Where law ends, there tyranny begins.
William Pitt, 1770
The function of the Establishment was (and is) the preservation of the Establishment. The Official Secrets Act was presented to Parliament in 1888 by Salisbury’s legal butler, Bro Sir Richard Webster. Made law in 1889, it has ever after been abused and become a bolt-hole for scoundrels.1
Concurrent with the Ripper scandal, literally on a day-to-day basis, the Salisbury government was engineering a ‘foul conspiracy’ (not my words, but those of the Lord Chief Justice Lord Coleridge in 1889) to destroy the Irish Nationalist leader Charles Parnell. Chief of the CID Sir Robert Anderson was the helmsman of this particular conspiracy, which is why the record has scant reference to him in respect of the Whitechapel Fiend. Anderson could lie like a back-alley slut, and was up to his dandruff in a clandestine duplicity. At the zenith of both his and Warren’s criminal activity (the autumn of 1888) he is supposed to have ‘gone on holiday’ to the Continent, when in reality he was secretly manipulating and conspiring with both press and Parliament in what it was hoped would be a death blow to Parnell and his dream of an independent Ireland.
Documents in respect of Anderson’s covert activities were originally classified under the ‘hundred-year rule’. But when the hundred years was up, they were reclassified to keep them secret in perpetuity. They are an ‘official secret’. So even today, in the twenty-first century, British citizens are not allowed to know what nineteenth-century policemen were up to.2
In respect of Jack the Ripper, the Metropolitan Police (MEPO) files are not working documents of an investigation, but largely heavily-weeded scraps of dubious concoction. They are not a record, but a ‘story’ as the System wanted it told, and it was Chief Inspector Donald Swanson who was chosen to tell it.
After the ritualistic murder of Annie Chapman on 8 September 1888, Charles Warren took two strategic decisions relating to the Metropolitan Police’s investigation. The first was a suffocating ban to prevent any information getting out; and the second, draconian control of all information within. Other than as a conduit for misinformation – the search for ‘lairs’, promoting the idea of a ‘Jew’, etc. – the press was to be kept at the end of a very long arm. ‘Under pain of dismissal,’ recorded a contemporary pressman, ‘the detectives refused information, even to accredited representatives of the London papers.’3
At Scotland Yard, things were no different. By a process later known as ‘compartmentalisation’, information was to be channelled upwards, as the exclusive property of an elite. On 15 September, exactly one week after Chapman’s death, Warren wrote, or more likely dictated, a memo (pomposity requiring a few self-congratulatory words before he got to his point). ‘I am convinced,’ he mused, ‘that the Whitechapel Murder case is one that can be successfully grappled with if it is systematically taken in hand. I go so far as to say that I could myself unravel the mystery provided I could spare the time and give individual attention to it.’4
Well, bravo to you, you self-serving idiot, and a pity it is you found time at five o’clock in the morning to apply individual attention to a wall.
‘I feel therefore,’ he continued, ‘the utmost importance to be attached to putting the whole Central Office work in this case in the hands of one man who will have nothing else to concern himself with.’
That man was a forty-year-old Scot, the aforementioned Swanson, ‘who must be acquainted with every detail [Warren’s emphasis]. I look upon him for the time being as the eyes and ears of the Commissioner in this particular case.’ Acquisition of Warren’s blighted organs wasn’t the end of it. ‘He must have a room to himself, and every paper, every document, every report, every telegram must pass through his hands. He must be consulted on every subject,’ insists the memo. ‘I would not send any directions anywhere on the subject of the murder without consulting him. I give him the whole responsibility … All the papers [Warren’s emphasis] in Central Office on the subject of the murder must be kept in his room. I must have this matter put on a proper footing, everything depends on a careful compliance with these directions.’5
Certainly the subterfuge Warren was initiating depended on compliance, and a paragraph added in his own hand is indicative of his determination to hammer the instruction home: ‘Every document, letter received [my emphasis] or telegram on the subject should go to his room before being directed when necessary. This is to avoid the possibility of documents being delayed or action retarded.’
Underneath are the initials of those in the loop: ‘A.C.B.’, Assistant Commissioner Alexander Carmichael Bruce, acknowledged the directive on the day it was written, as did ‘A.F.W.’, Chief Constable Adolphus Frederick Williamson, who noted, ‘seen 15/9/88’.6
Swanson’s mandate covers everything: every docket, document, plan and telegram, every ‘letter received’. For the time being, I want to confine interest to the receipt of just one such letter.
On 29 September 1888, the Central News Agency forwarded a letter it had received to Scotland Yard. It was marked for the attention of Chief Constable Williamson, who as signatory to Warren’s instructions was duty bound to pass it on to Swanson post-haste. Because both of them were in the same building, this shouldn’t have taken more than a minute or two.
Swanson was now looking at what is probably the most notorious document in this whole hideous pantomime. Known subsequently as the ‘Dear Boss’ letter, and considered to be the first outing of the Beast’s nom de plume, it is signed, ‘yours truly Jack the Ripper’.
25 Sept 1888
Dear Boss
I keep on hearing the police have caught me but they wont fix me just yet. I have laughed when they look so clever and talk about being on the right track. That joke about Leather Apron gave me real fits. I am down on whores and shant quit ripping them till I do get buckled. Grand work the last job was. I gave the lady no time to squeal. How can they catch me now. I love my work and want to start again. You will soon hear of me with my funny little games. I saved some of the proper red stuff in a ginger beer bottle over the last job to write with but it went thick like glue and I can’t use it. Red ink is fit enough I hope ha ha. The next job I do I shall clip the ladys ears off and send to the police officers just for jolly wouldn’t you. Keep this letter back till I do a bit more work, then give it out straight. My knife’s so nice and sharp I want to get to work right away if I get a chance. Good luck.
yours truly
Jack the Ripper
Don’t mind me giving the trade name.
Written at a right-angle below the main text and as an apparent afterthought:
Wasnt good enough to post this before I got all the red ink off my hands curse it. No luck yet. They say I’m a doctor now ha ha
Bro Donald Swanson (Lodge of St Peter’s 284)7 was an apt choice as Warren’s ‘eyes and ears’. It was his responsibility ‘to avoid the possibility of documents being delayed or action retarded’. Under such an uncompromising stricture, knowledge of ‘Dear Boss’ and the letter itself must have gone directly to Warren. We know he was in London, and Scotland Yard wasn’t a corner shop. If Superintendent Arnold can wake Warren in the middle of the night to inform him of some writing on a wall, it shouldn’t have been a difficult task for Swanson to inform his boss of the arrival of a letter in the middle of the day. Broad daylight, no telegraph or telephone required (although the boss had both). Chances are it was only a stroll into the next-door office.
The ramifications of this are startling. We are talking about 29 September, the daylight before the night of the ‘Double Event’. By any balance of probability, it means that Warren would have known about ‘Dear Boss’ when he scurried out of bed that night to wash off that wall. Indeed, I’d bet my low card it was the reason he did it. Following hard on his heels came a poster campaign that must rank amongst the most ridiculous in history.
The Metropolitan Police reproduced the letter and a subsequent postcard, and slapped posters up all over East London. The universal petition that ‘Any person recognising the handwriting is requested to communicate with the nearest police station’ was rendered a tad academic, since the only person who might have recognised it was the Commissioner of Police, and he’d just washed it off.
This novel reaction to evidence has been examined in a previous chapter. Without wishing to re-tread the cobbles at Goulston Street, and irrespective of the forever lost handwriting, I want to explore how ‘Dear Boss’ might otherwise relate to the writing on the wall. Take a look at this. It’s a letter from an intelligent citizen, published in the Daily News on 2 October 1888, and I think it gets close to identifying the problem.
Sir – As the track of the Whitechapel monster or monsters becomes more and more thickly besprinkled with the blood, and bestrewn with the mutilated remains of successive victims, there is something almost paralysing in the ghastly sameness with which the newspaper reports wind up:– ‘No clue to the identity of the murderer has yet been found’; ‘No circumstance speedily tending to the discovery of the criminal has yet been observed’; and, ‘It is understood that, although not the remotest clue has been discovered, the police have a theory,’ and so on ad nauseam … Now, Sir, is this not a matter of grave complaint against our detective system? It is easy to say that without something to work upon the police cannot be expected to smell the murderer out. Most emphatically I maintain that it is the duty of the detective to discover and pursue for himself clues suggested by such trifling indications as would escape the attention of the casual or the unskilled observer. We retain a large and expensive body of men, and we have the right to demand at their hands things which, except to specialists and experts, may rightly be called impossible. Sir Charles Warren, pious disciplinarian and enthusiastic soldier that he is, must feel deeply his responsibility for all this …
T.B.R.
That he did, but it wasn’t a responsibility as understood by this correspondent. T.B.R. perceptively identifies the ‘spin’ and reality of what was actually going on – NOTHING – but he doesn’t understand that Warren wasn’t interested in detection, but in the strategy of its avoidance. He was an iron filing at the mercy of a magnet, subject to a dynamic of which the public could have no inkling, and he would tell any porky, promote any falsehood, and rush to any location to facilitate the subterfuge. Bro Warren couldn’t catch Jack the Ripper: he was precisely the reason he was never caught.
