Notes

Introduction

1. Georg W. F. Hegel, The Philosophy of History, trans. J. Sibree (New York: Dover, 1956), 285.

2. Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France: and on the proceedings in certain societies in London relative to that event (London: J. Dodsley, 1790), 11.

3. Marx refers to the French Revolution repeatedly in his work but never gathered his various considerations into one single book. On the class struggle, see Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Communist Manifesto: A Modern Edition (London: Verso, 1998).

4. Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Régime and the French Revolution (New York: Random House, 1955), foreword.

5. Tocqueville, The Old Régime and the French Revolution, 253–54. On Tocqueville’s involvement with the French colonization of Algeria, see Jennifer Pitts, A Turn To Empire: The Rise of Imperial Liberalism in Britain and France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), 204–39.

6. Recent approaches have challenged the classic vision of the “Grande Nation” spreading itself from a French center outward, and emphasized indigenous creativity. See Laurent Dubois, A Colony of Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1787–1804 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004); Pierre Serna, ed., Républiques soeurs: Le Directoire et la Révolution atlantique (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2009).

7. Quoted in Laurent Dubois and Aurélien Berra, “ ‘Citoyens et Amis!’ Esclavage, citoyenneté et République dans les Antilles françaises à l’époque révolutionnaire,” Annales: Histoire, sciences sociales 58 (2003): 290.

8. Since Michel-Rolph Trouillot rightly complained of the silencing of the past of Saint-Domingue/Haiti in Silencing the Past (Boston: Beacon Press, 1997), countless new books have been published on the Caribbean colonies. Among influential works in this area are John D. Garrigus, Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue (New York: Macmillan, 2006); David Patrick Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002); and Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005).

9. R. R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760–1800, 2 vols. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959 and 1964); Jacques Léon Godechot, La Grande Nation: L’expansion révolutionnaire de la France dans le monde de 1789 à 1799 (Paris: Aubier, 1956). Palmer and Godechot contributed a joint paper entitled “The Problem of the Atlantic” to the Tenth International Congress of Historical Sciences in Rome in 1955. Godechot focused on the diffusion of French revolutionary influences while Palmer analyzed the parallels in revolutionary experiences.

10. See the discussion of Jacques Godechot by Emmet Kennedy in French Historians, 1900–2000: New Historical Writing in Twentieth-Century France, ed. Philip Daileader and Philip Whalen (Chichester, UK: John Wiley and Sons, 2010), 309–12.

11. Jeremy Adelman, “An Age of Imperial Revolutions,” American Historical Review 113 (2008): 319–40; David Armitage and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds., The Age of Revolutions in Global Context, c. 1760–1840 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); Wim Klooster, Revolutions in the Atlantic World: A Comparative History (New York: New York University Press, 2009).

12. Maya Jasanoff, “Revolutionary Exiles: The American Loyalist and French Émigré Diasporas,” in Armitage and Subrahmanyam, Age of Revolutions, 37–58. On the complexity of America’s colonial and colonizing status, see Michael Warner, “What’s Colonial about Colonial America,” in Possible Pasts: Becoming Colonial in Early America, ed. Robert Blair St. George (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000), 49–70; Jack P. Greene, “Colonial History and National History: Reflections on a Continuing Problem,” William and Mary Quarterly 64 (2007): 235–50.

13. Work on “imperial revolutions” counters the older conception of “Atlantic revolutions” developed by Palmer and Godechot. For Godechot’s views see also his France and the Atlantic Revolution of the Eighteenth Century, 1770–1799, trans. Herbert H. Rowen (New York: Free Press, 1965).

14. Richard Bessel, Nicholas Guyatt, and Jane Rendall, introduction to War, Empire, and Slavery, 1770–1830, ed. Bessel, Guyatt, and Rendall (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 6–7. Bessel, Guyatt, and Rendall emphasize that the era 1770–1830 “may be referred to as an ‘age of revolution’, yet it was also an age of continuing warfare, with associated patterns of social upheaval, enslavement, rebellion and the movement of populations.”

15. C. A. Bayly, “The ‘Revolutionary Age’ in the Wider World, c. 1790–1830,” in Bessel, Guyatt, and Rendall, War, Empire, and Slavery, 21–43, quote on p. 21; Bayly, “The Age of Revolutions in Global Context: An Afterword,” in Armitage and Subrahmanyam, Age of Revolutions, 209–17; Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2004).

16. Michael Lang, “Globalization and Its History,” Journal of Modern History 78, no. 4 (December 2006): 899–931.

17. We prefer “early modern globalization” to Paul Cheney’s term “primitive globalization” but follow his lead in talking about globalization in this period. Paul Cheney, Revolutionary Commerce: Globalization and the French Monarchy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 1.

18. M. Charon, Lettre ou Mémoire historique sur les troubles populaires de Paris, en août et septembre 1788, avec des notes (London[?], 1788), 16–17, as quoted by Walton in this volume.

19. Cheney, Revolutionary Commerce; and Sankar Muthu, Enlightenment against Empire (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003).

20. Also see William Max Nelson, “Making Men: Enlightenment Ideas of Racial Engineering,” American Historical Review 115, no. 5 (December 2010): 1364–94.

21. The French, of course, had not lost their interest in having colonies in North America. On this interest and developments during the French Revolution, see Suzanne Desan, “Transatlantic Spaces of Revolution: The French Revolution, Sciotomanie, and American Lands,” Journal of Early Modern History 12 (2008): 467–505.

22. For the concept of “provincializing,” and its historiographic value, see Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000).

1 The Global Underground

1. The corpus of literature on the relationship between the British Empire and industrialization is immense, but see the following reassessments: Patrick K. O’Brien, “Inseparable Connections: Trade, Economy, Fiscal State, and the Expansion of Empire, 1688–1815,” in The Oxford History of the British Empire: The Eighteenth Century, ed. P. J. Marshall (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 53–77; Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000); Maxine Berg, Luxury and Pleasure in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); Ronald Findlay and Kevin H. O’Rourke, Power and Plenty: Trade, War, and the World Economy in the Second Millennium (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007), chaps. 5 and 6; Nualu Zahedieh, “Economy,” in The British Atlantic World, 1500–1800, ed. David Armitage and Michael J. Braddick (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), chap. 3.

2. Scholarship on the French Revolution has tended to separate the economic and the political. Whereas Marxists once claimed that the Revolution was the work of a dynamic bourgeoisie that supplanted feudalism with capitalism, revisionists parried that no coherent bourgeoisie existed and that industrial capitalism was not sufficiently developed to act as an agent of revolutionary change. The stalemate led to a postrevisionist turn to political culture, which, although remarkably productive, has marginalized fundamental questions about the history and culture of capitalism.

3. Frederick Cooper, “What Is the Concept of Globalization Good For? An African Historian’s Perspective,” African Affairs 100 (2001): 200. For penetrating accounts of globalization in this period, see A. G. Hopkins, ed., Globalization in World History (London: Pimlico, 2002); C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914 (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), chaps. 1–3; Pomeranz, The Great Divergence; and Findlay and O’Rourke, Power and Plenty, chaps. 5 and 6.

4. Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, ed. R. H. Campbell and A. S. Skinner (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1981), 429–662.

5. See the studies listed in notes 1 and 3.

6. Bailey Stone, The Genesis of the French Revolution: A Global-Historical Interpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, chap. 3; Paul Cheney, Revolutionary Commerce: Globalization and the French Monarchy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010); Annie Jourdan, Révolution, une exception française? (Paris: Flammarion, 2004); Lynn Hunt, “The French Revolution in Global Context,” in The Age of Revolutions in Global Context, c. 1760–1840, ed. David Armitage and Sanjay Subrahmanyam (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 20–36; Jeremy D. Popkin, “Saint-Domingue, Slavery, and the Origins of the French Revolution,” in From Deficit to Deluge: The Origins of the French Revolution, ed. Thomas Kaiser and Dale Van Kley (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2011), chap. 7; Marcel Dorigny, ed., Esclavage, résistances et abolitions (Paris: CTHS, 1999); and Laurent Dubois, A Colony of Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1787–1804 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004).

7. Jacob Price, France and the Chesapeake: A History of the French Tobacco Monopoly, 1674–1791, and of Its Relationship to the British and American Tobacco Trades, 2 vols. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1973).

8. This slippage from mercantilism to fiscalism was characteristic of French commercial policy, with the exception of the sugar industry, which was geared toward reexportation. Paul Butel, Les négociants bordelais, l’Europe et les îles au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Aubier, 1974).

9. Edgard Depitre, La toile peinte en France au XVIIe et au XVIIIe siècles: Industrie, commerce, prohibitions (Paris: M. Rivière, 1912); Serge Chassagne, La manufacture de toiles imprimées de Tournemine-lès-Angers: Étude d’une entreprise et d’une industrie au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Klincksieck, 1971); Chassagne, Le coton et ses patrons: France, 1760–1840 (Paris: EHESS, 1991).

10. Glenn Ames, Colbert, Mercantilism, and the French Quest for Asian Trade (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1996). For the later history of the company, see Philippe Haudrère, La compagnie française des Indes au XVIII siècle, 2 vols. (Paris: Les Indes Savantes, 2005).

11. The work of Robert Darnton has drawn wide attention to the underground book trade, but books were merely the tip of the illicit iceberg in the eighteenth century. For a broader exploration of the underground, see André Ferrer, Tabac, sel, indiennes: Douane et contrebande en Franche-Comté au XVIIIe siècle (Besançon: Presses Universitaires Franc-Comtoises, 2002). For salt smuggling in particular, see Yves Durand, “La contrebande du sel au XVIIIe siècle aux frontières de Bretagne, du Maine et de l’Anjou,” Histoire sociale 7 (1974): 227–69; and Micheline Huvet-Martinet, “La répression du faux-saunage dans la France de l’Ouest et du Centre à la fin de l’Ancien Régime (1764–1789),” Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l’ouest 84 (1977): 423–43.

12. Archives Nationales (hereafter AN), G-1 106, doss. 1, “Fermes générales, 3e division, Tabac.”

13. Price, France and the Chesapeake, 1:407. Marc Vigié and Muriel Vigié claim that under Colbert the black market provided nearly two-thirds of the tobacco consumed but, despite an absolute rise in contraband tobacco in the eighteenth century, the proportion of illicit tobacco leveled off to around one-third. Marc Vigié and Muriel Vigié, L’herbe à nicot: Amateurs de tabac, Fermiers Généraux et contrebandiers sous l’Ancien Régime (Paris, 1989), chap. 11. According to the calculations of Farmer-General Dupin in 1732, 38 percent of the tobacco consumed in the department of Chalons was illicit. AN, 129 AP 29.

14. [François Véron de Forbonnais], Examen des avantages et des desavantages de la prohibition des toiles peintes (Marseille, 1755). In 1701, the council of commerce put the figure at 12 million livres. Charles Cole, French Mercantilism, 1683–1700 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943), 176.

15. Chassagne, La manufacture, 65; Chassagne, Le coton.

16. For the predominance of women and children in salt smuggling, see the works in note 11 and Anne Montenach, “Femmes des montagnes dans l’économie informelle: Les ‘faux-saunières’ en Haut-Dauphiné au XVIIIe siècle,” in Donne e lavoro: Prospettive per una storia delle montagne europee XVIII-XX secc., ed. Nelly Valsangiacomo and Luigi Lorenzetti (Milan: Franco Angeli, 2010), 68–82.

17. AN, Y 9512–13 and 10929/b contain many examples of Parisian dealers.

18. Nils Marten Hakansson Liander, “Smuggling Bands in Eighteenth-Century France” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1981), 291.

