MY WAKE-UP CALL CAME as scheduled the next morning at seven, March 13, 1979. A half hour later, as I was getting ready for my appointment with Sir Eric, the telephone rang again. It was my sister Pommie. Her voice urgent, she asked if I had seen or heard the morning news.
“There’s been a military coup in Grenada, Jenny. The government’s been taken over by the opposition led by Maurice Bishop!”
I thought I was having a bad dream. Before I could respond, Pommie continued.
“Jenny, I don’t know your job, but it would seem to me to be prudent if you left New York immediately and returned to Ottawa. What do you think?”
“Yes. Yes, I agree, Pommie. Thank you. I need first to touch base with the prime minister and delegation members. I’m almost dressed and ready. I’ll go straight to JFK as soon as I’ve done that.”
I hung up the telephone, shaking. I quickly finished dressing, picked up my briefcase and opened the door. As soon as I looked along the corridor toward the elevator, the gravity of the situation was clear. The whole floor was crawling with security men with walkie-talkies and headphones. They were moving around and speaking to each other in loud, serious tones. Two of them immediately asked me where I was headed. I said I was on my way to a meeting with the prime minister of Grenada and his delegation. One of the security men then offered to accompany me to Gairy’s suite. He said nothing to me as we made our way up to the nineteenth floor. The short journey seemed to take forever.
There were more security personnel and some obvious FBI and CIA agents on the prime minister’s floor. My escort tapped sharply on the door, which opened immediately. As soon as I entered, I could feel the tension.
“What’s wrong?” I asked, pretending not to know anything. Sir Eric was seated at the end of the table, grim-faced and silent. Gloria Payne, permanent secretary to the ministry, offered me a chair. As soon as I was seated, she confirmed the news. Grenada had been taken by coup.
Gloria informed me that guns had been shipped into Grenada inside barrels of tar from Washington, DC. The government had received a tip about the arrival of the barrels, which were consigned to persons connected with the opposition party. Instructions had been left to arrest those responsible. It was this impending threat, she explained, that apparently pushed the opposition to act precipitately.
One of the first places taken by the insurgents was the Grenada Broadcasting Service, which the new government renamed Radio Free Grenada. It had then broadcast the following:
This is Maurice Bishop speaking.
At 4:15 a.m. this morning, the People’s Revolutionary Army seized control of the army barracks at True Blue.
The barracks were burned to the ground. After half-an-hour struggle, the forces of Gairy’s army were completely defeated, and surrendered.
Every single soldier surrendered, and not a single member of the revolutionary forces was injured.
At the same time, the radio station was captured without a shot being fired. Shortly after this, several cabinet ministers were captured in their beds by units of the revolutionary army […]
At this moment, several police stations have already put up the white flag of surrender.
Revolutionary forces have been dispatched to mop up any possible source of resistance or disloyalty in the new government.
I am now calling upon the working people, the youths, workers, farmers, fishermen, middle-class people and women to join our armed revolutionary forces at central positions in your communities and to give them any assistance which they call for.1
After speaking with Gloria, I crossed the room to where the prime minister was seated. He turned to me and spoke at last.
“Jennifer, I want you to meet with the Canadian prime minister on your return to Ottawa. Do what you can to gain his full support. Give him my telephone number in New York, and tell him I am requesting Canada’s assistance in sending troops into Grenada to restore the rightful leader and government to their places.”
“I will do what I can, Sir Eric.”
The Canadian prime minister at this time was Joe Clark, leading his Conservative government. Pierre Trudeau was off the scene, although only temporarily. I knew almost with certainty that Canada would not, on principle, wish to become involved in this issue. As a middle power, Canada had always seen itself as a mediator and steered clear of direct intervention in conflict situations. Diplomacy and peacekeeping, according to the renowned Canadian diplomat and former prime minister Lester B. Pearson, were the best roles for Canada internationally.
Back in Ottawa that evening, I went straight home. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) patrol that kept guard over my residence had been increased, and media people were camped outside, hungry for any statement I might be prepared to offer. They had been calling my office and residence for comments all day. I had to disappoint them. As soon as I was in the house, I telephoned the High Commission and spoke with my first secretary. He sounded shaken. I called a staff meeting for nine the next morning.
The Canadian government had increased my security detail because they feared for my personal safety. At the time, I did not really understand their concern—I considered myself to be politically neutral. I had never openly supported any of the political parties or individuals involved in them while in Grenada or abroad. Furthermore, Ottawa, Canada’s capital, was a relatively safe city, and the presence of the RCMP patrol served to give me and the family a sense of security. I had yet to encounter the hostility of many members of the Grenadian diaspora, who suddenly showed their political stripes in favour of the new regime when news of the coup became known. They considered me part of the old regime.