Mr Paul Begg informs us that ‘the Masonic Conspiracy’, as he calls it, ‘has now been thoroughly discredited’.8 My response to this assertion is, by whom? Certainly not by Ripperology, or indeed by the Freemasons, whose protestations implode like a line of perished balloons. The single ‘thoroughly discredited’ contrivance is the bullshit put about by a Freemason in the first place, implicating the Duke of Clarence. Ripperologists who dismiss the chalked-up message do so with a superficial understanding of British Masonic ritual. Although wildly incorrect, Mr Begg at least concedes that ‘In the United States however, the names Jubela, Jubelo, and Jubelum, were and are used.’9
Well, that’s a start, and in terms of detection it may have been of interest to correspondents like T.B.R. The Victorian police may well have demonstrated what the Evening News described as ‘the nous of tailors’ dummies’,10 but even they were able to identify and draw attention to ‘Americanisms’ in ‘Dear Boss’. They could hardly do otherwise. The newspapers were doing it for them. ‘Boss, Fix me, Shant Quit and Right Away, are American forms of expression. The writer is probably an American,’ concluded the Daily Telegraph, which, with quite extraordinary accuracy, continued, ‘or an Englishman, who has mixed with “our cousins” on the other side of the Atlantic.’11
If Mr Begg can acknowledge the murderous trio of J.J.J. as familiar names in nineteenth-century American Freemasonry (just as they were, according to Bro Woodford, in English), and the police themselves are able to recognise American slang in ‘Dear Boss’, what’s the problem with considering an American Freemason, or someone pretending to be one, as ‘yours truly Jack the Ripper’? ‘Just for jolly’, Mr Begg? Just as part of ‘no clue too small’, as that inimitable investigative force Sir Robert Anderson so fastidiously put it?
We had an American Gatherer of Wombs; what’s wrong with an American Ripper? Or is that a forensic leap too far? It certainly was for Charlie Warren and his boys, who were leaping in the opposite direction. Warren and his minions speedily denounced ‘Dear Boss’ as a hoax, and predictably the hypnotised herd went along with him.
Ripperologist Mr Melvin Harris is not only an expert, but according to his own dust-wrapper ‘one of the world’s top experts’, and Mr Harris tells us ‘Dear Boss’ is a fake. It’s the work of a juvenile ‘ink-stained hack’, he decrees, and let’s hear no more about it. ‘While the press fished around for copy,’ says Melvin, ‘an immature and irresponsible journalist decided to manufacture some of his own in the form of a mocking letter supposed to be penned by the killer himself. It was dated 25th September but not posted until the 27th, and not sent to the police or any specific paper but to the Central News Agency in Fleet St.’12
Irresponsible this creation certainly was, but it suggests more talent in the department of clairvoyance than journalism. Harris knows it now, and ‘yours truly’ knew it then, but who at the time knew that the next murder was imminent. ‘Keep this letter back,’ he instructs, ‘till I do a bit more work.’ And it’s clear that he himself kept the letter back – it’s dated 25 September, but was withheld until the 27th. It’s not difficult to suppose that he was trying to coordinate its arrival for maximum impact on Saturday the 29th.
The concept that this letter is a ‘hoax’ begins to evaporate with the reality of its premise. By way of comparison, let us say an anti-terrorist officer sits at Scotland Yard, and circuitously a letter arrives threatening to blow up a plane. That night, not one, but two aeroplanes are blown to pieces.
Is the letter a hoax? Or is the officer who tosses it in the trash – let’s say Inspector Melvin Harris – making an assumption that is beyond his intellectual capacity? There are many men and women whom I revere for their cognitive expertise, but Melvin isn’t one.
‘Hoax’ comes from ‘hocus pocus’, a world of Tinkerbell, conjurers and that most mesmerising of ingredients, ‘mystery’. It is the vernacular of deception, as in a magician’s trick. But where is the deception in a pair of cut-throats? Was that the work of a journalist, or a psychopath? Both the letter and the writing on the wall had the intention of mocking the police, and ‘Dear Boss’ came first. Unless Mr Harris believes the killer was influenced by a letter he couldn’t have seen (short of writing it himself), how could an ‘ink-stained hack’ predict not only the timing, but also the tone of a murderer? Or does he think it was an immature and irresponsible journalist who cut off and brought a piece of Catherine Eddowes’ apron to Goulston Street?
This history is choke-fed with the kind of mind-numbing vaudeville propagated by men like Harris. It is endless and everywhere, erupting down the years like an anaesthetising virus. ‘Who christened the phantom killer with the terrible sobriquet of Jack the Ripper?’ asks R. Thurston Hopkins, a long-dead forefather of the Harris school. ‘That is a small mystery in itself,’ he says. ‘At the time the police bag bulged with hundreds of anonymous letters from all kinds of cranks and half-witted persons who sought to criticise or hoax the officers engaged in following up the murders.’13
To acquiesce in the face of such damned silliness is not only to compromise reality, but also to miss the most important credential of the ‘Dear Boss’ letter.
And that is that it was the first.14
‘Dear Boss’ was not one of hundreds plucked from a bulging postbag. It was a one-off. At the time of its receipt it was unique. Within twenty-four hours, two women lost their lives in Whitechapel; can even the most ardent apologist persist with the asinine certainty of ‘hoax’?
‘Sir,’ wrote a correspondent to the Daily Telegraph on 5 October 1888,
Permit me to suggest in reference to the tragedies that are presently occupying the mind of everyone:–
1) That the idea that the letters attributed to the murderer could have been a ‘practical joke’ or ‘hoax’ is quite untenable. It is inconceivable that any human being, even the most degraded, could joke on such a subject. Rather, the more degraded the class, the more sympathy there would be with the unfortunate women. Whereas, these letters breathe the very spirit of such a murderer.
2) It is unlikely that the man’s dress or exterior is at all in keeping with his crimes. Probably he is well dressed, and his entire appearance is such as to totally disarm suspicion, otherwise women would not trust themselves in his company in the way that they seem to do.
In my view this contemporary opinion is worth more than five hundred Melvin Harrises. Later in the narrative I shall confirm the provenance of much of Jack’s correspondence. Meanwhile, let it be said, the Central News Agency made no attempt to exploit this letter. It was forwarded directly to the police, who clearly considered it genuine enough to slap it up all over East London. Why Warren was forced into its publication is a matter I’ll presently explore, and we can use Mr Harris’s world-class expertise as a stepping stone.
As Melvin is not best-known for his original thinking, I wanted to find out from where he had purloined his opinion. This didn’t waste much of my morning. His ‘ink-stained hack’ surfaced from the inkwell of Sir Melville Macnaghten, the man who gave us a lead on Kosminski, a.k.a. ‘the Whitechapel Wanker’. ‘In this ghastly production,’ Sir Melville wrote of ‘Dear Boss’ in 1914, ‘I have always thought I could discern the stained forefinger of a journalist.’
But Macnaghten wasn’t yet at Scotland Yard at the time of the murders, so he can’t be Harris’s source. We therefore descend the autobiographical ladder from 1914 to 1910, where no less a figure than Sir Robert Anderson waits with support for Melville and Melvin. ‘The “Dear Boss” letter,’ writes Anderson, ‘now preserved in the Police Museum at New Scotland Yard, ‘is the creation of an enterprising young journalist.’15
So, in other words, the very outfit that put the posters up (Scotland Yard) declares that ‘Dear Boss’ is false? By definition, they then are also hoaxers? It’s something to get your mind around. But wait a minute, the barmy pulpiteer isn’t yet spent: ‘Having regard to the interest attached to this case, I am almost tempted to disclose the identity of the murderer and of the pressman who wrote the letter above referred to.’16
The identity of the murderer? Holy Christ, that’s a statement from the chief of London’s CID. Not only could he have arrested some ‘ink-stained hack’, he could also have arrested Jack the Ripper! What was the problem, Bob?
‘The only person who ever got a good view of the murderer unhesitatingly identified the suspect the instant he was confronted with him; but he refused to give evidence against him.’
What a rotter. I bet he was a Hebrew.
‘In stating that he was a Polish Jew, I am merely stating a definitely ascertained fact.’17
I don’t know where to attack this horseshit first. Let us not forget who’s writing it. This was the head of the Criminal Investigation Department at Scotland Yard, writing of 1888. Allow me to give a brief reprise. Anderson says he knew the writing on the wall was genuine, ‘chalked up by the murderer’, but colluded at its public suppression. And he says he knew ‘Dear Boss’ was fake, yet connived at its promotion, plastering posters on what may well have been the same bloody wall.
This endless contradictory junk is pawed over by Ripperologists in their tireless quest for answers that do not involve police duplicity, when such answers there are none. Macnaghten and Anderson are doormen at the house of mirrors, touts selling tickets for the ‘Mystery Show’. There was no ‘Irresponsible Journalist’, no ‘Ink-Stained Hack’, just as there was no ‘Womb-Collector’, ‘Goulston Street Hoaxer’ or ‘Nautical Man’. Irresponsibility was the prerogative of the Metropolitan Police. At the time ‘Dear Boss’ went up on posters, somebody at Scotland Yard clearly considered it genuine enough to publish. This is where historical reality must impinge on even the misplaced certainties of Melvin Harris. There’s no way a man saturated in this affair, like Inspector Moore, is going to spend half an afternoon comparing the text with the inventions of some ink-stained idiot whose identity is supposedly already known to Robert Anderson. Mr Harris is trying to pull out a rabbit without a hat. His empiricisms are in fact confections culled from the memoirs of a pair of easily discredited liars.