19. Bibliothèque Nationale, MSS Fr. 8476 and 8390. The influx into Geneva of 300,000 pounds of tobacco from Strasbourg, he surmised, accounted for the sudden appearance of smuggling bands in his province. A later report numbered the “scoundrels” working in bands in Savoy and Switzerland at “more than 4 to 500.” Service Historique de l’Armée de Terre, 1A 3406, no. 181.

20. Foucault’s Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage, 1979) was written before the publication of major studies on the galleys and thus did not account for the role of smuggling. For the crackdown on the parallel economy, see Michael Kwass, “The First War on Drugs: Tobacco Trafficking, Criminality, and the Fiscal State in Eighteenth-Century France,” in The Hidden History of Crime, Corruption, and States, ed. Renate Bridenthal (Oxford: Berghahn Books, forthcoming); Ferrer, Tabac, sel, indiennes, 245–98; André Zysberg, Les galériens: Vies et destins de 60,000 forçats sur les galères de France 1680–1748 (Paris: Seuil, 1987); and Marc Vigié, Le galériens du roi, 1661–1715 (Paris: Fayard, 1985).

21. The classic statement regarding this shift was formulated by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, “Révoltes et contestations rurales en France de 1675 à 1788,” Annales ESC 29 (1974): 6–22. Disseminated by Roger Chartier, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution, trans. Lydia G. Cochrane (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991), 141–45, Ladurie’s thesis was based on the work of Yves-Marie Bercé, Histoire des Croquants, 2 vols. (Geneva: Droz, 1974), which failed to consider the persistence of small-scale fiscal rebellions into the eighteenth century.

22. Jean Nicolas, La rébellion française: Mouvements populaires et conscience sociale 1661–1789 (Paris: Seuil, 2002), annexe 2. From 1661 to 1789, fully 39 percent of all documented cases of rebellion were fiscal in nature, and 65 percent of such rebellions involved contraband. Jean-Claude Hocquet, Le sel et le pouvoir (Paris: Albin Michel, 1985), 404, suggested a similar hypothesis that after the failure of the great antifiscal revolts under Richelieu and Mazarin, smuggling constituted “the new form of struggle.”

23. Nicolas Schapira, “Contrebande et contrebandiers dans le nord et de l’est de la France, 1740–1789: Les archives de la commission de Reims” (Mémoire de maîtrise, EHESS, 1991), tables III.14 and III.15; and Liander, “Smuggling Bands,” table 16.

24. Norbert Elias, Power and Civility: The Civilizing Process, trans. Edmund Jephcott (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982), 91–225.

25. AN, Y 9512/B, report of 27 July 1773.

26. AN, G-7 1292.

27. John Markoff, The Abolition of Feudalism: Peasants, Lords, and Legislators in the French Revolution (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), 265.

28. The Gournay circle has received much recent attention. See Simone Meyssonnier, La balance et l’horloge: La genèse de la pensée libérale en France au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Passion, 1989); and Loïc Charles, Frédéric Lefebvre, and Christine Théré, eds., Le Cercle de Vincent de Gournay: Savoirs économiques et pratiques administratives en France au milieu du XVIIIe siècle (Paris: INED, 2011).

29. Jacques-Claude-Marie Vincent de Gournay, “Observations sur l’examen des avantages et des désavantages de la prohibition des toiles peintes,” in Examen des avantages et des désavantages de la prohibition des toiles peintes (Marseille, 1755), 75–76.

30. André Morellet, Réflexions sur les avantages de la libre fabrication et de l’usage des toiles peintes en France (Geneva, 1758), 36–37.

31. For recent studies that emphasize the radical implications of the physiocratic embrace of natural law, see Cheney, Revolutionary Commerce, chap. 5; Dan Edelstein, The Terror of Natural Right: Republicanism, the Cult of Nature, and the French Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 101–11; and Bernard E. Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of the Natural Order (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011). In addition to physiocracy, there was also a less public movement for fiscal reform going on inside the royal administration. Here, the main object of reform was to modernize France by ridding it of internal customs duties while maintaining a protectionist external border. See J. F. Bosher, The Single Duty Project: A Study of the Movement for a French Customs Union in the Eighteenth Century (London: Athlone Press, 1964).

32. Théorie de l’impôt (1760), 141–44 and 151. Similarly, Pierre Samuel Du Pont would write that the real criminals were not the smugglers but the tax farmers who imposed a “fiscal or monopolistic inquisition detrimental to the natural rights of citizens, to their property, to their civil liberty.” Ephémérides du citoyen 3 (1769): 180–81.

33. De l’administration provinciale, et de la réforme de l’impôt (Basel, 1779), 78 and 81.

34. Les effets de l’impôt indirect, prouvés par les deux exemples de la Gabelle & du Tabac (1770), 325–27. Physiocrats’ sympathy for smugglers contrasted sharply with their hostility to thieves and vagabonds who threatened to disrupt the market. See Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets, chaps. 1–4.

35. Archives Départementales de l’Isère B 2325, remonstrances of 17 August 1763.

36. David Jacobson, “The Politics of Criminal Law Reform in Pre-Revolutionary France” (PhD diss., Brown University, 1976).

37. “Remontrances relatives aux impôts, 6 mai 1775,” in Les “Remontrances” de Malesherbes, 1771–1775, ed. Elisabeth Badinter (Paris: Flammarion, 1985), 167–284.

38. The pressure for reform led to piecemeal policy changes at the end of the Old Regime: the customs dues on imported calico were significantly reduced in 1772, a policy confirmed by the Treaty of Eden in 1786; and, during his first tenure as finance minister from 1776 to 1781, Jacques Necker curbed the practice of tax farming and proposed a thoroughgoing reform of the gabelle. But the pace of reform would accelerate dramatically in the opening years of the Revolution.

39. Jacques Godechot, The Taking of the Bastille, July 14^th, 1789, trans. Jean Stewart (New York: Scribner, 1970), 194; George Rudé, The Crowd in the French Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), 49, 180–81, and appendix IV; and Roger Dion, Histoire de la vigne et du vin en France des origines au XIXe siècle (Paris: Poisson, 1959), 511–31.

40. Insurgents in the market town of Ham, for example, interrogated Farm agents about their loyalty to the third estate. Liander, “Smuggling Bands,” 211.

41. Gilbert Shapiro and John Markoff, Revolutionary Demands: A Content Analysis of the Cahiers de Doléances of 1789 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998), chap. 20. For the relationship between direct taxation and revolutionary constructions of citizenship, see Michael Kwass, Privilege and the Politics of Taxation in Eighteenth-Century France: Liberté, Égalité, Fiscalité (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), chap. 6.

42. Quoted in Marcel Marion, Histoire financière de la France depuis 1715 (Paris: Rousseau et Cie, 1927), 2:227.

43. Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860, ed. M. J. Mavidal and M. E. Laurent (Paris: P. Dupont, 1862–), 20:411–14.

44. As a result, underground markets contracted in 1791, but they would expand once again under the Empire, when consumption taxes were reestablished, and import prohibitions were strictly enforced.

45. For the colonial dimension, see Willem Klooster, “Inter-Imperial Smuggling in the Americas, 1600–1800,” chap. 4 in Soundings in Atlantic History: Latent Structures and Intellectual Currents, 1500–1825, ed. Bernard Bailyn and Patricia L. Denault (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009).

46. Tensions mounted in England as well. See William J. Ashworth, Customs and Excise: Trade, Production, and Consumption in England, 1640–1845 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003); and Cal Winslow, “Sussex Smugglers,” in Douglas Hay, Peter Linebaugh, John G. Rule, E. P. Thompson, and Cal Winslow, Albion’s Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (New York: Pantheon Books, 1975), 119–66.

2 The Global Financial Origins of 1789

1. An excellent overview of the domestic financial issues can be found in Gail Bossenga, “Financial Origins of the French Revolution,” in From Deficit to Deluge: The Origins of the French Revolution, ed. Thomas E. Kaiser and Dale K. Van Kley (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2011), 37–66. See also Marie-Laure Legay, Joël Félix, and Eugene White, “Retour sur les origines financières de la Révolution française,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française 356 (2009): 183–201.

2. Three works provide essential points of departure: Paul Cheney, Revolutionary Commerce: Globalization and the French Monarchy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010); Guillaume Daudin, Commerce et prospérité: La France au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses l’Université Paris–Sorbonne, 2005); and James C. Riley, International Government Finance and the Amsterdam Capital Market, 1740–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980).

3. Michel Morineau, “Budgets de l’état et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle,” Revue historique 536 (Oct.–Dec. 1980): 289–336, esp. 312.

4. David R. Weir, “Tontines, Public Finance, and Revolution in France and England, 1688–1789,” Journal of Economic History 49, no. 1 (1989): 95–124, esp. 98.

5. David French, The British Way in Warfare, 1688–2000 (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990), 91.

6. Jonathan R. Dull, The Age of the Ship of the Line: The British and French Navies, 1650–1815 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009), 119.

7. On interests rates on the debt, see Guillaume Daudin, “Profitability of Slave and Long-Distance Trading in Context: The Case of Eighteenth-Century France,” Journal of Economic History 64, no. 1 (2004): 144–71, esp. 167.

8. Riley, International Government Finance, 15, 119–94.

9. François R. Velde and David R. Weir, “The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746–1793,” Journal of Economic History 52, no. 1 (1992): 1–39.

10. The best overview of these practices can be found in David D. Bien, “Offices, Corps, and a System of State Credit: The Uses of Privilege under the Ancien Régime,” in The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture: The Political Culture of the Old Regime, ed. Keith Michael Baker (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1987), 89–114; Gail Bossenga, The Politics of Privilege: Old Regime and Revolution in Lille (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).

11. For example, État de situation de nos finances, au mois d’avril 1787, d’après les bases publiées par M. de Calonne, Ministre, et M. Necker (n.p., 1787); Mémoire en réponse de M. de Calonne à l’écrit de M. Necker, publié en Avril 1787, contenant l’examen des comptes de la situation des finances redus en 1774, 76, 81, et 1783 (London, 1788). Historians continue to take sides in this debate. See, for example, Robert D. Harris, “Necker’s Compte Rendu of 1781: A Reconsideration,” Journal of Modern History 42, no. 2 (June 1, 1970): 162–83.

12. On the Caisse d’Escompte and the role of foreign bankers, see Herbert Lüthy, La banque protestante en France, de la révocation de l’Édit de Nantes à la Révolution (Paris: S. E. V. P. E. N., 1959–61), 2:435–38.

13. J. C. Riley, “Dutch Investment in France, 1781–1787,” Journal of Economic History 33, no. 4 (December 1, 1973): 732–60. The currency markets were extraordinarily complex because exchange rates varied daily, yet information about them could not be made available daily at any distance (communication by letter or newspaper took days). They also entered into the negotiation of bills of exchange. Jean Bouchary, Le marché des changes de Paris à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (1778–1800): Avec des graphiques et le relevé des cours (Paris: P. Hartmann, 1937).

14. For general trends upward of silver production in the Americas, see the chart on p. 227 of Richard L. Garner, “Long-Term Silver Mining Trends in Spanish America: A Comparative Analysis of Peru and Mexico,” in Mines of Silver and Gold in the Americas, ed. Peter Bakewell (Aldershot, UK: Variorum, 1997). For the importance of silver to the French economy, see Louis Dermigny, “Circuits de l’argent et milieux d’affaires au XVIIIe siècle,” Revue historique 212 (1954): 239–78.

15. http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces (accessed 24 July 2010).

16. Philippe Haudrère, La compagnie française des Indes au XVIIIe siècle 1719–1795 (Paris: Librairie de l’Inde, 1989), 4:1, 215.

