leen Nsouli, “Women’s Movement Impacts Spending on Office Supplies,” NPD Group Blog, https://www.npd.com/wps/portal/npd/us/blog/2017/womens-movement-impacts-spending-on-office-supplies/.

34.Bob Bland quoted in Women’s March Organizers and Condé Nast, Together We Rise: Behind the Scenes at the Protest Heard around the World (New York: Dey Street, 2018), 37. Telephone interview with Mrinalini Chakraborty, October 2, 2017. On the global trend toward viral, internet-driven protests, see Zeynep Tufekci, Twitter and Tear Gas: The Power and Fragility of Networked Protest (New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 2017), 189–91, 221–22.

35.On the 1997 Million Woman March, see Michael Janofsky, “At Million Woman March, Focus Is on Family,” New York Times, October 26, 1997; Bobbi Booker, “Million Woman March: 1997 Event Equally Significant,” Philadelphia Tribune, October 2, 2015. Bland quoted in Together We Rise, 37.

36.Women’s March Organizers and Condé Nast, Together We Rise, 41. Intersectional feminism focuses on the interplay between multiple structures of power, going beyond narrowly gender-based frameworks to explore how white supremacy, heteronormativity, and other forms of domination combine and interact. The term was coined by scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989. See Kimberlé Crenshaw, “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics,” University of Chicago Legal Forum (1989), http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf/vol1989/iss1/8.

37.Telephone interview with Mrinalini Chakraborty, October 2, 2017. Also see Julia Felsenthal, “The Organizers,” in Condé Nast Presents, Rise Up! The Women’s Marches around the World (New York: Condé Nast, 2017), 15–18, 92.

38.I trace this long, slow shift in detail in L.A. Kauffman, Direct Action: Protest and the Reinvention of American Radicalism (New York and London: Verso Books, 2017); also see Chris Dixon, Another Politics: Talking across Today’s Transformative Movements (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014). On the decline of traditionally structured organizations across this same period, see Theda Skocpol, Diminished Democracy, 135–74. On the Combahee River Collective and the origins of intersectional feminism, see Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, ed., How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2017). Janaye Ingram quoted in Women’s March Organizers and Condé Nast, Together We Rise, 53.

39.The Women’s March Unity Principles can be found at https://www.womensmarch.com/principles/. Telephone interview with Janaye Ingram, February 22, 2018.

40.Ali Breeland, “Thousands Attended Protest Organized by Russians on Facebook,” TheHill.com, October 31, 2017, http://thehill.com/policy/technology/358025-thousands-attended-protest-organized-by-russians-on-facebook. For detailed data on the spike in hate crimes and bias incidents, see the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism report “Hate Crime Analysis & Forecast for 2016/2017,” https://csbs.csusb.edu/sites/csusb_csbs/files/Final%20Hate%20Crime%2017%20Status%20Report%20pdf.pdf. Also see Alice Marwick, “A New Study Suggests Online Harassment Is Pressuring Women and Minorities to Self-Censor,” Quartz, November 24, 2016, https://qz.com/844319/a-new-study-suggests-online-harassment-is-pressuring-women-and-minorities-to-self-censor/.

41.On the 1995 dispute, see Michael Janofsky, “Federal Parks Chief Calls ‘Million Man’ Count Low,” New York Times, October 21, 1995. On earlier disputes over crowd size, see “Crowd Counts Differ Greatly,” New York Times, April 9, 1989. On the change in National Park Service policy on counting crowds, see Jason Alderman, “Here’s Why We’ll Never Know How Many People Attended the Inauguration,” Huffington Post, January 20, 2017. On the Boston University crowd count for the Million Man March, see http://www.bu.edu/remotesensing/research/completed/million-man-march/. On the 1982 antinuclear rally, see Paul L. Montgomery, “Throngs Fill Manhattan to Protest Nuclear Weapons,” New York Times, June 13, 1982. Figures for the 2006 immigrant rights protests are from Xóchitl Bada, Jonathan Fox, and Andrew Selee, eds., Invisible No More: Mexican Migrant Civic Participation in the United States (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2006), 36, https://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/Invisible%20No%20More_0.pdf; Irene Bloemraad, Kim Voss, and Taeku Lee, “The Protests of 2006: What Were They, How Do We Understand Them, Where Do We Go?,” in Rallying for Immigrant Rights: The Fight for Inclusion in 21st Century America, ed. Kim Voss and Irene Bloemraad (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011), 3–43.

42.See Allison Hoffman, “How We Freed Soviet Jewry,” Tablet Magazine, December 6, 2012.

