The moment the first crusade mutated from a military campaign intent on conquest into an attempt to maintain permanent and stable political control over the Holy Land, the role of women was transformed from incidental and supportive to essential and central. Permanent control depended not on soldiers but on settlers. Settlers, by definition, come to make their living in a new place, put down roots and find families. In short, settlers needed wives.
To be sure, many crusaders had been married men. Most of them had left their wives and families behind when they took the cross and set out on this exceptional expedition to the East. However, the majority of married crusaders returned home to their wives and families rather than remaining in the Holy Land. There were also a few crusaders who travelled in the company of their wives. If both survived the long hazardous journey – and only one in five did – they might have opted to remain together in the Holy Land. But the number of such couples would have been dismissively small. There can be little doubt that most of the crusaders who elected to remain in Outremer at the end of the First Crusade were bachelors or widowers, men without wives at home or in Outremer.
As these men turned to peaceful pursuits and thought of founding families, they turned – as men always have and always will – to the women closest at hand. Unlike the settlers of the sparsely populated ‘New World’ centuries later, the Latin settlers to the Near East in the early twelfth century found themselves in a well-populated region. Equally important in the twelfth-century context, the women around them were, for the most part, fellow Christians.
The importance of this fact cannot be overstated. Pope Urban II had called the First Crusade, in part, to rescue the native Christians from Muslim oppression. The papal legate on the crusade, Adhemar Bishop of Le Puy, had maintained close ties with the Greek Orthodox Patriarch throughout the campaign, and the Latin and Orthodox authorities had issued what we would nowadays call ‘joint communiques’ about the progress. The Greek Patriarch had sent the starving crusaders supplies from Cyprus during the siege of Antioch. The Crusaders reinstated the Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch after their victory. Orthodox priests assumed the role of confessor to some of the crusade’s leaders. In the first crusader state established in Edessa, the Latin count was first adopted and installed in accordance with Armenian customs and with the blessings of the Armenian church. Although the Latin and Orthodox hierarchies later engaged in squabbling over titles and tithes, the salient point with respect to inter-church relations was made by the Jacobite patriarch, Michael the Great. Writing in the second half of the twelfth century (that is, after a half-century of Frankish rule) Michael stated unequivocally: ‘[the Franks] never sought a single formula for all the Christian people and languages, but they considered as Christian anyone who worshipped the cross without investigation or examination’.38
This policy was decisive to the success and survival of the crusader states. It demonstrates additionally that the crusader states were never apartheid-like societies in which the new elites attempted to segregate themselves from the local population or viewed intermarriage with other ethnic, linguistic and cultural groups as undesirable. The reverse was true. From their inception, intermarriage with the native population was accepted and practised without approbation in all four crusader states. Indeed, far from being aloof and apart from the native residents, the Latin settlers were integrated and absorbed into the broader family networks of the local (Christian) inhabitants from the very start.
Writing in the first quarter-century after the establishment of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, Fulcher of Chartres, chaplain to Baldwin I, approvingly reported that the settlers ‘have taken wives not only of our own people but Syrians or Armenians or even Saracens who have obtained the grace of baptism’.39 He goes on to say: ‘Some [settlers] already possess homes or households by inheritance. … One has his father-in-law as well as his daughter-in-law living with him, or his own child if not his stepson or stepfather’.40
This Western cleric stresses – unconsciously because to him it was self-evident – the advantages these marriages with local women brought. Marriage in the mediaeval context was not only about ‘taking a wife’; it was about acquiring a father-in-law who already had land or businesses. As Chartres notes, it was about brothers-in-law who could help tend the vineyard and till the fields. It meant obtaining mothers-in-law to help look after the children, stepsons who could herd the goats, and stepdaughters to help spin and weave. As Chartres enthusiastically points out in his description of settler society, settlers were already starting to inherit lands and benefit from the broader networks afforded by family ties. In mediaeval society, a man alone was always poorer than a man with a family.
In the context of Outremer, however, the value of these family ties was materially greater than in the West. The Western European settlers to Outremer found themselves in an alien environment with a seemingly hostile climate characterised by infrequent rains and completely different growing seasons than they had known at home. The Westerners confronted unusual crops, exotic insects and unfamiliar vermin, strange diseases and unexpected dangers. Alone, the settlers would have found it very difficult to survive; supported by a native family familiar with the crops, livestock, weather and hazards, they had far less to fear.