17. Jan de Vries, “Connecting Europe and Asia,” in Global Connections and Monetary History, 1470–1800, ed. Dennis Owen Flynn, Arturo Giráldez, and Richard Von Glahn (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2003), 46–47. The French ships were, however, smaller on average than those of their competitors.

18. I am using “banker” in a loose way because the term covered a wide variety of largely unregulated activities. Merchant-bankers carried on commerce and banking activities side by side. Bankers might hold money on deposit, negotiate bills of exchange, and/or simply borrow and invest on behalf of others as well as themselves. They might have an actual “house” or just operate out of their own lodgings. On bills of exchange, see Raymond Adrian De Roover, L’évolution de la lettre de change, XIVe-XVIIIe siècles, Affaires et gens d’affaires 4 (Paris: A. Colin, 1953); and André Neurrisse, Histoire du franc, 3rd ed. (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1974), 28–29.

19. Paul Butel, “France, the Antilles, and Europe in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” in The Rise of Merchant Empires: Long-Distance Trade in the Early Modern World, 1350–1750, ed. James D. Tracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 153–73. On the links between various parts of the French commercial empire, see Richard Drayton, “The Globalisation of France: Provincial Cities and French Expansion c. 1500–1800,” History of European Ideas 34 (2008): 424–30.

20. Stanley J. Stein and Barbara H. Stein, Silver, Trade, and War: Spain and America in the Making of Early Modern Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000).

21. In 1753–54, French houses in Cadiz brought in nearly three times as much profit as the Spanish houses; in 1762 (the only other date for which evidence is available), they still brought in more than twice as much, despite the war raging. Didier Ozanam, “La colonie française de Cadix au XVIIIe siècle, d’après un document inédit (1777),” Mélanges de la Casa de Velazquez 4 (1968): 259–347, esp. 276.

22. Pedro Tedde, El Banco de San Carlos (1782–1829) (Madrid: Banco de España, 1988). The key figure was François Cabarrus, a banker from Bayonne. Michel Zylberberg, Capitalisme et catholicisme dans la France moderne: La dynastie Le Couteulx (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2001), 184–86.

23. Louis Dermigny, “La France à la fin de l’ancien régime: Une carte monétaire,” Annales: Économies, sociétés, civilisations 10, no. 4 (December 1955): 480–93.

24. Pierre Blancard, Manuel du commerce des Indes orientales et de la Chine (Paris: Chez Bernard, 1806), 309–10. Most sources lump silver and gold together, making it impossible to judge their relative importance.

25. No mention of cowries appears in Robert Stein’s study of the slave trade, but this is surely an oversight given their ubiquity in other sources. He cites spirits, iron bars, and India cloth—and more generally “pièces de cargaison” (pieces of cargo)—in discussing the purchase of slaves. Robert Louis Stein, The French Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century: An Old Regime Business (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1979), 85.

26. Jan S. Hogendorn and Marion Johnson, The Shell Money of the Slave Trade, African Studies Series 49 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 53.

27. See Robert Harms, The Diligent: Worlds of the Slave Trade (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 81. Cowries were also used to pay guards, gatekeepers, and washerwomen in West Africa (245, 252). The one example given by Conan of a ship returning from Bengal in 1787 listed 1,200 mans pacca (1 mans pacca=12 kg; hence 14,400 kg) of cowries from the Maldives, the heaviest item in the cargo except perhaps the saltpeter (about which there was some uncertainty on the manifest). Jules Conan, La dernière compagnie française des Indes (1785–1875) (Paris: Marcel Rivière, 1942), 104.

28. As a consequence, the reliability of bills of exchange was paramount. Alarms were set off in late 1786 by the report of a large number of falsified bills circulating in Paris. My thanks to Miranda Spieler for this reference. Gazette de Leyde, 15 December 1786, in the section called “Supplement…du numéro C,” http://www.gazettes18e.fr/gazette-leyde/annee/1786/page/9985/.

29. On the role of credit in Caribbean commerce, see Pierre Gervais, “A Merchant or a French Atlantic? Eighteenth-Century Account Books as Narratives of a Transnational Merchant Political Economy,” French History 25, no. 1 (2011): 28–47.

30. For the post-1785 French company, see Conan, La dernière compagnie française des Indes, 37–40. Calonne’s activities in this regard and more generally in relation to French finances are also discussed by Charles Walton in chapter 3 in this volume.

31. Paul Butel, The Atlantic, trans. Iain Hamilton Grant (London: Routledge, 1999), 153–54.

32. Javier Cuenca Esteban, “The British Balance of Payments, 1772–1820: India Transfers and War Finance,” Economic History Review 54, no. 1 (2001): 58–86.

33. For the British balance, see Philippe Haudrère, Le grand commerce maritime au XVIIIe siècle: Européens et espaces maritimes (Condé-sur-Noireau: SEDES, 1997), 107. For the French company, see Conan, La dernière compagnie française des Indes, esp. 94–96. Between 1785 and 1789, the French Indies company exported 7 million l. in goods and more than 51 million l. in specie and imported in return only 50 million l. in goods.

34. According to Louis Dermigny, the flow of Spanish silver into France diminished after 1785 because the Banco Nacional insisted on stricter border controls over currency in order to maintain its new position in the market. Dermigny, “Circuits de l’argent et milieux d’affaires,” 266.

35. Stanley J. Stein and Barbara H. Stein, Apogee of Empire: Spain and New Spain in the Age of Charles III, 1759–1789 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), 305–37.

36. Overall, the French balance of trade began to move into negative territory after 1770. Daudin has shown that this was due to the negative balance of colonial trade (not intra-European trade). Profits were made in the colonial trade but largely on financing and on the gap between prices in the metropolitan ports and those in the Caribbean. Daudin, Commerce et prospérité, 235–37.

37. See, for example, the often daily accounts for early 1781 in Louis Petit de Bachaumont, Mathieu-François Pidansat de Mairobert, and Barthélemy-François-Joseph Moufle d’ Angerville, Mémoires secrets: pour servir à l’histoire de la république des lettres en France, depuis MDCCLXII jusqu’à nos jours, ou Journal d’un observateur […], vol. 17 (London: J. Adamson, 1782).

38. Jacques Necker, Compte rendu au roi (Paris: De l’Imprimerie du Cabinet du Roi, 1781), 2–3.

39. On the growth of credit markets, see Mark Potter and Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, “The Development of Intermediation in French Credit Markets: Evidence from the Estates of Burgundy,” Journal of Economic History 62, no. 4 (2002): 1024–49. On the explosion of private borrowing in the eighteenth century, see Philip T. Hoffman, Gilles Postel-Vinay, and Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, Priceless Markets: The Political Economy of Credit in Paris, 1660–1870 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 96–113. See also Legay, Félix and White, “Retour sur les origines financières,” 195.

40. The new East India Company was set up in April–May 1785. Already by 7 August 1785 Calonne was forced to act with a decree outlawing “marchés à terme” (short selling and other forms of market manipulation without the actual exchange of securities). When the decree’s publication induced a rapid decline in market values, the government pulled back from enforcing it. G. Susane, La tactique financière de Calonne (New York: B. Franklin, 1972), 257–58.

41. For the machinations concerning stock prices, see George V. Taylor, “The Paris Bourse on the Eve of the Revolution, 1781–1789,” American Historical Review 67, no. 4 (1962): 951–77; Honoré Gabriel Riquetti de Mirabeau (comte), Dénonciation de l’agiotage au roi et à l’Assemblée des Notables (n.p., 1787). Mirabeau’s role and its significance for wider discussions of speculation is covered in detail in John Shovlin, The Political Economy of Virtue: Luxury, Patriotism, and the Origins of the French Revolution (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), 158–73. Charles Walton has found letters from Mirabeau to Calonne written in February 1787 in which Mirabeau expresses his hope that Calonne will help his friends buy shares in the Caisse d’Escompte. Apparently Mirabeau had some kind of falling out with Calonne just about this time. Public Record Office PC 1 Carton 125, #50 and 51.

42. The essential starting point is Jean Bouchary, Les manieurs d’argent à Paris à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, 3 vols., Bibliothèque d’histoire économique (Paris: Librairie des Sciences Politiques et Sociales, M. Rivière et Cie, 1939–43). Stock market manipulation was not the only form of financial chicanery. Bankers often got special access to the best rates on French government loans, and insiders hoped for information that would enable them to pick the best loans in which to invest (highest rates, lowest likelihood that the loans would be absorbed into new, lower-rate instruments).

43. Archives Nationales (hereafter AN) T* 646, Papiers d’Étienne Clavière, part 5, Registre. The figures given in this paragraph are my calculations based on his entries into this register. I chose to focus on April 1786 because he seemed to lose interest in complete recording over time. My figures cannot possibly capture the complexity of Clavière’s financial dealings; his one entry on 1 April 1786 for “Lettres et billets à payer” (328,883 l.) listed fifty-three different traites, billets, and bons au porteur, all forms of commercial paper, with more than twenty different bankers.

44. Clavière’s name does not appear in any of the government registers established to restrain short selling. They were all set up in the last half of 1785. AN, F¹² 797 B has registers of stock liquidations in the East India Company, the Caisse d’Escompte, and the water company. He may have purchased his shares later or dealt through third parties.

45. Not surprisingly, given the size of his investments, Clavière kept up a frenetic pace of correspondence. Between 28 January 1785 and 10 July 1786 he wrote 526 letters to eighty-three correspondents in twenty-five different European cities. AN, T* 646/2, Copie de lettres.

46. Honoré-Gabriel de Riquetti, comte de Mirabeau, De la banque de l’Espagne, dite de Saint-Charles (n.p., 1785); Mirabeau, Sur les actions de la Compagnie des Eaux de Paris (London, 1785); Jacques-Pierre Brissot de Warville, Dénonciation au public d’un nouveau projet d’agiotage; ou, Lettre à M. le comte de S*** . sur un nouveau projet de compagnie d’assurance contre les incendies à Paris, sur ses inconvéniens, & en général sur les inconvéniens des compagnies par actions (London, 1786); Brissot, Seconde lettre contre la compagnie d’assurance, pour les incendies à Paris, & contre l’agiotage en général. Adressée à MM. Perrier & compagnie [the water company] (London, 1786). Bouchary discusses Clavière’s manipulations in detail in Les manieurs d’argent, 1:11–101. Clavière remained a close ally of Brissot. Jean Marc Rivier, Étienne Clavière (1735–1793): Un révolutionnaire, ami des noirs (Paris: Panormitis, 2006).

47. Letter to Pierre Stadnitski, 31 March 1786, cited in Bouchary, Les manieurs d’argent, 1:87–88.

48. AN, T* 646/5, entry for 1 April 1786. On Stadnitski and the U.S. debt, see the advertisement in no. 49 of Nouvelles extraordinaires de divers endroits (Luzac, 1791). Stadnitski was on the patriot side in the Dutch revolt according to Riley, “Dutch Investment in France,” 734.

49. AN, T* 646/4, Livre de Caisse, folios 1 and 11. The opening page (folio 1 left side) gives the date January 1780, but this seems to be an error, as the facing page (folio 1 right side) is dated January 1781, and folio 2 left side begins 16 January 1781 when folio 1 left side had ended 12 January 1780. It is difficult to speak in terms of credit and debit for this account book, as Clavière enters under money coming in commercial paper that sometimes constitutes loans (as well as gold coins), and under money going out everything from household expenses to loan repayments (sometimes with other loans). Therefore my account emphasizes the amounts of money involved rather than their exact status.