The next morning, the Ottawa Citizen reported that Maurice Bishop had overthrown what he called “the government of the criminal dictator Eric M. Gairy.” It added that Bishop’s announcement over Radio Free Grenada had been interspersed with West Indian calypso and reggae music, and that the estimated one thousand tourists on the island, most of them North American, were believed to be in no danger.
Several days went by without a word from Grenada. During that period, we kept our office open, although it was in a state of limbo. The phones were busy as Grenadian nationals called to enquire if there was news, but as we ourselves were in the dark, we had little to add to what had been reported. The staff felt certain that they would be recalled to Grenada or dismissed. As a result, they were distracted and were using their own resources to make contact with family and friends on the island or elsewhere. I know they all expected that I would be replaced, too, and I shared their sentiments. Concerned for their mental health and well-being, I suggested they take whatever leave was due to them. I would continue to report to work daily, hoping to receive instructions sooner rather than later.
Finally, one evening several days later, at about eleven o’clock. It was the voice of Angela Bishop, wife of Maurice Bishop. I knew Angela well. She spoke quickly.
“Jennifer. It’s Angela. I’m calling from the Grenada Broadcasting Service.”
“Hello, Angela. It’s certainly good to hear from you. I had wondered when someone would contact me.”
“Maurice has been hoping to contact you himself, but things here have been so hectic. You wouldn’t believe it, but we’re still holed up here at the broadcasting station. We’re all sleeping here and haven’t been home since this all happened days ago. Maurice has asked me to tell you that he hears you’ve been doing a good job up there and he wants you to continue your work until you hear from him personally.”
I replied that I would continue as high commissioner for a period of six months, enough time for them to find someone of their own choosing to take over the job.
I was reminded of the Maurice Bishop I had known growing up. His father had a shop in St. George’s. Maurice was a good student and involved in sports, but there was no hint of radical leanings. He had been at my wedding. Regardless, the world now knew Maurice Bishop as the revolutionary who had taken over the island in a bloodless coup while Sir Eric Gairy was away in New York.
This was no minor event. The Gairy government had taken Grenada from the status of British colony to independence in 1974, and he had been the island’s first and only democratically elected head of government. Of course, he had always had opposition. Bishop had formed his party, the New Jewel Movement (NJM), in 1973 by merging two other parties. After Grenada was granted independence, Bishop’s NJM became the official opposition party. As its leader, he was aligned with and under the influence of Cuba’s Fidel Castro and Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega, although the extent of these ties was not yet known. Now he had succeeded in the first revolutionary overthrow of an elected government in the English-speaking Caribbean, and the first unconstitutional change of power in the Eastern Caribbean.
One of my first missions in office under the People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG) was to reassure the government of Canada that it was “business as usual” in Grenada. I was summoned to the Ministry of External Affairs for a meeting with Joe Clark, who was accompanied by his minister, Flora MacDonald. I told them about my meeting in New York with Sir Eric and his request for assistance. I also told them about my call with Angela Bishop and that I knew all the players in the island’s new government. Grenada is a very small place.
The meeting went well. The prime minister asked me to keep in touch and to advise them of any new developments. Soon after the meeting, Canada reported that it would recognize Bishop’s PRG. It helped the PRG’s cause that the Canadian High Commission in Barbados was reporting a favourable reception of the new government in the region. Canada’s move was an important development amid all the uncertainty surrounding Grenada and the Caribbean.
It wasn’t long before the changes wrought by the coup were felt in Ottawa. Instructions were issued for some members of staff to be changed, due to the perception of closeness with the previous government. It seemed that I was the only Grenadian head of mission to be kept on anywhere, although the governor general, Sir Paul Scoon, was still in office. I knew Sir Paul reasonably well. He had been my math tutor in high school. By keeping him on, the PRG was able to signal to the British government its desire to keep the diplomatic door open. I supposed that I had been kept for the same reason of diplomatic appearances.
Other changes included the location of the High Commission office. The PRG wanted a more central, accessible and high-profile venue in Ottawa. I obliged, although my family decided to move out of the official rented residence on Monkland Avenue and return to our family home in Osgoode. I felt that the rental was an unnecessary financial burden for Grenada, under the circumstances, and I believed I could commute daily to the office in downtown Ottawa, a distance of approximately thirty kilometres. Also, the children, who were still very young, had more space and security in a rural environment. As far as official functions were concerned, I decided to hold them at home.