The police knew ‘Dear Boss’ was about as genuine as it got, but as the unarrestable purger proceeded with his rampage, certain hallmarks of his correspondence had become very un-OK. It was therefore decided, almost simultaneously with the publication of ‘Dear Boss’, that all letters from Jack, both the fake and the real, were to be surreptitiously tainted with the word ‘hoax’. A process of transparent but enduring spin kicked in, men like Macnaghten retrospectively mopping up spilt milk just as Charlie Warren did at the wall.
The trashing of evidence was by now endemic, posing the question, why put the ‘Dear Boss’ posters up in the first place?
We come to the nub of Warren’s dilemma, and yet again it was Jack calling the shots. Early in the morning of 1 October, the Central News Agency received another communication. Subsequently known as ‘Saucy Jacky’, it was a postcard signed ‘Jack the Ripper’:
I was not codding dear old boss when I gave you the tip, you’ll hear about saucy Jacky’s work tomorrow double event this time number one squealed a bit couldn’t finish straight off. had no time to get ears for police thanks for keeping the last letter back till i get to work again – Jack the Ripper.
Receipt of this card coincided with the first public appearance of ‘Dear Boss’, its text only reproduced early that same morning in the Daily Post. Hoax or not, it was assumed by press and public alike that the letter and the postcard were the work of the same pen. Later that day the evening papers printed the text only of both, the reaction to them summarised by the Evening News:
It is not necessarily assumed that this has been the work of the murderer. The idea that naturally occurs being that the whole thing is a practical joke. At the same time the writing of the previous letter immediately before the commission of the murders of yesterday was so singular a coincidence that it does not seem unreasonable to suppose that the cool, calculating villain who is responsible for the crimes has chosen to make the post a medium through which to convey to the press his grimly diabolical humour.
In my view this is a very reasonable supposition, which a variety of apologists have been trying to navigate ever since. If you want to ascribe the entire Ripper correspondence to hoaxers, it is first necessary to discredit the most important letter of them all. Experts like Melvin Harris have applied themselves to the task with muscular zeal, and where Harris flunks it, Mr Philip Sugden picks it up. Both deny that ‘Dear Boss’ has any connection with the murderer, and both deny any reason to assume one, since the threat to Eddowes’ ears wasn’t carried out.
‘The next job I do,’ forewarned the letter, ‘I shall clip the lady’s ears off and send to the police officers just for jolly.’
‘The threat was not carried out,’ counters Mr Sugden. ‘Claims made on behalf of the Jack the Ripper letter and postcard are easily refuted.’18
I think they may be a little more difficult to refute than he imagines. Obviously, had there been an assault on Eddowes’ ears, it would massively up the ante in favour of the genuineness of ‘Dear Boss’. In fact, it would then be foolish to claim the letter was a hoax. For how could any hoaxer predict the intentions of an unknown psychopath with such astonishing specificity? If ears, or an ear, had been cut off, only the murderer could have written ‘Dear Boss’.
‘Unfortunately for the argument,’ writes Mr Sugden, ‘the medical records tell a different story. Dr Gordon Brown, examining Kate’s body in Mitre Square, did discover that the lobe of her right ear had been severed. But one detached earlobe does not constitute evidence of any attempt to remove both ears and, given the extensive mutilation of Kate’s face and head, can hardly be deemed as significant.’19
Mr Sugden may pursue any argument he pleases, but he might want to check out Gordon Brown’s medical report with a little more precision. Reading from his notes at the inquest, Dr Brown said, ‘The lobe and auricle of the right ear were cut obliquely through.’20
Auricle: The external ear, or that part of the ear that is prominent from the head.
The definition comes from Webster’s Dictionary, 1888. Thus, according to Dr Gordon Brown, the Ripper had amputated Mrs Eddowes’ right ear in its entirety. This included the lobe. We have a mortuary sketch that clearly shows her right ear as missing, and it is a reality confirmed in various postmortem photographs. Where this ‘auricle’ went is not accounted for.
Brown’s original drawing shows a dark slash in place of the amputated ear, its absence confirmed by the photograph of Eddowes in her coffin, where instead of an auricle there is a black hole. This is hardly the trivial distraction of an accidentally severed lobe. Contrary to Mr Sugden, I think this amputated ear may well constitute evidence of an intention to amputate the other. But as stated in ‘Saucy Jacky’, maybe the murderer didn’t have the time or the security to harvest both.
Meanwhile, congratulations to our immature and irresponsible ‘ink-stained hack’. He must have been some hot scribe, with a facility of insight little short of the supernatural. Hitherto, the object of his fantasy had not mutilated the head or face of any previous victim, knife activity being kept to the torso. But now, in perfect synchronicity with his homicidal muse, both the ‘ink-stained hack’ and Jack the Ripper move on to new territory, one threatening ears, and the other actually cutting one off. It is to be hoped that this ink-stained journalist with a talent to access the future had a triumphant career, beyond the ersatz blather of Mr Melvin Harris and Mr Philip Sugden.
Ever eager to get into line behind the ‘authorities’, Ripperology took up the task of misinformation, the following being a contribution from The A to Z: ‘Since the “Dear Boss” letter was published in the morning papers on October 1st, when the “Saucy Jacky” card was posted, the latter might easily have been an imaginative hoax by another hand.’
I want to evaluate this ‘might easily’. To explore it, I will separate these so-called hoaxers into Hoaxer A and Hoaxer B, being ‘Dear Boss’ and ‘Saucy Jacky’ respectively.
Let’s have a look at that word ‘easily’ in relation to Hoaxer B. Firstly, how does he know whether the Ripper has cut off two ears, one ear, or none? Dr Brown’s report on the missing ear was not yet in the public domain. Thus either Hoaxer B must have access to inside information (like the Maybricks with their matchbox), or he is the murderer. But conjecture over ears pales into insignificance compared with the next hurdle Hoaxer B must surmount. The A to Z correctly states that ‘Dear Boss’ was published on 1 October, in the same dawn as ‘Saucy Jacky’, but neglects to mention a problem of some circumstance for Hoaxer B, and that is the matter of the handwriting.
The printed, typeset text of ‘Dear Boss’ was published in the Morning Post of 1 October, but not in facsimile of the handwriting it was written in. As far as Hoaxer B could know, ‘Dear Boss’ might have been written in capitals, slanting forwards, slanting backwards, in copperplate or ignorant scrawl.
For access to the physical appearance of the handwriting, Hoaxer B would have had to wait for another three days before the facsimile posters went up. If Hoaxer A and Hoaxer B were not one and the same, Hoaxer B must have been rushing around London like the proverbial blue-arsed fly. Not only would he have to be certain of his ears, contradicting ‘Dear Boss’ and championing a negative, he would also have had somehow to discover the printworks where the Met were preparing to set up the facsimiles for their as yet unprinted posters. And it is here that, like the ‘ink-stained hack’, his talents truly bloom. By some photo-telepathic gift, as yet unexplained, Hoaxer B was able to reproduce the handwriting of Hoaxer A’s ‘Dear Boss’ as accurately as if it had come in on a fax.
Former CID officer and handwriting specialist Douglas Blackburn approaches the analysis of such enigmas as ‘Dear Boss’ and ‘Saucy Jacky’ on the premise of something he calls ‘the law of probabilities’. ‘It is asking too much,’ he writes, ‘to expect one to believe that there should be two different persons, probably strangers, who possess the same peculiarities of penmanship.’21
It is ‘asking too much’ for anyone to believe it. So, by way of experiment, I ask the authors of The A to Z to look at the text of this page, and at four in the morning, on any windy corner of choice, to reproduce a single line of it in my handwriting, or anything that even vaguely approximates it.
‘Might easily’ has become ‘frankly ridiculous’.
By mid-morning on 1 October 1888, two newspapers, the Evening News and the Star, had run the text – but not the facsimile – of the Ripper correspondence. ‘A postcard bearing the stamp London E October 1, was received this morning,’ reported the Evening News. ‘The address and subject matter being written in red and undoubtedly by the same person from whom the sensational letter already published was received Thursday last.’
It’s interesting to note that both the Evening News and the Star acknowledge the Central News Agency as their source, and not the Metropolitan Police. There appears to have been no consultation with the police on whether the letters should be published, and pressure of time suggests that no authority was sought. It seems ‘Saucy Jacky’ was too hot a news item to risk a tangle with red tape, and in deference to commercial interests, it went out immediately. By ten that morning the cat was out of the bag.
That same day, the original ‘Dear Boss’ came into the hands of Commissioner Henry Smith of the City Police, The Times commenting, ‘No doubt is entertained that the writer of both communications, who ever he may be, is the same person.’
That didn’t do a lot for The A to Z, and I can guarantee it didn’t do a lot for Warren. Twenty-four hours earlier he’d ruffled not a few feathers in the City, Smith being particularly sour after Warren’s failure to protect the writing on the wall.