50. It should not be assumed from the gap in the account book that Clavière had stopped investing between March 1784 and August 1785. From his letters in this period, it is clear that he was closely following and investing in shares of the Caisse d’Escompte and in the various state loans. See, for example, AN, T*646/1, Journal de lettres, letter to Delessert & Cie in Paris of 25 April 1784. Large sums begin to appear in November 1784 (letter to Baroud, 2 November 1784, concerning nearly 1 million l. in investments, though consisting in part of exchanges between commercial houses with Clavière as intermediary).

51. All the folio pages are those in AN, T* 646/4, Livre de Caisse. The livre de caisse and the “registre” do not report the same amounts; the first tracks money coming in and out, and the second lists actual holdings and obligations.

52. See table 2 on p. 20 of Velde and Weir, “The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy.”

53. Maurice Tourneux, ed., Correspondance littéraire, philosophique et critique, vol. 15 (Paris: Garnier Frères, 1877), 33 (entry dated April 1787). It is, however, questionable whether Clavière and Panchaud were allied.

54. Brissot published pamphlets even earlier against the prospect of bankruptcy, no doubt with arguments supplied by Clavière. Jacques-Pierre Brissot de Warville, Point de banqueroute; ou, Lettres à un créancier de l’état, sur l’impossibilité de la Banqueroute Nationale, & sur les moyens de ramener le crédit & la paix (London, 1787); Étienne Clavière, Opinions d’un créancier de l’état: sur quelques matières de finance importantes dans le moment actuel (Paris: Chez Buisson, 1789). On Clavière’s fascinating life story, surprisingly little has been published. Rivier’s biography, Etienne Clavière (1735–1793), is heavily dependent on Bouchary’s groundbreaking work.

55. For an introduction to the life cycles of capital at the time, see George V. Taylor, “Types of Capitalism in Eighteenth-Century France,” English Historical Review 79, no. 312 (1964): 478–97.

3 The Fall from Eden

1. Considerations on the Political and Commercial Circumstances of Great Britain and Ireland…(London: Debrett, 1787), 1.

2. The phrase belongs to the Marquess of Carmarthen, the British foreign secretary, in 1786; see John Ehrman, The British Government and Commercial Negotiations with Europe, 1783–1793 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), 185.

3. Albert Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977); David A. Bell, The First Total War: Napoleon’s Europe and the Birth of Warfare as We Know It (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2007), 73; Daniel Gordon, Citizens without Sovereignty: Equality and Sociability in French Thought, 1670–1789 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), esp. 129–75. Not all political economists subscribed to the doux commerce thesis: Paul Cheney, Revolutionary Commerce: Globalization and the French Monarchy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), esp. 156–58.

4. William Petty, Marquis of Lansdowne, The Speech of the Right Honourable the Earl of Shelburne, in the House of Lords, on Monday, February 13, 1783, on the articles of peace (Ipswich, [1783]), 4.

5. British National Archives (Kew), Public Records Office (hereafter PRO), FO (Foreign Office) 4, “General Correspondence before 1906: United States,” carton 2, “David Hartley Papers,” doc. 39, letter, Hartley to the foreign secretary, May 1783.

6. Paul Cheney, “A False Dawn for Enlightenment Cosmopolitanism? Franco-American Trade during the American War of Independence,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 63, no. 3 (July 2006): 485.

7. Marie Donaghay, “The Ghosts of Ruined Ships: The Commercial Treaty of 1786 and the Lessons of the Past,” in The Consortium on Revolutionary Europe Proceedings, ed. Harold T. Parker, Louise S. Parker, and John C. White (Athens, GA: Consortium on Revolutionary Europe, 1981), 112.

8. In 1783, Vergennes asked the controller general of finances to relax the wartime trade restrictions on British goods, in part to use this renewed trade as leverage with Britain; Marie Donaghay, “The Anglo-French Negotiations of 1786–1787” (PhD diss., University of Virginia, 1970), 42. For France’s return to prohibitions in 1785: Arrêt du Conseil d’État du Roi, qui renouvelle les anciennes défenses d’introduire dans le Royaume, aucunes Toiles de coton et Mousselines venant de l’Étranger…du 10 juillet 1785 (Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1785) and Arrêt du Conseil d’État du Roi, concernant les marchandises étrangères, prohibées dans le Royaume, 17 juillet 1785 (Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1785).

9. A French spy operating in England reported on the great number of petitions drafted for the upcoming session of Parliament; PRO, PC (Privy Council) 1 “Miscellaneous Unbound Papers,” carton 123, letter, Joseph Anselme to the French administration, London, 8 November 1785.

10. British Library (hereafter BL), Auckland Papers, carton 34421, docs. 121–22, William Eden to Gilbert Elliot, 19 April 1786.

11. PRO, PC 1, carton 123, “Observations sur la Note concernant la Base du Traité de commerce, communiquées par Monsieur le comte de Vergennes à Monsieur le Contrôleur Général,” included in “Troisième mémoire sur le Traité de commerce entre la France et l’Angleterre.”

12. Donaghay, “The Ghosts of Ruined Ships,” 111–18; Donaghay, “The Anglo-French Negotiations,” 33–57. For Vergennes’s diplomatic strategy, see John Hardman and Munro Price, eds., Louis XVI and the Comte de Vergennes: Correspondence, 1774–1787 (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1998), esp. 105.

13. Donaghay, “The Ghosts of Ruined Ships,” 115.

14. Ibid.

15. Philippe Haudrère, La Compagnie française des Indes au XVIIIe siècle, 1719–1795, 2nd ed. (Paris: Les Indes Savantes, 2005), 2:751–815.

16. Frederick L. Nussbaum, “The Formation of the New East India Company of Calonne,” American Historical Review 38, no. 3 (April 1933): 475–97.

17. Ibid., 490.

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid., 494–96.

20. PRO, PC 1, carton 123, doc. 22, “Troisième mémoire sur le Traité de commerce entre la France et l’Angleterre,” p. 259.

21. BL, Auckland Papers, carton 34420, docs. 142–44, “A Few General Observations on the Trade between Great Britain and France,” 25 October 1785.

22. PRO, PC 1, carton 123, doc. 15, “Observations.”

23. Observations de la Chambre du Commerce de Normandie sur le Traité de Commerce entre la France et l’Angleterre. Suivi du Plan d’une Banque nationale de France (Rouen, [1788]), 28.

24. Pierre-Samuel Dupont de Nemours, Lettre à la chambre du commerce de Normandie, sur le mémoire qu’elle a publié relativement au traité de commerce avec l’Angleterre (Paris: Moutard, 1788), 7.

25. Ibid., 102–4, for bureaucratic obstacles; 170–71, for the undervaluing of imports by French customs.

26. Dupont de Nemours, Lettre à la chambre du commerce de Normandie, 104. See also Georges Weulersse, La physiocratie à l’aube de la Révolution, 1781–1792 (Paris: EHESS, 1985), 263–64.

27. Philippe Minard, La fortune du colbertisme: État et industrie dans la France des Lumières (Paris: Fayard, 1998), 218; Wilma J. Pugh, “Calonne’s ‘New Deal’,” Journal of Modern History 11, no. 3 (September 1939): 301.

28. Caroline Weber, Queen of Fashion: What Marie-Antoinette Wore to the Revolution (New York: Hold, 2006), 175; Nussbaum, “The Formation of the New East India Company,” 494–96; Loïc Charles and Guillaume Daudin, “Le Bureau de la balance du commerce au XVIIIe siècle,” Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 58, no. 1 (January–March 2009): 143.

29. Minard, La fortune du colbertisme, 440 n. 20. Earmarking subsidies for other uses was common: Herbert Lüthy, La banque protestante en France de la révocation de l’Édit de Nantes à la Révolution (1730–1794) (Paris: SEVPEN, 1961), 2:690.

30. Dupont de Nemours, Lettre à la chambre du commerce de Normandie, 77. See Léon Cahen, “Une nouvelle interprétation du Traité franco-anglais de 1786–1787,” Revue historique 185, no. 1 (January–June 1939): 273; Cahen looked in ministerial papers for complaints against the treaty, but many circulated at the local level; see Matthieu de Oliveira, “Le négoce nordiste d’un traité franco-anglais à l’autre: Attentes, réceptions et aménagements (1786–1802),” in Le négoce de la paix: Les nations et les traités franco-britanniques (1713–1802); Actes de la journée d’étude de Rouen du 6 juin 2003, ed. Jean-Pierre Jesenne, Renaud Morieux, and Pascal Dupuy (Paris: Société des Études Robespierristes, 2008), 174–75. Censored newspapers found roundabout ways to criticize the treaty through book reviews; see Colin Jones, “The Great Chain of Buying: Medical Advertisement, the Bourgeois Public Sphere, and the Origins of the French Revolution,” American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (1996): 38 n. 104.

31. Already in October 1787, the Norman town of Elbeuf saw half its workers lose their jobs. Between 1786 and the end of 1787, Troyes saw its workshops drop from 3,000 to 1,157. In Sedan, 1,000 workshops employing 15,000 workers in 1786 were reduced to 200, leaving 9,000 unemployed. Charles Schmidt, “La crise industrielle de 1788 en France,” Revue historique 97 (1908): 79–80, 83.

32. For the earthenware industry, see Pierre Dardel, Commerce, industrie et navigation à Rouen et au Havre au XVIIIème siècle: Rivalité croissante entre ces deux ports, la conjuncture (Rouen: Société Libre d’Émulation de la Seine-Maritime, 1966), 64. For rising emigration rates, see Jean-Pierre Bardet, Rouen aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: Les mutations d’un espace social; Documents (Paris: SEDES-Paris, 1983), p. 111, table 87 (“Quotient d’emigration pour 1000 familles”); for bankruptcies, p. 113, table 90 (“Faillites enregistrées par les Consuls”). The most dramatic spike in bankruptcies corresponded to the period when the administration was tacitly allowing British goods into France; it began dropping around 1787 but remained high through 1789.

33. Oliveira, “Le négoce nordiste d’un traité franco-anglais,” 174.

34. Archives municipales de Lille, carton 17.998, “Commerce et industrie, 1790–1819,” report of 28 January 1791, Observations des fabricants des fils retords du Département du Nord, sur le Projet de permettre l’importation en France des fils retords étrangers moyennant un droit de Traite (Douai: Derbaix, [1791]), 5.

35. Cahen, “Une nouvelle interprétation du Traité franco-anglais”; W. O. Henderson, “The Anglo-French Commercial Treaty of 1786,” Economic History Review, new ser., 10, no. 1 (1957).

36. French customs were already tolerating fraudulent declarations, as the administration explained in one of its memoirs during the treaty negotiations: PRO, PC 1, carton 123, doc. 22, “Troisième mémoire sur le Traité de commerce entre la France et l’Angleterre,” pp. 263–64.

37. BL, Auckland Papers, carton 34421, fols. 92–94, letter, William Eden to Lord Carmarthen, 13 April 1786. Ambroise-Marie Arnould, director of the Balance of Trade Office in the early Revolution noted that trade between France and Britain had begun booming with the Peace of Paris in 1783: De la balance du commerce et des relations commerciales extérieures de la France dans toutes les parties du globe, particulièrement à la fin du règne de Louis XIV et au moment de la Révolution (Paris: Buisson, 1791; Geneva: Slatkine, 1983), 1:173.

38. Insurance rates for smuggling goods from Birmingham and Manchester to France went from 6 to 10 percent after France declared prohibitive tariffs in 1785. BL, Auckland Papers, carton 34421, docs. 48–49.

39. Richard Munthe Brace, “The Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce of 1786: A Reappraisal,” The Historian 47, no. 2 (March 1947): 160.