Soon, as Chartres records, the settlers started to ‘go native’ as well. Thus, they ‘use the eloquence and idioms of diverse languages in conversing back and forth. Words of different languages have become common property known to each nationality’.41 Significantly, Chartres claims:
He who was a Roman or a Frank has in this land been made into a Galilean or Palestinian. He who was of Rheims or Chartres has now become a citizen of Tyre or Antioch … Indeed it is written, ‘the lion and the ox shall eat straw together’. He who was born a stranger is now as one born here; he who was born an alien has become a native.42
This description highlights that while the Franks did not attempt to set themselves apart, the native population did not reject them, either. The picture Chartres paints is one of mutual acceptance. The key is Chartres’ phrase in his description noting that ‘mutual faith unites’. As Michael the Syrian stressed from the other perspective, the common bond of Christianity – regardless of the exact form that religion took, whether Maronite, Melkite, Jacobite, Armenian or Latin – transcended and trumped all differences of ethnicity, race, language, culture and tradition.
The common bond of Christianity enabled intermarriage. Intermarriage, in turn, gave the new settlers the tools to adapt to their new environment and command of the local languages and fostered identification with their new home. Intermarriage, more than anything else, turned immigrants from France, Germany, Italy and England into Galileans and Palestinians. By the second generation, the children of these marriages also had a new identity. Regardless of where their fathers had come from, the second generation of Latin residents in the Holy Land was not only called Franks but also viewed themselves as such. In all this, it was the women – the native women – who played the crucial role in binding the settlers to their new homes.
While Chartres eloquently depicts the situation of the common settler, strikingly those at the highest level of society – the kings, counts and barons of the Holy Land – likewise initially sought their wives among the local nobility rather than sending to the West for consorts. This may, in part, have been because, as relative parvenus, they could not expect to obtain the hand of daughters of the higher European nobility. Yet it also reflected the need and desire to secure the aid of in-laws embedded in existing power structures and familiar with local conditions.
As Count of Edessa, Baldwin I immediately realised an Armenian wife was indispensable. When he became King of Jerusalem, he found the Armenian connection less useful and attempted to put his Armenian wife aside. He sought, instead, to forge an alliance with Sicily by marrying the Dowager Queen Adelaide. Although Adelaide’s principal attraction was her wealth, troops and the Sicilian fleet, she had already proven herself an able and prudent ruler of a multicultural state with Greek and Muslim minorities when she served as regent of Sicily from 1101 to 1112. In short, she brought more to the marriage than money and troops; she brought invaluable experience.
Baldwin II also married into the Armenian aristocracy as Count of Edessa, but he made no attempt to rid himself of his Armenian wife Morphia when he became King of Jerusalem. Thus, Morphia was crowned queen and ruled as Baldwin II’s consort until his death. Baldwin II’s successor was his daughter Melisende, but the next time Jerusalem needed a queen consort for a ruling king, the kingdom was sufficiently established and powerful to seek – and receive – a marriage alliance with the most powerful Christian state in the Near East: the Byzantine Empire. Both of Melisende’s sons married brides from the ruling Byzantine dynasty, the Comnenus.
Again, the principal political advantage of these marriage alliances with Constantinople was military. Kings Baldwin III and Amalric I sought and received Byzantine armies and fleets to assist them in confronting their Muslim foes and, in Amalric’s case, pursuing geopolitical ambitions in Egypt as well. Yet the influence of the Greek brides extended beyond the military sphere. The Byzantine princesses went to Jerusalem accompanied by scribes, artists and craftsmen. They brought trousseaus whose transport required entire caravans. Their wardrobes and generous gifts were intended to inspire admiration for Byzantine culture and craftsmanship. Under Maria Comnena especially, Greek money poured into the kingdom to construct churches and monasteries, and an influx of Greek artisans followed the money. It was also while Maria Comnena was queen that Amalric visited Constantinople and did homage to the Byzantine Emperor. This significant political act was largely obscured by the Christian defeat at Hattin only sixteen years later. The disaster at Hattin rendered any implied subservience to Constantinople irrelevant, while Constantinople’s subsequent alliance with Saladin justified the Latin conquest of the Byzantine capital a few decades later.