Irritability among the City Police was great, as was the antipathy of the press (although Fleet Street was as yet ignorant of the farce at Goulston Street). Any more dismissal of evidence, or potential evidence, and Smith might have gone bananas. If Warren had tried to trash these letters (as his mendacious pals were later to do), a dangerous public row might have erupted between the City and the Met. Warren could hardly rub out one lot of handwriting and just as casually dismiss another. He didn’t obliterate the writing on the wall in order for it to become public – he wanted it to stay a secret, so as to avoid precisely the furore it caused when it got out.
I therefore suspect Smith of being a more likely reason the posters were stuck up than any pressing desire from Warren. Maybe posters would draw the sting of denying Smith his photographs. Plus, there were tactical advantages. First, it would make the press and the public think the police were actually doing something – which, apart from covering up, they were not. And second, a poster campaign would hopefully distract attention from Scotland Yard’s flagrant ineptitude.
Week one of October 1888 must have been amongst the worst of Charles Warren’s life. It wasn’t Saucy Jacky doing the rushing about, but rather the reverse. Jack was out of control, and it was Dear Old Boss who had to run in the night. He must have been traumatised with apprehension, gone to work expecting to find a body hanging over the telegraph wires or a head in his desk drawer. Certainly, as will be explored, on 4 October a headless piss-take was discovered in the vaults of his new building at New Scotland Yard. Oh my God, did they ever struggle to navigate that one. Everywhere Warren looked was murder, and with it came the inevitable condemnation. The people were ‘bitterly angry’, and the press reflected it. ‘In the East End of London these two latest atrocities have caused a reign of terror,’ bawled the Evening Post.
Feelings of hopelessness, horror, and despair spread through the crowded populations on Sunday evening. Thousands of people are thronging the scenes of the murders, and people are angrily crying out against Mr Matthews, the Home Secretary, and against the futility of the work of the police. They are indignantly discussing amongst themselves what they consider the proven ineptitude of the police. They point out that it is only after the murders are committed that the police come into play at all; that they are never at the right spot at the right moment; and that what ever their preparations and organisation may be, there stands the indisputable fact that nothing is accomplished.22
A day later, on 2 October, the Whitechapel Board of Works sent a stringent letter to Warren demanding an increase in the number of police in Whitechapel: ‘This Board regards with horror and alarm the several atrocious murders recently perpetrated within the district and its vicinity and calls upon Sir Charles Warren so to regulate and strengthen the police force in the neighbourhood as to guard against any repetition of such atrocities.’23
Caught in the headlights, Warren sought an exit by blaming everyone but himself. He replied the following day, rejecting demands for more coppers while reproaching Jack’s victims for their lack of entrails. ‘I have to point out,’ he wrote, ‘that the carrying out of your proposals cannot possibly do more than guard or take precautions against repetition of such atrocities so long as the victims actually, but unwittingly, connive at their own destruction.’24
In other words, Catherine Eddowes was complicit in the loss of her ear, kidney and womb. She shouldn’t have been walking around flaunting such stuff at a murderer. Fury was the response, and it’s difficult to select from the cacophony of outraged newspapers. ‘Warren must know,’ spat a Socialist rag called Justice, ‘that a vast majority of East End prostitutes are compelled to earn the 3 or 4 pence for their bed before they can obtain a night’s lodging.’
If he knew, he didn’t care any more than did his neighbour at number 64 Eaton Place. Turning the argument on its head, Warren marginalises the Ripper and again focuses on the victims as the problem. ‘I have to request and call upon your Board,’ he lathers, ‘to do all in your power to dissuade the unfortunate women about Whitechapel from going into lonely places in the dark with any persons. The unfortunate victims appear to take the murderer to some retired spot and place themselves in such a position that they can be slaughtered without a sound being heard; the murder therefore takes place without any clue to the criminal being left’ (my emphasis).25
The Boss Cop has just contradicted any notion of assessing clues, and actually dismisses the utility of having a detective force at all. His forensic capability is reduced to overhearing a scream. That’s what he says. If no one shouts, or no one screams, no clue to the criminal is left.
Even by Warren’s standards this must rank as one of the biggest pieces of shit ever to have come out of Scotland Yard. He says he wants a scream, but unless he’s more stupid than despicable he must know he’s never going to get one. All postmortem evidence (for example, that given by Dr Brown) suggests that Jack silenced his victims in an instant, so it can’t be imagined how this clown in a hat thought anyone could yell with their head half off.
‘You will agree with me,’ wrote Warren (which nobody in Whitechapel did), ‘that it is not desirable that I should enter into particulars as to what the police are doing in the matter. It is most important that our proceedings should not be published, and the very fact that you may be unaware of what the detective department is doing is only the stronger proof that it is doing its work with secrecy and efficiency.’26
Almost a hundred years later, Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police Sir Robert Mark was rejecting such junk in the columns of the Observer. ‘Detectives at the Yard,’ he wrote, ‘sheltered behind “a fictional police detective mystique” made all the easier by denial of proper facilities for the press.’27
Plus ça change. This nonsense didn’t cut it with Mark in the late twentieth century any more than it did with Fleet Street in 1888. ‘Warren’s letter,’ determined the Star, ‘is pitiful to read. We are asked to believe that because we hear nothing of discoveries by detectives, that only shows the detectives are especially active and energetic, and we are told for the thousandth time that the Metropolitan Police are hopelessly handicapped in dealing with a situation like this for want of reserves to draw on in an emergency.’
The Star had put its finger on it. On the one hand Warren was bemoaning the lack of police, and on the other bolstering them with dishonest claims of covert activity. We now come to this missive’s greatest contradiction and most vital deceit: ‘A large force of police have been drafted into the Whitechapel District.’28 The ‘saturation’ of the East End with an influx of cops is a favourite amongst the Fowler’s drinkers, swallowed whole and broadcast in all the popular books. Bearing Superintendent Thomas Arnold in mind, hear this from a leading Ripperologist: ‘Clearly the streets of Whitechapel and Spitalfields at this time were saturated with the dedicated men of the Metropolitan Police.’29
Clearly they were not. With a ‘dropsical eye’ on the Socialist mob, Victoria herself was nagging Scotland Yard. She feared ‘that the detective department is not as efficient as it might be’.30 You can say that again. And she did, the royal anxieties summoning new fiction out of Robert Anderson. ‘In reply to the Secretary of State’s enquiry,’ he wrote, ‘I have the honour to report that since the 8th September, the date of the Hanbury Street murder [Chapman], extra police precautions have been taken in the districts of the murders.’
‘Extra police precautions’ is not the same thing as ‘extra police’. It just sounds like it. Everything Anderson writes sounds the part, including the figures he gives for November: ‘The Division has been augmented by 1 Sergeant and 42 Constables, in addition to which 70 Constables have been supplied nightly from other divisions to fill the vacancies caused by men being supplied in plain clothes as above, and to patrol the Division; giving a total of 8 Sergeants and 112 Constables for night duty.’
I have no doubt that cosmetic displays for the press were occasionally organised, rather as a municipal toilet might be freshly painted for a visiting royal, but there is not a scrap of evidence – none whatsoever – in the record to substantiate Anderson’s claims of a radical augmentation of Whitechapel’s police.
Whitechapel belonged to Jack and his ‘Funny Little Game’, and some sections of the press were beginning to understand this, in both its overt and covert manifestations. After the dispatch of the next cunt in the Genius’s collection, Reynold’s News published an article that was as devastating as it was perceptive:
We have been assured that specially trained officers, both in uniform and plain clothes, are daily and nightly on the watch against another crime … Well, another was provided … and because the murderer – quite naturally, of course – from the point of view of the game [my emphasis] between him and authority, escaped once more … Must he oblige the police by committing the murder under their noses? They have exhibited an incapacity that amounts to imbecility, and whether it is the outcome of divided counsels in high quarters, or sheer incompetence, the result is the same.
For ‘divided counsels in high quarters’, read ‘Masonic paranoia’. By December Charles Warren had been replaced as Metropolitan Police Commissioner by James Monro, and we shall shortly be in a position to compare the window-dressing put up by the former with the reality of more police on Whitechapel’s streets under the latter.
In the meantime, camouflage of the royal-toilet variety continued. ‘The most extraordinary precautions were taken,’ enthused the Daily Chronicle on 8 October. ‘Large bodies of plainclothes men were drafted by Sir Charles Warren into the Whitechapel District from other parts of London.’ These were presumably members of the same large body of men who were so secret that nobody had ever seen them.
By contrast, Smith had his men on the City streets in unmistakable uniform. ‘The City Police,’ continued the Chronicle, ‘far from being outdone in their exertions to ensure the protection of the public, more than doubled their patrols, so that almost every nook and cranny of the various beats came under police supervision every 5 minutes.’ Meanwhile, needless to add, Warren’s undercover contingent sustained their remarkable invisibility. Punch magazine suffered from no delusions about the number of police on the street, and neither did the citizens of Whitechapel.
The caption reads:
FIRST MEMBER OF ‘CRIMINAL CLASS’: ‘FINE BODY O’MEN, THE PER-LEECE!’
SECOND DITTO: ‘UNCOMMON FINE! – IT’S LUCKY FOR HUS AS THERE’S SECH A BLOOMIN’ FEW ON ’EM!!!’