40. See the chart on wine exports from the port of Bordeaux in Philippe Gardey, Négociants et marchands de Bordeaux, de la guerre d’Amérique à la Restauration (1780–1830) (Paris: Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne, 2009), 223. For taxes on French wines in Britain, including a new consumption tax, see François Dumas, Étude sur le Traité de commerce de 1786 entre la France et l’Angleterre (Toulouse: Privat, 1904), 147.

41. Charles Ludington, “ ‘Claret is the liquor for boys; port for men’: How Port Became the ‘Englishman’s Wine,’ 1750s to 1800,” Journal of British Studies 48, no. 2 (2009): 364–90.

42. Henderson, “The Anglo-French Commercial Treaty of 1786,” 110.

43. Alan Forrest, Society and Politics in Revolutionary Bordeaux (London: Oxford University Press, 1975), 51. Cahen, a revisionist of the treaty, argues that Bordeaux was already overproducing glass before the treaty was implemented. Cahen, “Une nouvelle interprétation du Traité franco-anglais,” 279. The assertion begs the very question that was so contentious at the time: obviously, Bordeaux glassworks were overproducing in the face of an influx of cheaper British glass.

44. Judith A. Miller, Mastering the Market: The State and the Grain Trade in Northern France, 1700–1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 110–11.

45. Jean-François de Tolozan [or Tolosan], Mémoire sur le commerce de la France et de ses colonies (Paris: Moutard, 1789), 5.

46. Miller, Mastering the Market, 117–19.

47. Schmidt, “La crise industrielle,” 88.

48. Ibid., 91; Oliveira, “Le négoce nordiste d’un traité franco-anglais,” 175.

49. Schmidt, “La crise industrielle,” 82.

50. Dardel, Commerce, industrie et navigation, 65.

51. Quoted in Oliveira, “Le négoce nordiste d’un traité franco-anglais,” 175.

52. Jérome Mavidal and Émile Laurent, eds., Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860, 1st ser. (hereafter AP) (Paris: Dupont, 1875–1913), 6:431.

53. AP 2:402.

54. AP 5:516.

55. Tolozan, Mémoire sur le commerce de la France et de ses colonies, 47, 105.

56. Edouard Boyetet, Recueil de divers mémoires, relatifs au traité de commerce avec l’Angleterre, faits avant, pendant et après cette négociation (Versailles: Baudouin, 1789), 1.

57. Observations sur la lettre [de Dupont de Nemours] à la Chambre du commerce de Normandie…(1788); balance-of-trade data for 1787 appears on p. 95; estimations for the first six months of 1788 on p. 109.

58. Arnould, De la balance du commerce, 1:181.

59. Renaud Morieux, “Les nations et les intérêts: Les manufacturiers, les institutions représentatives et le langage des intérêts dans le traité de commerce franco-anglais de 1786–1787,” in La concurrence des saviors: France–Grande-Bretagne, XVIIIe-XIXe siècles, ed. Christophe Charle and Julien Vincent (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2011), 39–74.

60. Orville T. Murphy, “DuPont de Nemours and the Anglo-French Commercial Treaty of 1786,” Economic History Review 19, no. 3 (1966): 573.

61. Quoted in Auguste Arnauné, Le commerce extérieur et les tarifs de douane (Paris: Alcan, 1911), 99.

62. Archives Nationales, F¹² “Commerce et industrie,” carton 652, “Mémoire adressé aux députés du bailliage de Rouen par les entrepreneurs des manufactures de Louviers,” mentioned in Fernand Gerbaux and Charles Schmidt, eds., Procès-verbaux des Comités d’agriculture et de commerce (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1906), 1:49 n. 1.

63. Arthur Young, Travels, during the years 1787, 1788, and 1789 (Bury St. Edmunds: J. Rackham for W. Richardson, 1792), 73.

64. M. Charon, Lettre ou Mémoire historique sur les troubles populaires de Paris, en août et septembre 1788, avec des notes (London[?], 1788), 16–17.

65. Aux Français, sur le 14 juillet [no author or publication information], Bibliothèque historique de la ville de Paris, call number 12029, 1–2.

66. Observations de la Chambre du Commerce de Normandie sur le Traité de Commerce, 115–16.

67. AP 1:720.

68. J.-J. Vernier, Les cahiers de doléances du bailliage de Troyes et du bailliage du Bar-sur-Seine (Troyes: Nouel, 1909), 3:197–98.

69. Jean Tarrade, “Le groupe de pression du commerce à la fin de l’Ancien Régime et sous l’Assemblée constituante,” Bulletin de la Société d’histoire moderne (1970): 25.

70. Ibid., 24–25.

71. See Gerbaux and Schmidt, Procès-verbaux des Comités d’agriculture et de commerce, passim.

72. AP 21:135.

73. Ibid., 138, 143.

74. Jean Clinquart, “Les avatars de la ‘Police du commerce extérieur’ (1789–1799),” in État, finances et économie pendant la Révolution française: Colloque tenu à Bercy les 12, 13, 14 octobre 1989…[organisé par le] Comité pour l’histoire économique et financière de la France (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1991), 538.

75. Jean Clinquart, L’administration des douanes en France sous la Révolution (Paris: Association pour l’Histoire des Douanes, 1978), esp. 71, 91, 164.

76. Minard, La fortune du colbertisme, 350–72.

77. Steven L. Kaplan, La fin des corporations (Paris: Fayard, 2001), 615.

78. PRO, PC 1, carton 124, doc. 148, “Articles proposés par l’évêque d’Autun [Talleyrand] au ministère anglais et réponses du cabinet de St. James (de la main de Christin).”

79. Ehrman, The British Government and Commercial Negotiations with Europe, 194 n. 4.

80. Ibid., 220–21. Trade statistics generated by the French administration, which are less reliable, nevertheless show a similar trend; Dumas, Étude sur le Traité de commerce, 146.

81. Edna Hindie Lemay, ed., Dictionnaire des constituants, 1789–1791 (Paris: Universitas, 1991), 1:415.

82. Jeff Horn, The Path Not Taken: French Industrialization in the Age of Revolution (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006).

4 1685 and the French Revolution

I would like to thank the volume’s editors, the Press’s anonymous reader, Jeffrey Collins, and Rebecca Manley for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this chapter.

1. See Elisabeth Labrousse, La révocation de l’Édit de Nantes: Une foi, une loi, un roi? (Paris: Payot, 1990).

2. John Marshall, John Locke, Toleration, and Early Enlightenment Culture: Religious Intolerance and Arguments for Religious Toleration in Early Modern and “Early Enlightenment” Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 18.

3. Eckart Birnstiel and Chrystel Bernat, eds., La diaspora des Huguenots: Les réfugiés protestants de France et leur dispersion dans le monde (XVIe-XVIIIe siècles) (Paris: Champion, 2001).

4. Myriam Yardeni, Le refuge huguenot: Assimilation et culture (Paris: Champion, 2002), 33–34.

5. Historians have, however, revised an older view that the revocation of the Edict of Nantes severely damaged France’s economy. See Myriam Yardeni, “Naissance et essor d’un mythe: La révocation de l’Édit de Nantes et le déclin économique de la France,” in Repenser l’histoire: Aspects de l’historiographie huguenote des Guerres de religion à la Révolution française (Paris: H. Champion, 2000), 191–206.

6. Dale Van Kley, The Religious Origins of the French Revolution: From Calvin to the Civil Constitution, 1560–1791 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996); Catherine-Laurence Maire, De la cause de Dieu à la cause de la Nation: Le Jansénisme au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Gallimard, 1998).

7. Jules Michelet, Histoire de France, nouvelle édition revue et augmentée (Paris: Marpon, 1879), 15:4.

8. Paul Hazard, La crise de la conscience européenne (1680–1715), 3 vols. (Paris: Boivin, 1935).

9. On “intellectual origins,” see Denis Richet, “Autour des origines idéologiques lointaines de la Révolution française: Élites et despotisme,” Annales: Histoire, sciences sociales 24 (1969): 1–23; and Keith Michael Baker, “On the Problem of the Ideological Origins of the French Revolution,” in Inventing the French Revolution: Essays on French Political Culture in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 12–27.

10. Van Kley, The Religious Origins of the French Revolution, 8.

11. On the role of France’s domestic Protestant population in the desacralization of the monarchy, see Jeffrey Merrick, The Desacralization of the French Monarchy in the Eighteenth Century (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), chap. 6.

12. Bayle and Jurieu disagreed themselves, however, about such fundamental issues as whether absolutism was a legitimate form of government and whether states should practice religious toleration. See Elisabeth Labrousse, “The Political Ideas of the Huguenot Diaspora (Bayle and Jurieu),” in Church, State, and Society under the Bourbon Kings of France, ed. Richard M. Golden (Lawrence, KS: Coronado Press, 1982).

13. Hazard, La crise de la conscience européenne; E. S. de Beer, “The Huguenots and the Enlightenment,” Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London 21 (1967): 179–95; Marshall, John Locke, Toleration, and Early Enlightenment Culture; and, in a different form, Jonathan Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650–1750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).

14. On Bayle, see above all Elisabeth Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, 2 vols. (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1963).

15. Gustave Leopold Van Roosbroeck, Persian Letters before Montesquieu (New York: Publications of the Institute of French Studies, 1932).

16. Lynn Hunt, Margaret C. Jacob, and Wijnand Mijnhardt, The Book That Changed Europe: Picart & Bernard’s Religious Ceremonies of the World (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2010).

17. Hugh Trevor-Roper, “A Huguenot Historian: Paul Rapin,” in Huguenots in Britain and Their French Background, 1550–1800, ed. Irene Scouloudi (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan Press, 1987); M. G. Sullivan, “Rapin, Hume, and the Identity of the Historian in Eighteenth-Century England,” History of European Ideas 28 (2002): 145–62.

18. Yardeni, Le refuge huguenot, 29, 35; Geoffrey Adams, The Huguenots and French Opinion, 1685–1787: The Enlightenment Debate on Toleration (Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1991); Marshall, John Locke, Toleration, and Early Enlightenment Culture.

19. Jurieu in particular was skeptical of religious toleration. Labrousse, “The Political Ideas of the Huguenot Diaspora (Bayle and Jurieu);” Marshall, John Locke, Toleration, and Early Enlightenment Culture.

20. J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975); Martin van Gelderen and Quentin Skinner, eds., Republicanism: A Shared European Heritage, vol. 1, Republicanism and Constitutionalism in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pt. 3.

21. David Lieberman, “The Mixed Constitution and the Common Law,” in The Cambridge History of Eighteenth-Century Political Thought, ed. Mark Goldie and Robert Wokler (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 318.

22. “Revive” because the Huguenot writers of the late sixteenth century, notably Hotman in Francogallia, had argued for a version of mixed government.

23. Quoted in Lieberman, “The Mixed Constitution and the Common Law,” 337. Delolme in particular strayed quite far from the traditional notion of mixed government. On the broader developments in this discourse in the eighteenth century, see Lieberman; and David Wootton, “Liberty, Metaphor, and Mechanism: ‘Checks and Balances’ and the Origins of Modern Constitutionalism,” in Liberty and American Experience in the Eighteenth Century, ed. David Womersley (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2006).

24. François Furet and Mona Ozouf, Terminer la révolution: Mounier et Barnave dans la Révolution française (Grenoble: Presses Universitaires de Grenoble, 1990), intro. and pt. 1; Aurelian Craiutu, A Virtue for Courageous Minds: Moderation in French Political Thought, 1748–1830 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), chap. 3.

25. Baker, Inventing the French Revolution, chap. 11; Timothy Tackett, Becoming a Revolutionary: The Deputies of the French National Assembly and the Emergence of a Revolutionary Culture (1789–1790) (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 188–94.

26. François Furet, “Concepts juridiques et conjoncture révolutionnaire,” Annales: Histoire, sciences sociales 47 (1992): 1187.