After the fall of Jerusalem to Saladin in 1187, there followed almost a century in which the crown of Jerusalem passed to daughters or was held by absentee kings with no interest in the kingdom’s welfare. It is notable, however, that for most of the thirteenth century, the Kings of Cyprus sought their brides from among the local nobility of Outremer rather than the West. King Aimery married an Ibelin first and the queen of Jerusalem second. His successor Hugh I, also married a Princess of Jerusalem. Not until the third generation was a foreign bride sought; Henry I of Cyprus first married a Montferrat (a family tied to the crown of Jerusalem by marriage twice in the previous century) and took an Armenian princess as his second wife. His successor died before reaching the age for marriage, and the next king of Cyprus to take a queen, Hugh III, married yet another Ibelin.
Almost prophetically, the last ruling king of Jerusalem, Henry II of Cyprus, was the first ruler of a crusader kingdom to take a Western European bride. Henry married Constance of Aragon, but there was no issue from this union, and his successor reverted to the usual pattern of local brides, marrying two different daughters of the House of Ibelin in succession. It was not until the fourteenth century that the princes of Cyprus consistently sought western brides. Guy (who died before his father) married Maria de Bourbon. Peter I married a local heiress Eschiva de Montfort first but then took Eleanor of Aragon as his second wife. John first married Constance of Aragon but took an Ibelin for his second wife. Finally, James I married a German bride, Helvis of Braunschweig. All these alliances with Western royalty occurred in the second half of the fourteenth century when all serious hope of re-establishing Christian control of the Holy Land proper had evaporated. The earlier alliances with Armenian, Greek, and even Sicilian woman, had served to anchor the crusader states in the Eastern Mediterranean and had contributed significantly to giving the kingdoms in Outremer a hybrid or multicultural character.
The situation with respect to female heiresses was the exact reverse – and arguably led to the kingdom’s destruction. Although the right of heiresses to inherit the crown was established early in the kingdom’s history, it was also recognised that a ruling queen needed a male consort capable of leading – physically and in person – the feudal army of the kingdom. The importance of this military role undoubtedly led the High Court of Jerusalem to assert its right to select husbands for heiresses to the crown. Perhaps out of a desire not to elevate any of its own members to a higher status, the High Court consistently looked to Western Europe for fitting consorts.
This precedent was set very early when Baldwin II designated his eldest daughter Melisende as his heir. Almost at once, the High Court requested the King of France select a suitable nobleman to come to Jerusalem and marry their future queen. At roughly the same time, the High Court in Antioch rejected attempts by the dowager Princess Alice to marry her daughter to the Byzantine Emperor, preferring to invite Raymond of Poitiers to Antioch instead. Obviously and understandably, the barons of Antioch feared increased Byzantine interference in their affairs and possibly a complete loss of independence had the powerful Byzantine Emperor married the heiress of the principality. Yet, it is noteworthy that they preferred a French candidate over a nobleman from Armenia, Tripoli or Jerusalem.
The next female heiress in the Kingdom of Jerusalem was Sibylla, the sister of Baldwin IV. Again, the High Court sought to find an appropriate Western nobleman, although they rejected attempts by the Count of Flanders to impose unworthy candidates upon them. Nevertheless, the Archbishop of Tyre was dispatched to the West to identify a husband for Sibylla and returned with Stephen of Sancerre of the House of Blois. Stephen was clearly of sufficient rank; his sister was married to Louis VII of France, and his brothers were married to Eleanor of Aquitaine’s daughters by Louis VII. But Stephen unexpectedly refused to marry Sibylla and returned to France.
Evidently disenchanted with the French king, the High Court turned next to the Holy Roman Empire and invited William Marquis de Montferrat to become their next king. William was first cousin to both Louis VII of France and the Holy Roman Emperor Friedrich I. Furthermore, his family had a long tradition of crusading. He arrived in the Holy Land in October 1176 and married the then 16-year-old Sibylla within six weeks. He was invested with the title of Count of Jaffa and Ascalon, the traditional title for the heir apparent to the throne. Unfortunately, he died just eight months later, in June 1177. Sibylla gave birth in August to a posthumous son named Baldwin, after her brother.
Meanwhile, the High Court again appealed to the King of France to select a consort for their future queen. Louis VII’s choice fell this time on the Duke of Burgundy, who agreed and announced his intention to arrive in Jerusalem in the spring of 1180. However, before Burgundy set out on the journey to Jerusalem, King Louis died, leaving the 14-year-old Philip II as his heir. With the predatory Plantagenets licking their chops, Burgundy evidently believed it was his duty to remain in France. Sibylla had been jilted a second time, which may explain why, at this juncture, she took things into her own hands and married a man of her own choice. Despite his obvious unsuitability as the younger son of the Lord de la March, Sibylla married Guy de Lusignan with the disastrous consequences discussed earlier in this book.