On the day this cartoon was published, 13 October, the East London Observer reported a ‘Great Meeting at Spitalfields’, being a congregation of the irate who turned up to hear speeches from local worthies and dignitaries ‘condemning the police’ and demanding ‘better police protection’.
‘The incompetency of the Metropolitan Police Force,’ declared Mr J. Hall, to unanimous agreement, ‘had never been better exemplified than when three murders were allowed to take place without any steps being taken to increase that force [my emphasis]; or when, after all these terrible crimes had been committed, they still refuse to offer a reward.’31 Clearly no one in the hall had read the Chronicle, because not a voice was raised to the contrary. Where exactly were the extra police? These people lived and worked in the killing zone, and they well knew that the joke in Punch better represented their circumstances than anything coming out of treacherous Charlie. The local police were themselves appalled, insisted Mr Hall, ‘so disgusted with the manner in which they were tyrannised over, that he veritably believed that they were not at all disinclined for a strike against Warren and the Home Secretary’.
Interspersed with cheers or cries of ‘Shame!’, speaker after speaker condemned the ‘demoralisation and corruption of the Metropolitan Police Force’.32 We can but pity the honest cop on the street. His adversary was not only the most dangerous criminal in England, but also potential nemesis of the traumatised rabble in Whitehall, terrified that he might be caught.
‘We have had enough of Mr Home Secretary Matthews,’ declared the Telegraph with corrosive sincerity, ‘who knows nothing, has heard nothing, and does not intend to do anything. It is clear the detective department at Scotland Yard is in an utterly hopeless and worthless condition: that were there a capable director of CID [rather than Anderson] the scandalous exhibition of stupidity revealed in the East End inquests and the immunity enjoyed by criminals committing murder after murder, would not have angered and disgusted the public feeling as undoubtedly it has done.’ The paper demanded a clean sweep of red tape.
Red tape and spin were all Warren had. Two days after the perversion of Masonic ceremony had put an end to the life of Annie Chapman, the Echo became the designated vehicle for official propaganda: ‘the hundred and fifty police who, it is asserted, have been drafted down into this neighbourhood’.33 The only word of substance here is ‘asserted’, because these additional coppers were a figment of the imagination. Nothing had happened except an exchange of correspondence between Charlie and the Home Office. In one flight of fancy, Warren claimed that he was about to write to the Secretary of State asking for three hundred additional men – six hundred boots on a worthless scrap of paper.34
Amidst all the outrage and anguish, letters to The Times and waste-of-ink petitions to government, a moustached face had come to the fore. He was a forty-nine-year-old builder and decorator living off the Mile End Road, by the name of George Lusk.
At their wits’ end with Warren, Lusk and a bunch of local tradesmen had formed a Vigilance Committee. If the cops couldn’t catch the bastard, they would try, and night after night they congregated to patrol the streets. At the same time, as Chairman of the Committee, Lusk wrote to whoever he thought might listen – which was basically nobody: at a meeting of the Committee it was announced that ‘a third letter sent to the Home Secretary remained unanswered’. Despairing at the official indifference, they pledged to press on, adjourning their meeting with a vote of thanks ‘passed by acclamation, to the City Commissioners of Police’.
It is praise for Smith and condemnation for Warren that tells the tale of public feeling in the streets. They could see Smith’s police, but could only read about Warren’s. While preparing its own foredoomed letter, there was exasperation on the part of the Board of Works over Warren’s practice of importing in replacement men from different divisions. A contribution from the Reverend Dan Greatorex of Whitechapel exemplified the point. ‘He regretted,’ he said, ‘the frequent change of police divisions which was now the custom. If a neighbourhood was to be properly guarded, the constable should be permanently in charge of it, and know by sight almost every person in it. The new system made this impossible and was breaking down.’35
The Star agreed, and stuck it to Charlie. He had wrecked the police force, ‘disorganised it utterly, and thinking he had a genius for stamping out dangerous social tendencies [after suppressing the disorder at Trafalgar Square], let the rank crop of crime and misery grow untouched and uncared for’.
Warren’s system meant that units of police came and went, but it doesn’t mean that the number of constables was increased. On the day of the Board of Works meeting, Anderson authorised thirty-seven H Division coppers to wear civilian clothes. Thus, instead of thirty-seven helmets, there were thirty-seven bowler hats. These fellows were the mainstay of Warren’s ‘stronger proof’ that the detective department was ‘doing its work with secrecy and efficiency’. I’m sure they were doing their tyrannised best, but a change of hat turns no one into a detective, any more than it increases the aggregate number of police on the streets.
On 22 October Arnold wrote to Warren summarising the realities of the H Division picture. Reacting to the tradesmen’s petition, he begged to report: ‘It is impossible to at all times keep a constable on each Beat as owing to the number of men absent from duty from sickness, leave, attending the Police Court, or sessions [at night?] or employed on special duties, which are necessary, but for which no provision has been made.’
No mention of the phantom three hundred. The division has men missing, ‘for which no provision has been made’.36 Arnold makes it clear he can’t even cover the regular beats with so much as a single constable. Even if he had been able to do so, many commentators had identified ‘beats’ as the essence of the policing problem. ‘They go on Beats it takes them more than half an hour to cover,’ noted the Bradford Observer. ‘Beats of a night policeman should not be of uniform length. At present a criminal who knows his district can usually tell to a nicety, after an officer has passed a given spot, how long it will take to bring him to the same spot again.’37
If some provincial hack knew this, then so did Jack the Ripper. In our day it’s possible to access at least some information that was kept well hidden from the recalcitrant mob in EC2. We can actually see what the police numbers were on a day-to-day basis. Such information is contained in ‘Police Orders’, published at Scotland Yard for each twenty-four-hour period and signed off by senior officers – Warren, Anderson, Carmichael Bruce, etc.
Beginning prior to the death of Chapman on 1 September 1888, and throughout the following two months, there isn’t a single reference either to the murderer or to any increase in the number of police. Not one. The week-ending figures for uniformed police in Whitechapel in H Division are as follows:
1 September
Sergeants – (1st class) 19; (2nd class) 5; (3rd class) 13
Constables – (1st class) 220; (2nd class) 105; (3rd class) 143
8 September [Chapman murder]
Sergeants – (1st class) 19; (2nd class) 5; (3rd class) 13
Constables – (1st class) 219; (2nd class) 106; (3rd class) 144
16 September
Sergeants – (1st class) 19; (2nd class) 5; (3rd class) 13
Constables – (1st class) 219; (2nd class) 106; (3rd class) 145
Thus, a week after Chapman’s murder there were an additional two police officers working H Division Whitechapel, compared to the week before it.
22 September
Sergeants – (1st class) 19; (2nd class) 5; (3rd class) 13
Constables – (1st class) 219; (2nd class) 105; (3rd class) 145
29 September [Stride/Eddowes murder]
Sergeants – (1st class) 19; (2nd class) 5; (3rd class) 13
Constables – (1st class) 219; (2nd class) 104; (3rd class) 146
6 October
Sergeants – (1st class) 19; (2nd class) 5; (3rd class) 13
Constables – (1st class) 218; (2nd class) 105; (3rd class) 146
13 October
Sergeants – (1st class) 19; (2nd class) 5; (3rd class) 13
Constables – (1st class) 218; (2nd class) 106; (3rd class) 147
20 October
Sergeants – (1st class) 19; (2nd class) 5; (3rd class) 13
Constables – (1st class) 219; (2nd class) 106; (3rd class) 146
28 October
Sergeants – (1st class) 19; (2nd class) 5; (3rd class) 12
Constables – (1st class) 219; (2nd class) 106; (3rd class) 146
It can be seen that there was only a negligible variation in the number of police officers on the streets of Whitechapel throughout these crucial weeks. The pre-Chapman figures are almost identical to those following the Double Event (in fact, there was one constable less). In his letter of 22 October, Arnold had recommended an additional twenty-five men: ‘ten for Leman Street & ten for Commercial Street’, and the remainder to ‘Arbour Square which immediately joins Whitechapel and where the beats are somewhat long’. His request was at last granted, five days before Bro Jack finished Bro Charlie off on 9 November.
4 November
Sergeants – (1st class) 19; (2nd class) 5; (3rd class) 14
Constables – (1st class) 221; (2nd class) 110; (3rd class) 18138
The murderer, aware of this belated increase, abandoned the streets in favour of homicidal fun indoors. ‘The celerity with which the Ripper accomplished his purpose,’ wrote the New York Herald, ‘might be accepted as evidence that he was waiting for such an order, and that at the moment it was given he was aware of the circumstance.’ Mary Kelly was cut to bits in her own room on the following Saturday.
These extra coppers had come into the frame literally days before the authorities would decide it was all over. As Macnaghten insists in his silly memoir, the Ripper had ‘drowned himself in the Thames’ on or about 10 November 1888, and his reign of terror was done. Ha ha.
I don’t want to get into the ‘Ripper suicide’ here, nor his subsequent slaying of Alice McKenzie et al. I mention McKenzie only to illustrate the difference between Warren’s paper police and the helmets his successor actually put on the street.
