1. Swanton (trans.), Anglo-Saxon Prose, pp. 118, 120.
2. ASC 1014 CDE, trans. Swanton, p. 145.
3. Attestations, Tables LX (a and b) and LXIII (pp. 2–3).
4. Diplomas, pp. 209–13.
5. S 937 (EHD, pp. 537–9); ASC 1006; JW, pp. 456–7.
6. JW, pp. 456–9. Cf. ASC 1006 CDE.
7. Diplomas, pp. 189, 211–13; Williams, pp. 70–72.
8. For King Edgar’s edict substituting comprehensive mutilation for execution, see ‘The Translations and Miracles of St Swithun’, cited and translated in Making of English Law, p. 125. II Cn. 30.5, Laws, pp. 190–91, provides the rationale.
9. C. Insley, ‘Politics, Conflict and Kinship in Early Eleventh-Century Mercia’, Midland History, 25 (2000), pp. 28–35.
10. S 887, 893, 896 and 910.
11. S 901.
12. Evidence for the high status of the family comes from ASC 943 D, which mentions the capture of their mother Wulfrun by Olaf Sihtricson in a raid on Mercia. For the families of Ælfhelm and Eadric, see Williams, pp. 33–5 and 70–71.
13. Attestations, Table LXII (2).
14. ASC 1006 CDE; Lavelle, pp. 113–16.
15. ASC 1008 CE. D has 300 hides. G. N. Garmonsway, noting the odd phrasing of CE and the possibility of a missing word, makes the attractive suggestion that text originally read: ‘a large ship from every three hundred hides and a cutter from every ten hides’ (emphasis added). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1953), p. 138. For ship-sokes in the reign of Edgar, see F. E. Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1952), pp. 266–9.
16. This finds support in both the poem The Battle of Maldon and in the heriots (a death tax of weapons) appearing in wills. See Nicholas Brooks, ‘Weapons and Armour’, in Maldon, AD 991, pp. 215–17.
17. ASC 1009 CDE.
18. D. Hill, ‘Trends in the Development of Towns in the Reign of Ethelred II’, in Ethelred the Unready: Papers from the Millenary Conference, ed. D. Hill, British Archaeological Reports, 59 (London: BAR Publishing, 1978), pp. 214–26; L. Alcock, Cadbury Castle, Somerset: The Early Medieval Archaeology (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1995), pp. 165–9; Jeremy Haslam, ‘Daws Castle, Somerset, and Civil Defence Measures in Southern and Midland England in the Ninth to Eleventh Centuries’, Archaeological Journal, 168 (2011), pp. 195–226.
19. J. Baker and S. Brookes, Beyond the Burghal Hidage (Leiden: Brill, 2013), pp. 82–5. Haslam argues that in some cases the replacement of timber by stone defences dates to Alfred’s reign. See ‘Daws Castle’, pp. 210–17.
20. Rectitudines Singularum Personarum, ‘Thegn’s Law’, trans. EHD, p. 813.
21. Baker and Brookes, Beyond the Burghal Hidage, pp. 355–9 and 398–9.
22. ASC 1009 CDE.
23. Williams, pp. 115–17.
24. ASC 1009 CDE.
25. Ibid.
26. IV Edg., Preface, 1.
27. The Enham Code is preserved in two forms, V and VI Æthelred. The latter, of which there are both Old English and Latin versions, may represent revisions by Archbishop Wulfstan in preparation for the legislation he drafted for Cnut. See Making English Law, pp. 332–5.
28. Keynes, ‘An Abbot’, pp. 151–220.
29. VII Atr. 1.
30. Keynes and Naismith, ‘Agnus Dei Pennies’.
31. ASC 1011 CDE.
32. Ibid., and JW, pp. 468–70. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle also reports the seizure of Ælfweard the king’s reeve, Abbess Leofrun of Minster in Thanet, Bishop Godwine of Rochester, ‘and all ordained people, both men and women’ in Canterbury, although apparently only the archbishop was held for ransom. See Swanton, p. 141.
33. Although Archbishop Ælfheah was treated as a martyr by the Chronicler and subsequent medieval writers, his killing probably had little to do with religion. Christian conversion of Scandinavia, in particular Denmark, was well under way by the early eleventh century, and many of those in Thorkell’s ‘raiding army’, perhaps even Thorkell himself, were Christians. See Anders Winroth, The Conversion of Scandinavia: Vikings, Merchants, and Missionaries in the Remaking of Northern Europe (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011). Ryan Lavelle points out that Archbishop Ælfheah’s ‘martyrdom’ was an exceptional event and that the vikings who raided Æthelred’s kingdom did not deliberately target churches or churchmen. See Lavelle, pp. 93–4. None the less, the brutal killing of an archbishop reinforced stereotypes inherited from the viking wars of the ninth century about viking savagery and their association with paganism. See Roach, Æthelred the Unready, pp. 264–6.
34. ASC 1012.
35. Diplomas, p. 267.
36. M. Godden, ‘Apocalypse and Invasion in Late Anglo-Saxon England’, in From Anglo-Saxon to Early Middle English: Studies Presented to E. G. Stanley, ed. M. Godden et al. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 144; J. Wilcox, ‘Wulfstan’s Sermo Lupi ad Anglos as Political Performance: 16 February 1014 and Beyond’, in Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. M. Townend (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), pp. 380–81.
37. For the ‘Sermon of the Wolf’, see here.
38. ASC 1014 CDE, trans. Swanton, p. 214.
39. II Cn. 69.
40. S 882, S 933. Æthelred himself sold estates to raise money to pay tribute. S 943.
41. Insley, ‘Politics, Power’, pp. 30 and 31.
42. ASC 1015 CDE.
43. Æthelstan’s will (S 1503; EHD, pp. 549–50), drawn up probably in 1014 just before his death, connects Edmund, Ulfcytel, Sigeferth, Morcar and Godwine, son of Wulfnoth. It is tempting to see the beneficiaries of the will as comprising the court faction opposed to Eadric. The close relationship between Æthelstan and Edmund is attested by his bequest to his brother of a sword that had belonged to King Offa, as well as extensive lands. Æthelstan also left a sword and land to his younger brother Edmund. It is perhaps significant that he left nothing to his young half-brothers, Edward and Alfred.
44. ASC 1016 C; JW, pp. 146–7.