27. For a suggestive account of the intellectual origins of this unitary conception of sovereignty and the rejection of mixed government, see Jean-Fabien Spitz, “Une archéologie du jacobinisme: Quelques remarques sur la ‘thèse royale’ dans la seconde moitié du 18e siècle,” Dix-huitième siècle 39 (2007): 385–414.

28. See my Reimagining Politics after the Terror: The Republican Origins of French Liberalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), chap. 1, esp. 35–42.

29. René-Louis de Voyer, marquis d’Argenson, Mémoires et journal inédit du marquis d’Argenson, ministre des affaires étrangères sous Louis XV (Paris: Jannet, 1857), 5:346.

30. Rachel Hammersley has likewise recently emphasized the role of the Huguenot exiles in transmitting English republicanism to France, but she places substantially less emphasis on the ideal of mixed government. See Hammersley, The English Republican Tradition and Eighteenth-Century France: Between the Ancients and the Moderns (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010), chap. 2.

31. Nouvelles de la République des Lettres, March 1700, 243–69; April 1700, 426–56; May 1700, 553–79; September 1700, 243–63.

32. Ibid., September 1700, 244, 252.

33. Ibid., 258.

34. Hammersley, The English Republican Tradition, 36.

35. Ibid.

36. Bibliothèque britannique, vol. 9 (1737), 408–30; ibid., vol. 16 (1740), 48–86.

37. Ibid., vol. 16 (1740), 50.

38. Samson, translator’s preface to Algernon Sidney, Discours sur le gouvernement, trans. P. A. Samson (The Hague: L. et H. Van Dole, 1717), 6recto.

39. Ibid., 381, 389; English from the original, Algernon Sidney, Discourses Concerning Government, ed. Thomas G. West (Indianapolis: Liberty Classics, 1990), 166, 169.

40. Edouard Tillet, La constitution anglaise, un modèle politique et institutionnel dans la France des Lumières (Aix-en-Provence: Presses Universitaires d’Aix-Marseille, 2001), 149.

41. D’Argenson, Mémoires et journal inédit, 5:271.

42. Hammersley, The English Republican Tradition, 34, 39–40.

43. Margaret Jacob, The Radical Enlightenment: Pantheists, Freemasons, and Republicans (London: Allen & Unwin, 1981), 20–21; Hammersley, The English Republican Tradition, 35.

44. Labrousse, “The Political Ideas of the Huguenot Diaspora,” 222–27; Guy Howard Dodge, The Political Theory of the Huguenots of the Dispersion, with Special Reference to the Thought and Influence of Pierre Jurieu (New York: Octagon Books, 1972), 6–7. See also Jean Marie Goulemot, Le règne de l’histoire: Discours historiques et révolutions, XVIIe-XVIIIe siècle (Paris: A. Michel, 1996), 53–57; and Éric Gojosso, Le concept de République en France (XVIe-XVIIIe siècle) (Aix-en-Provence: Presses Universitaires d’Aix-Marseille, 1998), 237–45.

45. Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de Montesquieu, De l’esprit des lois [1748], in Oeuvres complètes, ed. Roger Caillois (Paris: Gallimard, 1949–51), 2:304.

46. Edmond Dziembowski, “The English Political Model in Eighteenth-Century France,” Historical Research 74, no. 184 (May 2001): 151–71; Richard Whatmore, “French Perspectives on British Politics, 1688–1734,” in Les idées passent-elles la Manche? Savoirs, représentations, pratiques (France-Angleterre, Xe-XXe siècles), ed. Jean-Philippe Genêt and François-Joseph Ruggiu (Paris: PUPS, 2007). In a different vein, Paul Cheney has recently emphasized the interest in English and also Dutch political models among those who sought to improve France’s trade and economy, many of whom wrote in the service of the monarchy. See Cheney, Revolutionary Commerce: Globalization and the French Monarchy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).

47. On the emergent French discussion, see Elie Carcassonne, Montesquieu et le problème de la constitution française au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1927), chap. 1.

48. Tillet, La constitution anglaise, 26–27.

49. Quoted in Tillet, La constitution anglaise, 60.

50. Tillet, La constitution anglaise, 60. See also, Dodge, The Political Theory of the Huguenots, 232–33.

51. Whether Calvinism contained an internal disposition to republicanism is disputed. For a classic statement that it did, see Hans Baron, “Calvinist Republicanism and Its Historical Roots,” Church History 8 (1939): 30–42.

52. This paragraph is based on Trevor-Roper, “A Huguenot Historian”; M. G. Sullivan, “Rapin de Thoyras, Paul de (1661–1725),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, online ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004–), http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23145.

53. Joseph Dedieu, Montesquieu et la tradition politique anglaise en France: Les sources anglaise de l’“Esprit des lois” (Paris: J. Gabalda, 1909); Nelly Girard d’Albissin, Un précurseur de Montesquieu: Rapin-Thoyras, premier historien français des institutions anglaises (Paris: Klincksieck, 1969); Tillet, La constitution anglaise.

54. Trevor-Roper, “A Huguenot Historian,” 13; Sullivan, “Rapin de Thoyras, Paul de.”

55. Paul de Rapin de Thoyras, Dissertation sur les Whigs et les Torys (The Hague: Charles Le Vier, 1717), 1, 3.

56. Paul de Rapin de Thoyras, Histoire d’Angleterre (The Hague: Alexandre de Rogissart, 1724), 7:8, 264–67; 9:2.

57. J. G. A Pocock, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law: A Study of English Historical Thought in the Seventeenth Century, reissue with a retrospect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 364; Trevor-Roper, “A Huguenot Historian,” 5, 15.

58. On the distinction between political and juridical or technical constitutional balance, see Charles Eisenmann, “La pensée constitutionnelle de Montesquieu,”Cahiers de philosophie politique 2–3 (1984–85): 35–66 (originally published in 1952).

59. Girard d’Albissin, Un précurseur de Montesquieu, 46–47; Rapin de Thoyras, Histoire, 1:xiv.

60. Patrick Collinson, De Republica Anglorum: Or History with the Politics Put Back (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 23.

61. René-Louis de Voyer, marquis d’Argenson, Considérations sur le gouvernement ancien et présent de la France (Amsterdam: Marc Michel Rey, 1764), 3. D’Argenson’s Considérations was not published until 1764, but it circulated in manuscript and was read by, among others, Voltaire and Rousseau.

62. Rapin de Thoyras, Histoire, 1:475.

63. Rapin de Thoyras, Dissertation, 1–4; Rapin de Thoyras, Histoire, 1:iv.

64. Catherine Larrère, review of La constitution anglaise, un modèle politique et institutionnel dans la France des Lumières, by Edouard Tillet, Revue Montesquieu 5 (2001): 205.

65. Rapin de Thoyras, Histoire, 1:477.

66. Rapin de Thoyras, Dissertation, 183–84.

67. Quoted in Tillet, La constitution anglaise, 247.

68. Dedieu, Montesquieu et la tradition politique anglaise, 84, 91.

69. Carroll Joynes, “The Gazette De Leyde: The Opposition Press and French Politics, 1759–1757,” in Press and Politics in Pre-Revolutionary France, ed. Jack Censer and Jeremy Popkin (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987); Jeremy Popkin, News and Politics in the Age of Revolution: Jean Luzac’s “Gazette De Leyde” (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).

70. Popkin, News and Politics in the Age of Revolution, x.

71. Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, Grub Street Abroad: Aspects of the French Cosmopolitan Press from the Age of Louis XIV to the French Revolution (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 111.

72. Ibid., 118–28.

73. The decree of 15 December 1790, which stood until 1945, has been the subject of surprisingly little scholarship. See Eckart Birnstiel, “Le retour des Huguenots du Refuge en France: De la Révocation à la Révolution,” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire du protestantisme français 4 (1989): 785–87.

74. See my Reimagining Politics after the Terror. On Théremin’s return, see Alain Ruiz, “Le retour au ‘pays des ancêtres’ en 1795 du huguenot Charles-Guillaume Théremin, diplomate prussien puis citoyen français,” Cahiers d’études germaniques 13 (1987): 73–83.

75. Charles-Guillaume Théremin, De la Situation intérieure de la République (Paris, 1797); Théremin to Sieyès, 12 Fructidor, Year 3 (29 August 1795), Archives Nationales, 284 AP 17–8/10.

76. Germaine de Staël, another key liberal thinker of the post-Terror period, was a Protestant who was born in France but was not of French Protestant descent (her father, Jacques Necker, France’s director general of finance in 1776–81 and 1788–89, had moved from Geneva to Paris in 1747). On Staël and the origins of French liberalism, see my Reimagining Politics after the Terror, chap. 3. I do not wish to suggest that Protestantism informed liberalism in a philosophical sense. For an important argument that Constant’s Protestantism informed his liberalism in just such a sense, however, see Helena Rosenblatt, Liberal Values: Benjamin Constant and the Politics of Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

5 Colonizing France

For comments on previous drafts, I would like to thank my coeditors and Charles Walton. This paper was written while I was a fellow at the Institute for Historical Studies at the University of Texas at Austin. I would like to extend a special thanks to the Institute and its director, Julie Hardwick.

1. François-René de Chateaubriand, Memoires d’outre-tombe (Paris: Gallimard, 1997), 1:428.

2. Arthur Young, Travels in France, during the Years 1787, 1788, 1789, ed. M. Betham-Edwards, 3rd ed. (London, 1890), 123.

3. See Michèle Duchet, Anthropologie et histoire au siècle des Lumières (Paris: Albin Michel, 1995).

4. Seigneur de Montbrun, quoted in Mona Ozouf, Festivals and the French Revolution, trans. Alan Sheridan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), 236. For the letter to Paris, see A. Gazier, ed., Lettres à Grégoire sur les patois de France, 1790–1794 (Paris, 1880; repr., Geneva: Slatkine, 1969), 84–85.

5. On literary silences and material culture, see Madeleine Dobie, Trading Places: Colonization and Slavery in Eighteenth-Century French Culture (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010); on internal colonization, see Christopher Hodson, “Colonizing the Patrie: An Experiment Gone Wrong in Old Regime France,” French Historical Studies 32, no. 2 (Spring 2009): 193–222; and on colonialism and the sciences, see James E. McClellan III and François Regourd, “The Colonial Machine: French Science and Colonization in the Ancien Régime,” in “Nature and Empire: Science and the Colonial Enterprise,” ed. R. MacLeod, special issue, Osiris 15 (2001): 31–50.

6. Pierre Rosanvallon, Democracy Past and Future, ed. Samuel Moyn (New York, 2006), 82.

7. On the different ideas of regeneration and their transformations over the course of the Revolution, see Mona Ozouf, L’homme régénéré: Essais sur la Révolution française (Paris: Gallimard, 1989); and Antoine de Baecque, The Body Politic: Corporeal Metaphor in Revolutionary France, 1770–1800, trans. Charlotte Mandell (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997), 131–56; David A. Bell, The Cult of the Nation in France: Inventing Nationalism, 1680–1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001); and Andrew Jainchill, Reimagining Politics after the Terror: The Republican Origins of French Liberalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), 62–107.

8. Ruth F. Necheles, The Abbé Grégoire, 1787–1831: The Odyssey of an Egalitarian (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing, 1971), 53–54; and Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, The Abbé Grégoire and the French Revolution: The Making of Modern Universalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 92–93.