The next time the High Court exerted its influence over the choice of king consort, it turned yet again to Western Europe, selecting Conrad de Montferrat (from the Holy Roman Empire) as Isabella I’s second consort. Isabella’s third and fourth husbands, in contrast, were her own choices and in both cases, she chose French men already in the Holy Land. Her fourth husband was a man who had been in the Latin East for decades and had risen to be King of Cyprus largely on his merits. The marriage of Isabella I to Aimery de Lusignan was undoubtedly a means to shore up both kingdoms. Yet it may also reflect the fact that Jerusalem was so fragile and vulnerable at this time that the prospects of finding a high-ranking Western nobleman willing to abandon his secure titles to assume the august but uncertain post of King of Jerusalem were undoubtedly slim.
This political reality is underscored by the High Court’s difficulty finding a consort for Isabella’s heir, Maria de Montferrat. Eventually, John de Brienne came to Jerusalem, but he was unquestionably a nobleman of tertiary rank without great fortune or following. Yet if he proved a disappointment to the barons of Jerusalem, the ‘coup’ of marrying Maria’s successor Yolanda (Isabella II) to the greatest of all Western monarchs, the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II Hohenstaufen, proved utterly disastrous.
The marriage of Yolanda to Frederick II demonstrated the drawbacks of the High Court’s predilection for seeking Western consorts in the hope of obtaining greater military protection for the kingdom. Although Fulk d’Anjou, Raymond de Poitiers, Henri de Champagne and the Montferrat brothers William and Conrad were all Western magnates, they had been willing to renounce their lands in the West and resettle in the Holy Land to defend Jerusalem in person. That changed with Yolanda’s marriage to Frederick II. He neither renounced his other titles (king of Sicily, king of the Germans, Holy Roman Emperor) nor took up residence in the Latin East. Altogether, he spent less than one year of his 25-year reign in the Kingdom of Jerusalem. More disruptive yet, he took the ruling hereditary queen away from her kingdom (she travelled to his Kingdom of Sicily to marry him) and denied her her hereditary rights as ruling queen from that day forward. Instead, he confined her to his harem and usurped her authority until she died aged 15. He then usurped the authority of her infant son.
The kingdom never recovered from the consequences of this disastrous marriage, and historians can only speculate on what course history might have taken had the spouses of queens consistently been men resident in and committed to Outremer. Isabella’s choice of Aimery de Lusignan was brilliant, and it is tempting to picture the fate of the kingdom had Yolanda married, say, the heir of Beirut, an extremely competent fighting man, or his nephew, the brilliant jurist John of Jaffa.
The role of women in holding together the different cultures that collided in Outremer can perhaps best be illustrated by case studies. Below are three examples of women who forged critical alliances yet whose role has been largely overlooked in more general histories.
Eschiva d’Ibelin, the daughter of Baldwin d’Ibelin, Lord of Ramla, was married at an unknown but undoubtedly early age to a noble but penniless adventurer from France, Aimery de Lusignan. At the time of her marriage, she was not an heiress, and the union was indicative of her husband’s desire to settle in the East and forge ties with the local feudal elite. Why the Lord of Ramla found the third son of the Lord de la March a suitable match for his daughter is unclear, but Aimery must have been a man of considerable charm; King Amalric of Jerusalem had been willing to pay his ransom when he was taken captive by the Saracens, a generosity that was far from common. Indeed, some sources allege Aimery de Lusignan was so charming he became the paramour of the Queen Mother, Agnes de Courtenay.
As time went on, however, Eschiva’s husband and father came into irreconcilable conflict. Eschiva’s brother-in-law Guy had married the heiress of the kingdom, Sibylla, the woman her father had hoped to marry himself. Furthermore, Guy, as Count of Jaffa, became the Lord of Ramla’s overlord, causing him further resentment. When Sibylla usurped the throne and crowned the widely unpopular Guy her consort, Eschiva’s father could take no more. He abdicated his lordships and departed the kingdom. Such a dramatic breach between her father and husband must have been extremely painful for Eschiva, but on the surface, she sided with her husband and remained at his side.