James Monro had been reinstated as Commissioner for eight months when Jack hit McKenzie on 17 July 1889. Immediately, on the same day, Monro made a request to the Home Office for more police, enabling us to contrast the utility of a relatively honest cop with the wretched little trickster preceding him. There was no fanfare in the press, but with accountable bureaucracy we can follow a logical and simple paper trail. On 17 July 1889 Monro’s letter is recorded in the Home Office ‘Confidential Entry Book’, confirmed by Police Order indexes, and two days later, on 19 July, printed in ‘Police Orders’ themselves.39 H Division was immediately augmented by the additional policemen Warren could never find: one divisional inspector, five sergeants and fifty constables. Six months after McKenzie’s death, Whitechapel was still being patrolled by an extra 150 police officers. Despite Charlie’s publicity stunts (bloodhounds in Hyde Park, for example), and for all his support by the conservative press, there is not a single reference following the Double Event to any augmentation of officer numbers that can be officially confirmed. Warren’s instructions are as invisible as his phoney police.
Public disgust at this pest’s ineptitude, and at the Warren/Matthews alliance, meant that it was the people themselves who were forced to take the initiative. As early as September 1888 they were demanding government-funded rewards for information leading to the apprehension of the killer. This proved as contentious as the hordes of transparent constables. Within twenty-four hours of the Stride/Eddowes calamity, the City authorities had posted a reward of £500, with the full backing of its Commissioner of Police. It took Warren and pals six days to announce that there would be no reward at all.
Incredulity and anger greeted the news. At a Board of Works meeting on 6 October, Mr Maurice Abrahams spoke for all. ‘Why,’ he asked, ‘should the head of one department stand out against the whole of the metropolis in this matter? Ninety-nine men out of a hundred were in favour of a reward being offered, and surely all the sense and all the intellect of this country was not centred in one man?’
Certainly not the intellect, but the survival of a degenerate System was centred on one man – Warren was merely its exposed figurehead. This was about ‘Victorian values’, about the maintenance of a vice-like grip on the honeypot. Behind the scenes all the usual obfuscatory processes were proceeding apace. From the first it was obvious that neither the Met nor Matthews wanted anything to do with any financial inducements that might have contributed to catching this prick. Never mind what the City did – they had no control over the City – the last thing the Met needed was any extra prying eyes on the streets.
George Lusk and his men were the only totally committed boots on the block. ‘The exertions of the Committee have been redoubled,’ reported Lloyd’s Weekly on 16 September, ‘some of the members in couples now perambulating the streets from midnight to dawn.’ When Lusk wasn’t perambulating, he was continuing to canvass for a reward. His Committee wrote to Her Majesty, who was probably too busy auditing her possessions to reply.40 But he kept on writing to the newspapers, and by extraordinary coincidence a letter from Lusk and his associate Joseph Aarons was published in the Morning Post on 1 October, directly underneath the text of the first appearance of the ‘Dear Boss’ letter. I think it more than likely that Jack took almost as much satisfaction in Lusk’s contribution as he did in his own. I also think it likely that it was here that he became aware of the fun he might have with the name George Lusk.
Victoria’s insouciance reflected the official trend. Despite his endless approaches, the authorities didn’t want to engage with Lusk. The record is full of his supplications, mirrored with the dismissive responses from the Home Office. No, they didn’t want to go to his meeting. No, they didn’t want to cough up funds. ‘NO GOVERNMENT REWARD’, confirmed Lloyd’s, publishing both Lusk’s letter to the Home Secretary and the weasel’s reply. Mr E. Leigh-Pemberton of the Home Office dutifully did the deed:
I am directed by the Secretary of State to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 16th inst., with reference to the question of an offer of a reward, and I am to inform you that had the Secretary of State considered the case a proper one for the offer of a reward he would at once have offered one on behalf of the government, but that the practice of offering rewards for the discovery of criminals was discontinued some years ago because experience showed that such offers of reward tended to produce more harm than good.41
So bugger off.
On the publication of Leigh-Pemberton’s letter, wrote Lloyd’s, ‘a tremendous storm of indignation was roused in the breasts of the public, and fierce denunciation of the Home Office authorities was heard at every house and at every street corner. Meetings were held at over forty places for the one purpose of denouncing the letter, which was described by one speaker as “the lamest piece of officialism ever issued from a government office”.’
It was also a lie. Rewards for the apprehension of criminals were in fact issued by the Home Office whenever it took Matthews’ fancy; Leigh-Pemberton’s sneaky reference to their discontinuance ‘some years ago’ was nothing but another waft in the orchestrated smokescreen. Rewards were in fact issued all the time. For example, we find this entry from the ‘Secret Council Minutes’ at Bradford a little over twelve months before (I’m interested in Bradford for reasons that will introduce themselves):
Saturday 6 August 1887. Murder Case: Wrote to Home Secretary [Matthews] as to reward.
Saturday 13 August 1887. Murder Case: Letter from Home Secretary [Matthews] offering £100 reward.
One hundred pounds, or even fifty, would have done George Lusk very nicely. His local MP, Samuel Montagu, had personally offered £100, which the Home Office had duly refused. He had also offered to print posters at his own expense, which it also refused. This miffed Montagu, because shortly before, according to the East London Observer, ‘In a case of a man who was shot, the police put up notices offering a reward that was privately offered.’ Now, at the Ripper’s convenience, it was against Home Office policy.
Curious, ain’t it? Matthews doesn’t mind slipping a hundred quid Bradford’s way to ease their homicidal woes, but won’t approve a penny to try to catch this sack of shit. Was there something so different about these two murderers? The camouflage of fake precedent behind which Warren/Matthews were hiding was set out by Warren in a letter to the Home Office that it would then parrot back to Lusk. ‘The practice of offering rewards was discontinued some time ago,’ he wrote, ‘because experience showed that in their general effect such offers produced more harm than good, and there is a special risk that the offer of a reward might hinder rather than promote the ends of justice.’
There was also a ‘special risk’ of an innocent woman having her guts ripped out. When Warren writes of promoting ‘the ends of justice’, he doesn’t say which end he meant. The supposed cessation of rewards was in fact nothing to do with the citizenry, but had been introduced in 1884 in an attempt to stamp out police corruption. What the then Home Secretary Sir William Harcourt and the then Assistant Commissioner James Monro had done in 1884 was intended to bust up an iniquity that was fertilising villainy inside the Met, and it was inside the Met – self-evidently not in the City – that such rewards had been terminated. Many innocent Victorians must have languished in jail to supplement the incomes of Her Majesty’s Metropolitan Police.42
In ignorance of, or indifferent to, the domestic issues of Scotland Yard, George Lusk continued to batter at the Home Office. On 7 October he wrote to Matthews: ‘It is my duty to humbly point out that the present series of murders is absolutely unique in the annals of crime, that the cunning, astuteness and determination of the murderer has hitherto been, and may possibly still continue to be, more than a match for Scotland Yard and the Old Jewry [City Police] combined and that all ordinary means of detection have failed. This being so I venture most respectfully to call your attention to the fact that the only means left untried for the detection of the murderer has been the offer of a government reward.’43
Matthews was a lawyer, and Lusk was not, and he should have taken more care of his words. In his final paragraph he went on to make an error of the kind upon which lawyers thrive, suggesting ‘a government proclamation of a really substantial reward with the extension of a free pardon to any person not the actual assassin’.44
Matthews ignored the ‘reward’ and jumped on the ‘pardon’. Home Office minutes reveal that after consultation with Warren and Anderson, he decided that a ‘pardon’ would be just dandy, pulling a fast one that would ease their ignoble confederacy off Jack’s hook. In a memo that followed the meeting we can see the actual process of twisting Lusk’s words. ‘Say to Mr Lusk,’ it advises, ‘that the expedience of granting a reward [deleted] pardon to persons not actually concerned in the commission of the murders and not implicated in the terrible guilt of contriving or abetting them, has been more than once under the consideration of the Secretary of State.’45 That same day, Warren endorsed the scam. ‘In reply to your immediate letter just received,’ he wrote to Matthews, ‘on the subject of Mr Lusk’s proposal as to a pardon to accomplices in the Whitechapel Murders …’
Mr Lusk proposed no such thing. His specific demand for a reward in respect of a killer who exists has been transformed into a pardon for a nebulous accomplice who almost certainly does not. The Home Office itself had concluded as early as 10 September, ‘It is generally agreed that the Whitechapel Murderer has no accomplices [my emphasis] who could betray him.’46 In other words, it was prepared to offer a ‘pardon’ based on a proposition of an accomplice who it knew didn’t exist. Warren and his treacherous little legal chum in Whitehall were all too aware that the Ripper was a one-man band, and it was also the general view of informed opinion inside and outside the Met. Police surgeon Dr Gordon Brown reiterated it during his questioning at Catherine Eddowes’ inquest. ‘Are you equally of opinion,’ he was asked, ‘that the act would be that of one man, one person only?’ ‘I think so,’ replied Brown. ‘I see no reason for any other opinion.’ And even in his ludicrous summing-up, neither did Coroner Langham: ‘The medical evidence conclusively demonstrated that only one person could be implicated.’ Such a conclusion was later repeated by the man who shovelled a good deal of Jack’s next victim, Mary Jane Kelly, into a bucket. ‘There is no evidence he had an accomplice,’ wrote police surgeon Dr Thomas Bond. The ‘Murderer’s Accomplice’ had no more credibility than the ‘Ink-Stained Hack’, but was promoted with equal vigour.