One of the first events I organized back on the farm was a large autumn barbecue. It was a lot of work. Most of my colleagues left the details of entertainment to their wives. With no wife of my own, I arranged the food and drinks and other necessities myself. When my guests arrived on the appointed day, I was delighted to find among them the recently retired Pierre Trudeau. He had been invited, but his office had not been sure that he would be able to attend. As it happened, he was free, and his driver had been sent out on a dry run a day or two before learning the route.
I shook his hand and welcomed him to Osgoode and introduced him to some guests who were also happy to see him. Trudeau was always popular with the diplomatic corps. They expressed their regrets over his recent electoral defeat and wished him well. He responded that he felt like he was finally starting to live a real life outside of politics It was evident that Trudeau was in a relaxed mood. He sat talking to my mother-in-law for a long time and charmed her in his quiet, charismatic way. Before going to bed, my children, Sophia and Beau, came in their pyjamas to say goodnight, as they always did. Sophia had a Dr. Seuss book in her hand. Trudeau took her on his lap and read to her, telling her it was one of the favourites of Michel, his son. I recalled this moment years later when Michel died tragically in an alpine accident. I could imagine how hard it must have been for Trudeau; his former wife, Margaret; and their family.
A month after the barbeque, representatives of the PRG arrived in Canada to meet Canadian government officials, as well as Grenadian nationals. The delegation was led by Kenrick Radix, a lawyer and a close friend of Maurice Bishop’s. I knew him too. He had been one of the group of friends with whom I had grown up, part of the wider social circle known to my brothers and me. The purpose of his visit was to reassure Grenadian nationals and the Canadian government that all was stable on the home front.
It was obvious from the speeches made by the delegation that the PRG was following a Socialist line. Its members seemed bent on criticizing the US government, which they described as imperialist. I worried that while there was a great deal of goodwill toward the new leadership, their openly anti-American sentiments were misguided.
It was clear, however, that the new regime was supported by many members of the Grenadian diaspora. Some offered to give up their jobs in Canada and return to the island to support the new regime. It was around this time that I noticed silence and unfriendliness from some Grenadian nationals who resented me for my connection to the deposed prime minister. Gairy had not been popular with progressive Grenadians. Relatively uneducated, he had authoritarian tendencies and a strong interest in Unidentified Flying Objects (UFOs). The opposition believed he was corrupt and that he did not play fair in elections, and that a coup was the only way to defeat him.
I understood my position as requiring me to represent Grenada, not a particular politician, and resolved to make the best of things. I knew Gairy’s limitations. I was also skeptical of the methods the PRG had used to gain power, but we all wished the new government well and wanted to show our willingness to cooperate in the interest of Grenada.
I was amused by the reaction of some of my diplomatic colleagues to the changes in Grenada. I suddenly found myself invited to many of the embassies of Eastern Bloc and Socialist countries where I was greeted as a comrade in arms and regarded as a seasoned diplomat. His Excellency Alexander Yakovlev was the Soviet ambassador at the time and the dean of the diplomatic corps by virtue of his long tenure in Ottawa. He seemed pleased that I had been kept on by the Grenada’s government: “They recognized your good work, Madam.” My promotion among the left-wing countries was in strong contrast to the growing disdain I experienced as Grenada’s high commissioner from the US representative. The United States was not at all pleased at the coup, the PRG’s anti-American rhetoric, or its reliance on Cuba and other leftist countries for financial and moral support.
The PRG made another move that affected me directly. My first secretary, George Soltysik, was succeeded by Ian Francis, a Grenadian from Toronto. Although well connected with segments of the Grenadian diaspora, Francis lacked any diplomatic experience and found it difficult to adjust to the rules and regulations of his office. He developed a habit of claiming diplomatic immunity for his many parking and driving violations. I had to explain to him that immunity was a privilege that could not be taken for granted and that diplomats could not abuse it. I was sensitive to the fact that Canada had been gracious in bending the rules to enable me to keep my Canadian citizenship while serving as high commissioner. I had no intention of jeopardizing my position so that Francis could park where he liked, and I made that abundantly clear to my staff.
Along the way, I agreed to extend the six months that I had promised Maurice Bishop I would remain in office. As the first anniversary of the Grenadian revolution approached in March 1980, he invited me to attend celebrations to mark the occasion. It would be my first chance to see the new Grenada.
1 Maurice Bishop, “Address to the Nation,” Radio Free Grenada, March 13, 1979, in The Grenada Revolution 2001–2019, by Ann Elizabeth Wilder, on the website of the Government of Grenada.