9. Scholars like Ozouf and Bourguet have brilliantly traced the development of internal ethnography and statistics in the revolutionary and Napoleonic eras, but the connection to earlier colonial history has been generally overlooked. Mona Ozouf, L’école de la France: Essais sur la Révolution, l’utopie et l’enseignement (Paris: Gallimard, 1984), 27–54, 351–79; Ozouf, Festivals and the French Revolution, 217–23; and Marie-Noëlle Bourguet, Déchiffrer la France: La statistique département à l’époque napoléonienne (Paris: Éditions des archives contemporaines, 1989). For an exception, acknowledging earlier colonization, see the short paragraph in André Burguière, “Monarchical Centralization and the Birth of Social Sciences: Voyagers and Statisticians in Search of France at the End of the Eighteenth Century,” in Tocqueville and Beyond: Essays in Honor of David D. Bien, ed. Robert M. Schwartz and Robert A. Schneider (Newark, DE: University of Delaware Press, 2003), 229.

10. Joseph-Marie Lequinio, Voyage dans le Jura (Paris, Year IX [1800]), 1:10–12. On Buffon and his position within the field of natural history, see Jacques Roger, Buffon: A Life in Natural History, trans. Sarah Lucille Bonnefoi, ed. L. Pearce Williams (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997); and E. C. Spary, Utopia’s Garden: French Natural History from Old Regime to Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000).

11. Michel Vovelle, De la cave au grenier: Un itinéraire en Provence au XVIII^e siècle (Quebec: S. Fleury, 1980), 407–35; Bourguet, Déchiffrer la France, 21–46; Daniel Roche, France in the Enlightenment, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 11–40; and Amy S. Wyngaard, From Savage to Citizen: The Invention of the Peasant in the French Enlightenment (Newark, DE: University of Delaware Press, 2004), 151–71. On the vague and clichéd nature of much of the earlier information, see Bourguet, Déchiffrer la France, 27–28; and Burguière, “Monarchical Centralization,” 228–29.

12. Wyngaard, From Savage to Citizen, 162.

13. C. Dralet, Plan détaillé topographique, suivi de la topographie du département du Gers (Paris, year IX [1800–1801]), 19.

14. See Constantin-François Volney, Questions de statistique à l’usage des voyageurs [1795], in Œuvres (Paris: Fayard, 1989), 1:673; and the works of Degérando and Cuvier in Aux origines de l’anthropologie française: Les mémoires de la Société des Observateurs de l’Homme en l’an VIII, ed. Jean Copans and Jean Jamin (Paris: Le Sycomore, 1978), 129–69, 173–76.

15. Sergio Moravia, “The Enlightenment and the Science of Man,” History of Science 18, no. 4 (December 1980): 247–68; Michèle Duchet, Anthropologie et histoire au siècle des Lumières (Paris, 1995); and Christopher Fox, Roy Porter, and Robert Wokler, eds., Inventing Human Science: Eighteenth-Century Domains (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).

16. Jacques Roger, The Life Sciences in Eighteenth-Century French Thought, ed. Keith R. Benson, trans. Robert Ellrich (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997); Phillip R. Sloan, “The Gaze of Natural History,” in Fox, Porter, and Wokler, Inventing Human Science, 126–41; Sloan, “Natural History,” in The Cambridge History of Eighteenth-Century Philosophy, ed. Knud Haakonssen (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 2:911–24; and Peter Hanns Reill, Vitalizing Nature in the Enlightenment (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).

17. Georges-Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, Les époques de la nature (1778), ed. Jacques Roger (Paris: Éditions du Muséum, 1988), 220.

18. Ozouf, L’homme régénéré; Baecque, The Body Politic; Bell, The Cult of the Nation; and Jainchill, Reimagining Politics.

19. The connections between colonialism and the anthropological perspective of Enlightenment natural history is thoroughly analyzed by Duchet, Anthropologie et histoire.

20. Duchet, Anthropologie et histoire, 116.

21. Roger, Buffon, 382.

22. Duchet, Anthropologie et histoire, 260.

23. On colonial networks, global travelers, bio-prospecting, and acclimatization in the development of Enlightenment natural history, see also Spary, Utopia’s Garden; Lisbet Koerner, Linnaeus: Nature and Nation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Londa Schiebinger and Claudia Swan, eds., Colonial Botany: Science, Commerce, and Politics in the Early Modern World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005); and James E. McClellan III, Colonialism and Science: Saint Domingue in the Old Regime (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992).

24. For a sophisticated approach to Grégoire’s eccletic beliefs, and their transformation over time, see Sepinwall, The Abbé Grégoire.

25. Abbé Henri Grégoire, Rapport sur les destructions opérées par le vandalisme, et sur les moyens de le réprimer: Séance du 14 fructidor, l’an second de la République une et indivisible (Paris, 1794), 22.

26. Abbé Henri Grégoire, Rapport sur l’ouverture d’un concours pour les livres élémentaires de la première éducation: Séance du 3 pluviôse, l’an second de la République une et indivisible, in Procès-verbaux du Comité d’Instruction Publique de la Convention Nationale, ed. J. Guillaume (Paris, 1894), 3:365. On the distance between what the people are and what they could be, see also Grégoire, Sur les moyens d’améliorer l’agriculture en France, in Procès-verbaux du Comité d’Instruction Publique, 2:472; and Grégoire, “Réflexions extraites d’un ouvrage du citoyen Grégoire sur les moyens de perfectionner les sciences politiques,” in Mémoires de l’Institut national des sciences et des arts: Sciences morales et politiques 1 (1798): 554.

27. On the importance of his relationship with the Société des Philantropes of Strasbourg, see Sepinwall, The Abbé Grégoire, 25–34.

28. Statuts généraux de la Société des Philantropes [of Nancy], rédigés dans les comices de 1776 (n.p., n.d.; repr., n.p. 1932), 3, 43, 45.

29. Ibid., 46–47.

30. He refers to Linnaeus, Bexon (a collaborator of Buffon), Lavater, Legrand d’Aussy, Cambry, and Papon, among others; Abbé Henri Grégoire, “Promenade dans les Vosges,” ed. A. Benoît, Annales de société d’émulation du département des Vosges 71 (1895): 227–30, 270, 273. Also see the reprinted excerpt recounting another trip, “Voyages de l’abbé Grégoire dans les Vosges,” in Voyages anciens et modernes dans les Vosges: Promenades, descriptions, souvenirs, lettres, etc, 1500–1870, ed. Louis Jouve (Épinal, 1881), 87–99.

31. Charles-Augustin Vandermonde, Essai sur la manière de perfectionner l’espèce humaine, 2 vols. (Paris, 1756).

32. William Max Nelson, “Making Men: Enlightenment Ideas of Racial Engineering,” American Historical Review 115, no. 5 (December 2010): 1364–94.

33. Michael E. Winston, From Perfectibility to Perversion: Meliorism in Eighteenth-Century France (New York: Peter Lang, 2005), 120–50; Sean M. Quinlan, The Great Nation in Decline: Sex, Modernity, and Health Crises in Revolutionary France, c. 1750–1850 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2007), 111–44; and Xavier Martin, Human Nature and the French Revolution: From Enlightenment to the Napoleonic Code (New York: Berghahn Books, 2001), 164.

34. Abbé Henri Grégoire, Essai sur la régénération physique, morale et politique des Juifs: Ouvrage couronné par la Société Royale des Sciences et des Arts de Metz, le 23 août 1788 (1788; Paris: Flammarion, 1988), 75. On Grégoire’s Essai in general, see Sepinwall, The Abbé Grégoire, 56–77.

35. Sepinwall, The Abbé Grégoire, 95–96, 193.

36. Ibid., 193.

37. Abbé Henri Grégoire, “Sur la nécessité et les moyens d’anéantir les patois et d’universaliser l’usage de la française,” presented to the Convention Nationale on 16 prairial Year II [4 June 1794], in Une politique de la langue: La Révolution française et les patois; L’enquête de Grégoire, ed. Michel de Certeau, Dominique Julia, and Jacques Revel (Paris: Gallimard, 1975), 303.

38. Grégoire, Sur les moyens d’améliorer l’agriculture en France, 469.

39. On Grégoire’s collaboration with André Thouin, see Spary, Utopia’s Garden, 227.

40. Grégoire, Sur les moyens d’améliorer l’agriculture en France, 469–70.

41. Ibid., 470.

42. Grégoire, “Sur la nécessité et les moyens d’anéantir les patois.”

43. On the ways that François de Neufchâteau was radicalized as a magistrate in Saint-Domingue, see James Livesey, “A Revolutionary Career? François de Neufchâteau Does Well by Doing Good, 1774–1794,” French History 18, no. 2 (2004): 186–92. On his life and career more generally, see Livesey, “An Agent of Enlightenment in the French Revolution: Nicolas-Louis François de Neufchâteau, 1752–1800” (PhD diss., Harvard University 1994); and Dominique Margairaz, François de Neufchâteau: Biographie intellectuelle (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2005).

44. De Marbois to François de Neufchâteau, Port-au-Prince, 15 February 1787, Archives Nationales, 27 AP 11 (2); quoted in Livesey, “A Revolutionary Career?” 191.

45. On the colonies and the 286 censuses, see J. Dupâquier and E. Vilquin, “Le pouvoir royal et la statistique démographique,” in Pour une histoire de la statistique (Paris: Institut National de la Statistique et des Études Économiques, 1978), 1:83–101. On the colonies and the nominative census, see Robert Bradley Scafe, “The Measure of Greatness: Population and the Census under Louis XIV” (PhD diss., Stanford University, 2005), 116–52.

46. See the tables appended to Nicolas-Louis François de Neufchâteau, Mémoire en forme de discours sur la disette du numéraire à Saint-Domingue, et sur les moyens d’y remédier (Cap François, 1788), n.p.

47. Neufchâteau, Mémoire en forme de discours.

48. On the grand statistical project and its significance, see Jean-Claude Perrot and Stuart J. Woolf, State and Statistics in France, 1789–1815 (New York: Harwood, 1984); and Bourguet, Déchiffrer la France.

49. Nicolas-Louis François de Neufchâteau, Recueil des lettres circulaires, instructions, programmes, discours, et autres actes publics, émanés du Cen François (de Neufchâteau), pendant ses deux exercices du Ministère de l’intérieur (1799–1802), 2:166.

50. On the Observers of Man, see Jean-Luc Chappey, La Société des Observateurs de l’Homme: Des anthropologues au temps de Bonaparte (Paris: Société des études robespierristes, 2002).

51. Joseph-Marie Degérando, “Considérations sur les diverses méthods à suivre dans l’observation des peuples sauvages” (1800), in Copans and Jamin, Aux origines de l’anthropologie française, 128.

52. On Degérando and the Observers of Man in the history of anthropology, see George W. Stocking, Jr., Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the History of Anthropology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 13–41; and Chappey, La Société des Observateurs de l’Homme.

53. Louis-François Jauffret, “Introduction aux mémoires de la Société des Observateurs de l’Homme,” in Copans and Jamin, Aux origines de l’anthropologie française, 74.

54. Jauffret, “Introduction,” 78.

55. On “internal colonization” during the Revolution and the nineteenth century, see Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernity of Rural France, 1870–1914 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1976), 3–23, 485–96; and Certeau, Julia, and Revel, Une politique de la langue.

56. Susan Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2009).

6 Foreigners, Cosmopolitanism, and French Revolutionary Universalism

For their helpful suggestions and questions, I would like to thank Paul Hanson, Lynn Hunt, Katie Jarvis, William Nelson, and Timothy Tackett.

1. Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860: Recueil complet des débats législatifs et politiques des chambres françaises, 1st ser. (hereafter AP) (Paris: Librairie administrative de Paul Dupont, 1879–), 48:688–89, 24 Aug. 1792; Projet de décret, AP 49:40, 26 Aug. 1792.