Ignoring everything but Warren and Matthews’ own predetermination, the offer of a pardon for this non-existent creature was made official, but only inasmuch as he may have had a hand in the murder of Mary Jane Kelly. ‘The offer of a pardon was confined to the one murder,’ pronounced Matthews on 12 November, three days after Kelly’s death – and never mind the other victims. Basking in his own duplicity, Matthews had managed to write off the whole series. There would be no reward, no pardon (except in respect of Kelly); and soon after, there would be no possibility whatsoever of catching the son of a bitch, because, subsequent to Kelly, the Ripper himself was to be designated as dead and floating about in the Thames.
Thus, for fans of Macnaghten’s memoir, the pardon offer was somewhat short-lived, existing only between Kelly’s murder on 9 November 1888 and Jack’s ‘death’ on 10 November 1888. We note a Home Office comment appended, with remarkable synchronicity, to Matthews’ statement, wherein Kelly is absurdly nominated as ‘the last of the series of East End murders’. ‘This step,’ continues the memo, ‘was taken on 10th November 1888, after consultations with the cabinet.’
So there we have it. No reward and a worthless pardon, Mary Kelly designated as the last of the victims, and Jack’s only true accomplices lounging at Downing Street and Scotland Yard.
‘Mr Matthews has neither courage nor opinions,’ wrote the Star on 13 November, ‘but only the base instinct of self-preservation.’ It was ever thus. What we’re looking at here is a catastrophic failure inside the executive, ‘filings’ moving with the magnet, matched in my lifetime only by Tony Blair’s nefarious decision to join in with the American oil grab in Iraq. ‘The illegal we do immediately,’ quipped Henry Kissinger. ‘The unconstitutional takes a little longer.’
Ha ha.
Blair was afraid to admit that his nation’s foreign policy belonged to a foreign nation, just as Warren and his culpable mob were afraid to admit that their investigation of Jack the Ripper belonged to Freemasonry. But with customary nous, the residents of Whitechapel knew the truth in their bones, knew very well that the authorities were lying. Once again it was Ernest Parke’s newspaper, the Star, that gave insight into the anger fermenting in London’s East End: ‘We have heard the wildest stories as to the reason which popular opinion in Whitechapel assigns for Mr Matthews’ obstinate refusal to offer a reward. It is believed by people who pass amongst their neighbours as sensible folk that the government do not want the murderer convicted, that they are interested in concealing his identity.’47
This was erroneously dismissed even by the paper that printed it, but just like the multitudes who marched in London’s streets in opposition to war over the nonsense of WMD, so the people of Whitechapel intuitively knew the score with J.T.R. They thought they were being lied to, and they were right.
Warren’s investigative endeavour was a melody from the Land of Make-Believe. Provided Jack could be kept isolated in the East End, nobody in the ranks of the Establishment gave much of a toss. Salisbury’s constituency was the public at large, and for them the unfathomable romance of ‘mystery’ was spun, the Met representing itself as a beleaguered outfit doing its best, when in fact it was a corrupted burlesque that couldn’t have done worse.
I am the terror of the town,
My fame spreads far and near.
Six women have I now cut down
While live the rest in fear.
About a dozen yards or so
From the policeman on his round
A murder I commit, and Lo!
The Murderer can’t be found.
With Fiendish grin, I watch the crowd
That hurries to the spot:
And in its midst, I laugh aloud
To think they find me not …
Next were I to stop and cry,
‘Hi, policeman, I am he!’
I wonder will he make reply,
‘I’ll wait, sir, till you flee.’
Do what I will, with all the skill
By which my crime’s attested,
Right under their nose,
As I tread on their toes,
I cannot get arrested …
‘All hope of discovering Mrs Chapman’s murderer must now be abandoned,’ jibed the Tatler. ‘The Police have got a clue!’ In fact the police were drowning in clues their revolting mentor was only too pleased to provide. Chapman had had her throat cut across, her abdomen ripped open, and her intestines ‘placed’ over her left shoulder. A ring or rings were ‘wrenched from her fingers’,48 and ‘two farthings polished brightly’ were found at her feet. ‘The law about any metallic substance,’ wrote Bro historian A.F.A. Woodford in 1878, ‘is so well known to Freemasons, even to the Entered Apprentice, that we need not dilate upon it here. Money and any metallic substance are equally forbidden, symbolically, as we shall remember for two reasons.’49
I referred earlier to the controversy over the farthings as ‘trivial’, but they couldn’t be more important. It is apparent that Bro Jack was both punishing his victims and initiating them into his funny little Masonic hell; and coins, particularly coins that shone like brass, become intriguing props in the frolic. In conjunction with Chapman’s symbolic mutilations, the presence of farthings would represent a clue of extreme significance. In this context they become no more trivial than spent cartridge cases after a death from gunshot. They are the cherry on the ritual cake.
Q: Why were you deprived of all metal?
A: Because money is an emblem of vice.
Look out – Mr Sugden’s back, and he definitely doesn’t like the farthings. He’s convinced himself that these coins are the product of a journalist’s imagination, and that the ‘myth’ of the farthings has somehow cross-infected one of the senior policemen working the case. But it wasn’t just the Telegraph that reported the farthings at Chapman’s crime scene. At the inquest of another victim, Alice McKenzie, the local head of Whitechapel’s CID, Inspector John Reid (nine months later and now with his guard down), was questioned at the coroner’s court.
FOREMAN: In previous cases was any similar coin found as that which you picked up in this instance? [A farthing was found under McKenzie’s body]
INSPECTOR REID: In the Hanbury Street case [Chapman] two farthings were found.
Mr Sugden doesn’t like this at all, and with Gradgrindian authority he tells us the policeman is wrong. There is little to argue with over the ritualistic injuries, nor the totemic positioning of items at Chapman’s feet, so he makes a song and dance over something he says wasn’t even there. He finds no favour with farthings for reasons that are diametrically opposed to mine. Predictably, he defers to the Warren school of detection, all but commiserating for lack of that vital scream. ‘In the light of these [investigative] disappointments,’ he writes, ‘Chief Inspector Swanson’s remark that the Chapman investigation “did not supply the police with the slightest clue to the murderer” is perhaps understandable.’50
Is it?
I think it’s laughable. How can any modern writer promote this drivel, much less agree with it? In preparation of his argument over Inspector Reid, Mr Sugden says of the disputed farthings, ‘It isn’t in the files’ – as though this could support anything more than the fatuousness of his point. What Mr Sugden doesn’t tell his readers is that there is nothing in these ‘files’ about anything much at all. Those available at the National Archive are titled ‘Unimportant Series’, and of these, eighteen folios are marked as ‘Destroyed’. What’s left are the dregs of anything that isn’t listed as ‘Missing’. What the ‘Important Series’ of Ripper files consisted of no one can say, because no one, including Mr Sugden, has ever seen them. Neither he nor I know what was included in the destroyed files, so we must move our thinking sideways a little.
Farthings were most certainly discovered at Chapman’s crime scene (put there by the Ripper), but before we arrive at why, it’s necessary to test Mr Sugden’s protestations over why they were not. Let it be said at the outset, I don’t need to prove the existence of these farthings. It is already established, two primary contemporary sources confirming it (Inspector Reid and the Telegraph). Independent of one another, and about a year apart, the consistency of their accounts is potent, and just about as good as it gets. The onus therefore is on Mr Sugden to corroborate his ‘myth’, and prove they were wrong.
On page 109 of his book he introduces us to his counter-farthing campaign. He tells us reporters converged on 29 Hanbury Street (its back yard being Chapman’s crime scene). Among them was a man by the name of Oswald Allen, who concocted a press report describing Chapman’s rings as having been wrenched from her finger and ‘placed carefully at the victim’s feet’.
Anyone who knows anything about Hanbury Street (including Mr Sugden and myself) knows this is incorrect. There were no rings at Chapman’s feet. But Oswald has nicely set Mr Sugden’s scene. He has established a foundation of inaccuracy as some kind of bookend by which we’re supposed to measure the rest of Sugden’s argument: i.e., Oswald Allen was wrong, ergo, so were Reid and the Telegraph. In other words, he’s pre-positioned his ‘myth’, and now goes on to try to associate it with fact, apparently hoping that the dismissal of one somehow proves the non-existence of the other.
But this isn’t an argument about rings. It’s an argument about coins. To associate the questionable with something under question is a tactic I’m suspicious of. It is my sincere wish not to misrepresent Sugden, therefore I quote him in full.
Reporters converged on 29 Hanbury Street like angry hornets on the morning of the murder. One of the earliest on the scene was Oswald Allen of the Pall Mall Gazette, and his report which appeared on the streets later in the day carried the assertion that Annie’s rings had been wrenched from her finger and placed at her feet. On the following Monday the Daily Telegraph printed another fable: ‘There were also found two farthings polished brightly, and, according to some, these coins had been passed off as half-sovereigns upon the deceased by her murderer.’ The farthings quickly passed into legend. Even two policemen later gave them credence. In 1889 Inspector Reid told a different murder inquiry that two farthings had been found on or about the body of Annie Chapman, and in 1910 Major Henry Smith alleged in his memoirs that two polished farthings had been discovered in her pocket. Neither man, however, had personally investigated the Hanbury Street case. Reid had been on leave at the time, and Smith, as Chief Superintendent of the City of London force, had no responsibility for policing Spitalfields. In succeeding years the rings and farthings became an obligatory part of the collection of items found at the feet of Annie’s corpse.51
And now the reality.