Less than a year later, Aimery and Guy were both prisoners of Saladin, and Eschiva had lost everything. She had several small children, no means to raise her husband’s ransom and was a refugee. With the Lusignans in a Saracen prison, Eschiva almost certainly found support and refuge with her father’s younger brother, her uncle Balian d’Ibelin. Balian was one of only three barons not in Saracen captivity, but arguably more importantly, he was married to a Byzantine princess. She had access to resources outside Saladin’s grasp.
When Saladin released the Lusignan brothers, Eschiva was reunited with Aimery. There is no evidence Eschiva joined him at the siege of Acre, and relations between the Lusignan brothers appeared to have soured. Certainly, when Guy first went to Cyprus after being deposed as king of Jerusalem, Aimery conspicuously did not accompany him. Even more striking, when Guy died within the next year, he left Cyprus not to Aimery – who had endured so much with him at and after Hattin – but to their elder brother, Hugh. Aimery acquired Cyprus from the barons who had settled (and fought) with him in Cyprus rather than his ever-incompetent younger brother Guy.
Then a remarkable thing happened. Cyprus, which had been in open revolt, was pacified in a mere five years. An island that had defied the most powerful militant order in the world (the Templars) became a model of harmonious co-existence between Latin and Orthodox, Frank and Greek. It became an island kingdom famous for its luxury, prosperity and self-indulgent aristocracy. The laws and policies that set it on that course were promulgated by Aimery de Lusignan. No historian has adequately explained this, and the fairy tale repeated in most books that Guy de Lusignan asked and received advice from Saladin is exactly that: a fairy tale. The real key lies with Eschiva and her Ibelin connections.
Eschiva’s pivotal role in reconciling her family the Ibelins with the Cypriot Lusignans cannot be overstated, and the importance of the Ibelins in Cyprus, something historians have puzzled over for centuries, can best be explained by her. It is generally assumed that because the Ibelins opposed Guy de Lusignan, they were also inveterate opponents of Aimery. Yet the Ibelins were perfectly capable of distinguishing between the two Lusignan brothers and, therefore, able to judge Aimery for his strengths rather than condemning him for his brother’s weaknesses.
Eschiva’s role as a mediator between her uncle and her husband explains another mystery that has long baffled historians: how the Ibelins became so powerful in Cyprus so fast. Historians such as Peter Edbury express perplexity at the fact that an Ibelin (Balian’s second son Philip) was named regent of Cyprus by the Cypriot High Court only seven years after the first written reference to the presence of Ibelins on Cyprus. However, in the decade following the Third Crusade, the Kingdom of Jerusalem struggled to re-establish its institutions while the Kingdom of Cyprus was completely inchoate. In short, the first recorded presence of an Ibelin need not be the first actual presence of the Ibelins. It is more likely that Balian d’Ibelin and his wife, Maria Comnena, played an active role in the pacification of Cyprus. This would explain how the Ibelins came to possess vast estates in the island kingdom and the influence they held on the Cypriot High Court.
Indeed, the very fact that Balian d’Ibelin disappeared from the records of the Kingdom of Jerusalem in 1193, usually assumed to mean he died at this time, more probably reflects the fact that he was active in Cyprus rather than on the mainland. The same thing happened a quarter-century later when the Lord of Beirut disappeared from the witness lists after being regent of Jerusalem during King John’s reign. Despite disappearing from the witness lists, Beirut was very much alive and well. Indeed, he would return to lead the baronial revolt against Frederick II. In short, the fact that Balian d’Ibelin disappears from the witness lists at the court of his stepdaughter Isabella I does not mean he was necessarily dead. It does no more than suggest he was absent from Isabella’s kingdom. The most logical place for him to have been in this period was in Cyprus at the invitation of his niece, Eschiva. The reason Eschiva would seek her uncle’s support for her husband at this juncture brings us to the second woman whose critical role in the history of the Latin East has been neglected: Maria Comnena.
As noted above, Maria Comnena had already played a key role in forging an alliance between her first husband, King Amalric and the Comnena dynasty in Constantinople. She had arrived in Jerusalem with a large entourage of Byzantine artists and artisans, fostering the spread of Byzantine culture in her new homeland.