43.The NYPD’s decision to prohibit a march on February 15, 2003, was upheld by a federal court; see Susan Saulny, “Court Bans Peace March in Manhattan,” New York Times, February 11, 2003; New York Civil Liberties Union, Arresting Protest: A Special Report of the New York Civil Liberties Union on New York City’s Protest Policies at the February 15, 2003 Antiwar Demonstration in New York City, https://www.nyclu.org/sites/default/files/publications/nyclu_pub_arresting_protest.pdf.

44.Telephone interview with Leslie Cagan, October 24, 2017. On the complex ways that movement eruptions influence policy, see Frances Fox Piven, Challenging Authority: How Ordinary People Change America (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006), 103–8.

45.Telephone interview with Leslie Cagan, October 24, 2017. Art- and poster-making have on occasion been central to bridge building across movements during mass mobilizations. Most notably, the People’s Climate Marches of 2014 and 2017 used the process of creating banners, signs, and props to build bridges between different sectors of the movement, especially across lines of race and culture, and to tell the movement’s story in a way that rooted it in the communities most affected by climate chaos. See for instance Maayan Cohen, “Art, Climate, and Movement-Building: An Interview with Rachel Schragis,” Ace Blog, October 21, 2016, https://acespace.org/blog/interview-rachel-schragis.

46.Daniel Shoag, “Do Political Protests Matter? Evidence from the Tea Party Movement,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 128, no. 4 (2013): 1633–85.

47.The number of local actions in the United States on February 15, 2003, is taken from the list compiled by United for Peace and Justice at the time of the protests: https://web.archive.org/web/20030801135105/http://www.unitedforpeace.org:80/article.php?id=725.

48.The number of local resistance groups is based on those affiliated with the Indivisible directory, which include many Women’s March huddles and other types of groups, not just Indivisible chapters. The number of Tea Party groups is from Theda Skocpol and Vanessa Williamson, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 22. On the origins of the Indivisible Guide, see Charles Bethea, “The Crowdsourced Guide to Fighting Trump’s Agenda,” New Yorker, December 16, 2016. Telephone interview with Leah Greenberg, October 25, 2017.

49.Gideon Lewis-Kraus, “How the ‘Resistance’ Helped Democrats Dominate Virginia,” New York Times Magazine, November 13, 2017.

50.On white women’s mobilizing and organizing in the service of white supremacy, see Linda Gordon, The Second Coming of the KKK: The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s and the American Political Tradition (New York and London: Liveright, 2017), esp. 109–37; Lisa McGirr, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001); Michelle M. Nickerson, Mothers of Conservativism: Women and the Postwar Right (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012); Elizabeth Gillespie McRae, Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018). On women’s role in the Tea Party see Theda Skocpol and Vanessa Williamson, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism, 42–44.

51.Telephone interview with Murad Awawdeh, October 27, 2017. Adrienne Mahsa Varkiani, “Here’s Your List of All the Protests Happening against the Muslim Ban,” ThinkProgress, January 21, 2017, https://thinkprogress.org/muslim-ban-protests-344f6e66022e/.

52.Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan, Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011).

53.Richard W. Stevenson, “Threats and Responses: The White House; Protests Fail to Sway Bush on Plans for Iraq,” New York Times, February 19, 2003. The estimate of February 15 protesters in the United States was obtained by consolidating data from Dominique Reynié, “Globalized Protest: Demonstrating in the Age of Globalization: The Case of Rallies against the Iraq War in 2003,” https://www.academia.edu/6081355/GLOBALIZED_PROTEST._DEMONSTRATING_IN_THE_AGE_OF_GLOBALIZATION_THE_CASE_OF_RALLIES_AGAINST_THE_IRAQ_WAR_IN_2003_1; and Joris Verhulst, “February 15, 2003: The World Says No to War,” in The World Says No to War: Demonstrations against the War in Iraq, ed. Stefaan Walgrave and Dieter Rucht (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010), 17. On Nixon’s silent majority speech and the Vietnam antiwar movement, see Jeremy Varon, Bringing the War Home: The Weather Underground, the Red Army Faction, and Revolutionary Violence in the Sixties and Seventies (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2004), 132–41. On the Mayday 1971 actions, see Lucy G. Barber, Marching on Washington, 179–218; L.A. Kauffman, Direct Action, 1–34.

54.On the notion of threat signaling through protest, see Zeynep Tufekci, Twitter and Tear Gas, 189–222.

55.Tom Wells, The War Within, 425–45 (the Washington Post is quoted on p. 425). Nancy Zaroulis and Gerald Sullivan, Who Spoke Up?, 324–28.