The Telegraph says nothing about rings, and nothing about feet, and therefore has nothing to do with any conflicting statements made by Oswald Allen. The association between him and the Telegraph is made only by Mr Sugden, so that he can package the two together and dismiss them as one. Moreover, Commissioner Henry Smith says nothing about farthings being discovered in Annie Chapman’s pocket. What he writes in his memoir (page 148) is this: ‘After the second crime I sent word to Sir Charles Warren that I had discovered a man very likely to be the man wanted. He certainly had all the qualifications requisite. He had been a medical student; he had been in a lunatic asylum; he spent all his time with women of loose character, whom he bilked by giving them polished farthings instead of sovereigns, two of these farthings having been found in the pocket of the murdered woman.’52
Nowhere does Smith mention Chapman. He refers to ‘the second crime’, which, as Mr Sugden must know, was Polly Nichols. I’m afraid that yet again Phil is indulging in a little ‘shameless selection’. In his own book (page ix) he nominates Annie Chapman as the fourth of Jack’s victims.
He must also know that Chapman’s pockets were entirely cut open so their contents could be purloined, and that nothing, including farthings, was found in what was left of them. And neither did Inspector Reid say that farthings were found ‘on or about the body of Annie Chapman’. What he said was: ‘In another case of this kind – the Hanbury Street murder – two similar farthings were found.’53 The word ‘on’ is an invention.
Mr Sugden seems a tad over-eager for his readers to believe that metal was left in situ on Chapman’s ritually murdered body when it was not. What he’s up to is, of course, his business. I leave ‘fair-minded students’ to ‘draw their own conclusions’. In the matter of farthings he’s made no case, merely taken a rather convoluted route to agree with himself. Plus, if a week at the seaside disqualifies Reid as a witness, I hate to think what the passage of a century does for Mr Sugden. His wishful thinking makes a lousy argument worse. For to dump Reid also means abandoning one of Ripperology’s darlings, the man responsible for wielding Bro Warren’s famous sponge.
Chief of H Division Whitechapel, Superintendent Thomas Arnold was also away on leave, from 2 to 28 September 1888.54 So what faith can we put in all his fabulous excuses for washing off a wall? ‘In consequence of a suspicion having fallen upon a Jew named “John Pizer”,’ he wrote, ‘… I was apprehensive that if the writing were left it would be the means of causing a riot.’
How could he know that? Arnold didn’t ‘personally investigate’ the case, and was away on leave throughout the Pizer saga. According to Mr Sugden’s hypothesis, as he wasn’t there he couldn’t have known anything about it. Thus all that infantile fibbing over riot and concern for Jews goes out the window, and none of the Pizer/riot rubbish can have any credibility.
While I agree 100 per cent with that, I don’t imagine Mr Sugden will. But you can’t have it both ways – one man’s holiday bringing ignorance, and another’s bringing comprehensive insight. Of course Arnold knew about Pizer, just as Reid knew about the farthings, and Robert Anderson, who was also away, knew about all of it. How? Because all were senior policemen, and someone had told them. They had access to a constant traffic of information, and until it was weeded into virtual transparency, there was something called ‘evidence’ in the files.
The Telegraph report remains sound, as does the testimony given by Reid. There were farthings on the ground at Chapman’s crime scene, and considering the overt Freemasonic piss-take it was, it would be surprising if there were not. Reid had been inadvertently indiscreet, but he had good reason for lowering the threshold over McKenzie, and when we arrive at her murder on 17 July 1889, it will be readily apparent why.
As we approach the end of the chapter, this may be as good a place as any to see the back of Pizer and his Jewish sensibilities. He was one of the witnesses called at the Chapman inquest, and he had a good day. It was clear to him, if to no one else, that the police had fitted him up. ‘I wish to vindicate my character to the world at large,’ he said. ‘I have called you in your own interests,’ replied Coroner Baxter, ‘partly with the object of giving you the opportunity of doing so.’
Pizer went on not only to exonerate himself of being ‘the Womb-Collector’, but also to successfully reject all of the police accusations, including even his damning sobriquet. From the outset he protested that ‘Leather Apron’ was an invention of the Metropolitan Police, and that he had no idea he was called by such a name until Sergeant Thick had baptised him on arrest. Investigations by the press substantiated this, family and neighbours denying that Pizer had ever been known to them as ‘Leather Apron’. Thick had tailored Pizer to fit the crime, a fabrication the accused could barely comprehend: ‘Sergeant Thick who arrested me has known me for eighteen years.’55
‘Well, well,’ rejoined Baxter with shrewd dismissal. ‘I do not think it necessary for you to say more.’
Any more wouldn’t have been useful. Holiday or no holiday, everything Arnold said about Pizer is proved to be nonsense.
Almost from the beginning it became apparent to me that I wasn’t investigating a mystery, but why it was a mystery, and why, ludicrously, it remains so to this day. It became clear that Ripperology was the wholesaler of the mystique, and that to investigate Jack I’d constantly be running into gangs of revisionist paramedics.
The A to Z claims that contemporary criticism of the police was the result of ‘swamping the district with uniformed patrols, who the press claimed were a serious nuisance’. I am unaware of the press to which this refers. Certainly the police were seriously criticised in an eruption of public rage, but it was hardly for ‘swamping the district with uniformed patrols’. To present this as a consensus is absurd; to proffer it as any kind of excuse is reprehensible.
Virtually every contemporary criticism of the police was for the lack of them – be it from the Board of Works, the Whitechapel traders, Lusk’s Vigilance Committee or the student vigilantes operating out of Toynbee Hall. Why does anyone imagine the vigilante committees formed themselves? It was because of a lack of police, as is confirmed in the columns of almost every publication that had an opinion to give. Yet The A to Z sweeps all this aside and finds differently, elevating a bunch of non sequiturs into some kind of exemplary acquittal. An ape at the zoo could have made a better fist of it than Warren, and yet, ‘contrary to popular belief’, minces The A to Z, ‘the police investigation was professional and competent’.56
Tell it to the ghosts.
I do not care for corporate thinking, and therefore I do not like Ripperology. It seems to me to be a feeble thing, afraid of itself, forever looking over its shoulder in case one of its ‘experts’ like Mr Melvin Harris disagrees with something it says. In my view, few have done more to pollute this material than Ripperologists such as Mr Harris and many like him, who routinely underestimate the intelligence of their readers as parallel with their own. I don’t know if Mr Philip Sugden is hypnotised by this material, or is seeking to hypnotise others: a police inspector draws attention to some farthings and provokes an indignant diatribe of denial; a coroner proposes a risible camouflage effervescent with lies (‘the Womb-Collector’), and Mr Sugden obligingly asks how much truth there may be in it?
For what it’s worth, I’ve been a professional writer for the best part of forty years. I’ve researched widely, from the Manhattan Project to the Khmer Rouge, but until confronted with Ripperology I had never laboured through such an expulsion of syncopated crap masquerading as history in all my life. It knows all the ‘facts’, does Ripperology – knows the name of Elizabeth Stride’s home town in Sweden and the number of teeth in her upper jaw – but in respect of context, it hasn’t got a fucking clue. It seems to think the nineteenth-century governing classes (and their police force) were some kind of gold standard of propriety, and as a consequence the corporate effort (with one or two exceptions) is a ludicrous rehash of Victorian propaganda.
Coroner Bro Baxter gave a revealing demonstration of just how artificial this ‘mystery’ really was. It’s populated by a cast of walk-on conveniences, including ‘Leather Apron’ (a good all-rounder, both as bogus suspect and then as alibi for the destruction of evidence). And we mustn’t forget the ‘reward’ that became a ‘pardon’ for the ‘accomplice’ who didn’t exist.
Ripperology is somehow blind to it all, comic absurdities accepted as though they’d never appeared. It is a ‘mystery’ that was made up as it went along, characters being invented to fit the twists and turns of the limelit melodrama. Ripperology gawps in the stalls, starry-eyed at each new scene change and baffled by the special effects. It cannot, or will not, see the wires that make the mirrors move, or the bellows that fart out puffs of smoke. Instead, it gasps in the darkness of marvels – ‘Look! Look! It’s the Ink-Stained Journalist! I tell a lie, it’s the Insane Medical Student! Ha ha. But look! Who comes there? A suspicious-looking cove if ever I’ve seen one. Why, it’s the dear old cobbler who sold the tight shoes! It’s a wonderful show!! Who wrote it? Why, a man called Swanson, and he’s got lots and lots to come!! You should see the tricks he pulls before your very eyes! And you’ll never see how it’s done! There are Jews and Irishmen and masturbating dwarfs, Malays from ships in the Port o’ London, and cowboys even from the American Wild West!! All will pass before you! All will dazzle!!! There’s even a comedian singing a topical hit called “Vincent’s Code”. But you’ll never see the star of the Great Masonic Mystery Show, because he might fuck it all up, and he must forever remain a “Mystery”.’
In a previous chapter we saw how the police denied and destroyed their best ever evidence at Goulston Street. In the next, we will see how they denied and destroyed their best ever witness.