In 1190, Maria Comnena played a critical role in re-establishing a viable monarchy in the Kingdom of Jerusalem by convincing her daughter Isabella to put the welfare of her battered and bleeding kingdom ahead of her personal feelings. Maria’s intervention at this time shows the wisdom of the daughter of the Byzantine imperial family. She understood political and military realities and correctly conveyed to her daughter the imperative of meeting the demands of her barons for a militarily competent king. In doing so, Maria Comnena saved the crown of Jerusalem for her dynasty. Had Isabella instead clung to Humphrey de Toron as her husband, the barons would almost certainly have abandoned Isabella altogether and elected Montferrat (or another candidate) as their king. The kingdom would have been fragmented even further by the competing claims to the crown put forward by Lusignan, Isabella/Toron and the barons’ candidate. Maria ought to be praised and admired for her statesmanship rather than vilified for browbeating her 18-year-old daughter into making a rational rather than an emotional decision.
Once the succession was settled by the departure of Guy de Lusignan for Cyprus and Isabella’s marriage to Henri de Champagne, Maria Comnena – like her second husband – seems almost to disappear from the history books. Yet, nothing would have been more logical than for her to go to Cyprus to assist in the pacification of this formerly Byzantine and still Greek Orthodox island. Maria Comnena was related to the island’s last Greek ‘emperor’, Isaac Comnenus. She spoke Greek, understood the mentality of the population, and probably had good ties (or could forge them) to the secular and ecclesiastical Greek Orthodox elites on the island. She had the means to help Aimery pacify his unruly realm, while her husband Balian was a proven diplomat par excellence, who would also have been a great asset to Aimery.
We know that Maria was later credited with brokering a reconciliation between Aimery de Lusignan and her son-in-law, Henri de Champagne. Maria’s tool in this case was a marriage alliance between Lusignan’s eldest son (and heir) and Champagne’s eldest daughter. Yet while Maria’s influence with her son-in-law is logical, it is hard to see what influence she would have had with Aimery de Lusiginan unless she had earlier helped him establish himself in Cyprus by serving as a mediator to his Greek subjects during his early years in Cyprus.
Finally, there is Marguerite d’Ibelin, the eldest daughter of Balian d’Ibelin and Maria Comnena. Marguerite married the Lord of Sidon at an early age and her eldest son by that marriage became one of the most powerful barons in Jerusalem in the thirteenth century. He was appointed regent of the kingdom by Frederick II on two separate occasions and made serious attempts to mediate between his uncle and cousin of Beirut and the Holy Roman Emperor. Meanwhile, his mother had been widowed at a young age and married a second time.
Since she was a widow, Marguerite’s second marriage could not have been imposed on her, and we can assume that she chose her second husband freely. Her choice fell on a certain Guy de Montfort, a crusader from the West. Guy and his elder brother Simon took the cross in or about 1203 but refused to attack fellow Christians at Zara or Constantinople. Instead, they had distanced themselves from the campaign financed by Venice that ended with the capture of Constantinople and travelled independently to the Holy Land. Simon soon returned to France and took command of a different crusade, the crusade against the Albigensians in Southern France. Guy remained in the Holy Land, married Marguerite, and had three children with her, two daughters and a son, Philip.
Marguerite died while these children were all still small, so Guy returned to France, taking his children with him. He turned the upbringing of his children over to his sister-in-law, Alice de Montmorency, wife of his brother Simon. Alice was the mother of Simon de Montfort, later Earl of Leicester. Philip and Simon appear to have been quite close, and nearly half a century later, they took the cross and set out to the Holy Land together. They participated in what became known as ‘the Baron’s Crusade’ of 1239–1241. Like his father, Philip remained in the Holy Land and married there. Unlike his father, he married an heiress and became baron of Toron by right of his wife. He was also one of the staunchest and most steadfast supporters of his cousin Balian d’Ibelin, Lord of Beirut, in the latter’s fight against the Holy Roman Emperor.
The connection between the rebels of Outremer and the rebel Simon de Montfort is a chapter of mediaeval history that has not yet been adequately explored and illuminated. It is, however, hard to believe that Simon de Montfort’s stance against arbitrary and authoritarian monarchy was not, in part, inspired and encouraged by the successful stand of his Ibelin cousins against Frederick II. It is even more notable that the barons of Outremer under the Ibelins had experimented with harnessing the support of the commoners (e.g., the Commune of Acre, non-feudal observers to the High Court) before Montfort did. The fact that the Montforts and Ibelins were cousins made exchanging ideas and sentiments easier than between strangers. Family ties were forged by women like Marguerite d’Ibelin, who brought the ideas and customs of the East and West together in the same household. She was only one of scores of such women, most of whom escape the notice of chroniclers and historians.