2. Chénier, Basire, Lasource, AP 48:688–91, 24 Aug. 1792.

3. Robert Palmer, The Age of Democratic Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959–64), 2:54–55, quote p. 54; Michael Rapport, Nationality and Citizenship in Revolutionary France: The Treatment of Foreigners 1789–1799 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), 137–38; Thomas J. Schlereth, The Cosmopolitan Ideal in Enlightenment Thought (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1977), 132–33; Albert Mathiez, La Révolution et les étrangers (Paris: La Renaissance du livre, 1918), 75–78; Patrick Weil, How to Be French: Nationality in the Making since 1789, trans. Catherine Porter (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008), 14–16; Peter Sahlins, Unnaturally French: Foreign Citizens in the Old Regime and After (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004), 276–78; Sophie Wahnich, L’impossible citoyen: L’étranger dans le discours de la Révolution française (Paris: Albin Michel, 1997), 175–81.

4. For an introduction, see Naomi Schor, “Universalism,” in The Columbia History of Twentieth-Century French Thought, ed. Lawrence D. Kritzman (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 344–48. Historians and theorists have disagreed on at least two questions: Was universalism inherently and discursively exclusionary? To what extent did potential citizens have to surrender their particular cultural practices and identities and assimilate to French categories in order to qualify as citizens? Influential approaches include Laurent Dubois, A Colony of Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1787–1804 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2004); Lynn Hunt, Inventing Human Rights (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007); Joan Scott, The Politics of the Veil (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007); Wahnich, L’impossible citoyen.

5. Recent work on globalization emphasizes that although universalism makes global claims, its language and practices are always hybrid, continually constructed in negotiation with local and contingent forces. Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing, Friction: An Ethnography of Global Connection (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), esp. introduction; A. G. Hopkins, ed., Global History: Interactions between the Universal and the Local (Houndsmill, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006); Michael Lang, “Globalization and Its History,” Journal of Modern History 78 (2006): 899–931.

6. Marc Belissa, Fraternité universelle et intérêt national (1713–1795): Les cosmopolitiques du droit des gens (Paris: Éditions Kimé, 1998).

7. Révolutions de Paris, quoted in Mona Ozouf, Festivals and the French Revolution, trans. Alan Sheridan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), 66–69; Sophie Wahnich, La longue patience du peuple: 1792, Naissance de la République (Paris, 2008: Éditions Payot & Rivages), 221–30.

8. F. Braesch, La Commune du dix août 1792: Étude sur l’histoire de Paris du 20 juin au 2 décembre 1792 (Paris: Hachette et cie, 1911); Paul R. Hanson, Contesting the French Revolution (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009), 87–96; and Hanson, The Jacobin Republic under Fire: The Federalist Revolt and the French Revolution (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003), 33–44.

9. AP 48:688–91, 24 Aug. 1792; Projet de décret, AP 49:40, 26 Aug. 1792.

10. Belissa, Fraternité universelle, esp. 50–119; Gonthier-Louis Fink, “Cosmopolitisme,” in Dictionnaire européen des Lumières, ed. Michel Delon (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1997), 277–79; Paul Hazard, “Cosmopolite,” in Mélanges d’histoire littéraire, générale et comparée, offerts à Fernand Baldensperger (Paris: H. Champion, 1930), 1:353–64; Margaret C. Jacob, Strangers Nowhere in the World: The Rise of Cosmopolitanism in Early Modern Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Elise Lipkowitz, “ ‘The Sciences Are Never at War?’: The Scientific Republic of Letters in the Era of the French Revolution, 1789–1815” (PhD diss., Northwestern University, 2009); Sophia Rosenfeld, “Citizens of Nowhere in Particular: Cosmopolitanism, Writing, and Political Engagement in Eighteenth-Century Europe,” National Identities 4 (2002): 25–43.

11. Chénier, Lamourette, Vergniaud, AP 48:688–91; Projet de décret, AP 49:40, 26 Aug. 1792.

12. Joachim-Heinrich Campe, Briefe aus Paris zur Zeit der Revolution, quoted in Louis Kientz, J. H. Campe et la Révolution française (Paris: H. Didier, 1939), 22, (see also pp. 6–13 on the duke); Gonthier-Louis Fink, “The French Revolution as Reflected in German Literature and Political Journals from 1789 to 1800,” in The Internalized Revolution: German Reactions to the French Revolution, 1789–1989, ed. Ehrhard Bahr and Thomas P. Saine (New York: Garland Publishing, 1992), 11–31.

13. Guadet, Hérault de Séchelles (not named, except as president of the Assembly), AP 48:689–91, 24 Aug. 1792; Rosenfeld, “Citizens of Nowhere in Particular.”

14. Journal des débats et des décrets, no. 332, quoted in James Guillaume, Études révolutionnaires (Paris: Stock, 1908–9), 2:432; Lamourette, AP 48:689, 24 Aug. 1792.

15. Courrier des 83 départements, no. 26, 26 Aug. 1792; Chénier, AP 48:689, 24 Aug 1792. E. Puccinelli, “Gorani, Giuseppi,” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 2002), 58:4–8.

16. Chabot, AP 48:690; Barère, AP 52:577, 19 Oct. 1792.

17. Courrier des 83 départements, no. 26, 26 Aug. 1792; Annales patriotiques et littéraires de la France, et Affaires politiques de l’Europe, no. 239, 26 Aug. 1792.

18. AP 48:690.

19. Lamourette, AP 48:689, 24 Aug. 1792; Philippe Roger, L’ennemi américain: Généalogie de l’antiaméricanisme français (Paris: Seuil, 2002), 38–49; Durand Echeverria, Mirage in the West: A History of the French Image of American Society to 1815 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957), 7–14.

20. James Mackintosh, Vindiciae Gallicae: Defence of the French Revolution and Its English Admirers against the Accusation of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke (London: G. G. J. and J. Robinson, 1791), 220; Anacharsis Cloots, La République universelle, ou adresse aux tyrannicides (Paris: Chez les marchands de nouveautés, an IV de la liberté [1792]), 3, 12, 155. On regeneration, see chapter 5 by William Nelson in this volume.

21. Thuriot, Lasource, AP 48:689–91, 24 Aug. 1792.

22. Basire, AP 48:689–91, 24 Aug. 1792.

23. To categorize the deputies’ political allegiances, I used Alison Patrick, The Men of the First French Republic: Political Alignments in the National Convention of 1792 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972). Factional lines were not yet clearly drawn in August 1792, but I follow the conventional practice of using “Girondins” and “Montagnards” to identify these groups. Far Left journalists ignored the debate while the major Girondin papers covered it.

24. AP 48:690.

25. Projet de décret, AP 49:10, 26 Aug. 1792.

26. Belissa, Fraternité universelle; Rosenfeld, “Citizens of Nowhere in Particular.” David A. Bell argues controversially that this decree also carried the commitment to wage “total war,” if necessary, against nations that did not embrace revolutionary ideology. Bell, The First Total War: Napoleon’s Europe and the Birth of Warfare as We Know It (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2007), chap. 3, esp. 108–9.

27. Courrier des 83 départements, no. 26, 26 Aug. 1792.

28. Chénier, AP 48:689, 24 Aug.1792; Friedrich Klopstock, “Sie und nicht Wir,” quoted in R. Vieux, “La Révolution française jugée par un poète allemand: Essai sur les odes révolutionnaires de Klopstock,” in Mélanges Henri Lichtenberger (Paris: Stock, 1934), 225. Klopstock’s poem, “Der Freiheitskrieg,” in the summer of 1792 chastised the Germans for wanting the “blood of this people” who had banished wars of conquest. Jean Murat, Klopstock: Les thèmes principaux de son oeuvre (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1959), 266–77. Belissa, Fraternité universelle, 47–49, 196. Between 1786 and 1789, Bentham circulated writings privately that were published after his death as Plan for Universal and Perpetual Peace. See Benjamin Sacks, Peace Plans of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Sandoval, NM: Coronado Press, 1962), 12, 100–104.

29. Chronique de Paris no. 230, 26 Aug. 1792.

30. Vergniaud, AP 48:689, 24 Aug. 1792; Le Patriote français, no. 1112, 26 Aug. 1792.

31. Courrier des 83 départements, no. 26, 26 Aug. 1792.

32. Chénier, AP 48:689, 24 Aug.1792; David Williams, Leçons à un jeune prince, sur la disposition actuelle de l’Europe à une Révolution générale (1790). Damian Walford Davies, “David Williams (1738–1816),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, online ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004–); Jerzy Lukowski, The Partitions of Poland: 1772, 1793, 1795 (London: Longman, 1999), chap. 6.

33. AP 48:688, 24 Aug. 1792. Hamilton also may have been misread as favorable to the Revolution because in 1790 he had initiated payments of interest on the Americans’ debt to France. Palmer suggests that the French associated Jefferson (the more obvious choice) with Lafayette and assumed that, at this moment, Hamilton as an author of the Federalist was more sympathetic to the Revolution than Jefferson was. Palmer, Age of Democratic Revolution, 2:55.

34. Peter Onuf and Nicholas Onuf, Federal Union, Modern World: The Law of Nations in an Age of Revolutions, 1776–1814 (Madison, WI: Madison House, 1993); Belissa, Fraternité universelle, 147–64. My thanks to John Kaminski and Kenneth Bowling for their aid with American politics.

35. Anacharsis Cloots, Bases constitutionelles du genre humain (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1793), 21; Jeremy Bentham, Emancipate Your Colonies! Addressed to the National Convention of France, Anno 1793, in The Works of Jeremy Bentham, Published under the Superintendence of his Executor, John Bowring (Edinburgh: W. Tait, 1838–43), 4:407–18. Given to Talleyrand’s secretary in 1793, this work was not published until 1830. Bentham’s defense of colonial liberty and “the rights of men” omitted slaves’ freedom.

36. To give but one example, in the name of “liberty and the free exercise of sovereignty so solemnly promised to the Belgians,” representatives of Belgium in January 1793 exhorted their French occupiers to recognize that sovereignty and demonstrate “before the universe” that the French renunciation of conquest had not been an empty lie. Quoted in Belissa, Fraternité universelle, 336–37.

7 Feminism and Abolitionism

I am grateful to Charles Walton for commenting on an earlier version of this chapter, which I presented at the Consortium on the Revolutionary Era, 1750–1850 conference in Tallahassee in March 2011. In addition to the editors of this volume, whose advice helped me refine my argument, Doris Kadish, Jann Matlock, Karen Offen, Jared Poley, Cynthia Radding, and Anne Verjus read earlier versions and offered valuable suggestions. The research and writing of this chapter took place at the National Humanities Center, where I had the good fortune to spend the 2010–2011 academic year as a resident fellow, funded by a Burkhardt Fellowship from the American Council of Learned Societies. I appreciate the feedback I received from fellows in the writing group there.

1. “The Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen,” in The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History, ed. and trans. Lynn Hunt (Boston: Bedford St. Martins, 1996), 78. On the contradictions inherent in the Declaration’s commitment to “universal” rights, see Christine Fauré, “From the Rights of Man to Women’s Rights: A Difficult Intellectual Conversion,” in Political and Historical Encyclopedia of Women, ed. Christine Fauré, trans. Richard Dubois et. al. (New York: Routledge, 2003), 109–20.

2. True feminist movements, with the necessary organizations and publications to assert such views, date from the 1830s, while the term “feminism” did not appear until the 1870s. Michèle Riot-Sarcey, Histoire du féminisme, 2nd ed. (Paris: La Découverte, 2008); Karen M. Offen, European Feminisms, 1750–1950: A Political History (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000); and Claire Goldberg Moses, French Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984).

3. Offen, European Feminisms, 21.

4. In making this case for the parallel developments of feminism, abolitionism, and early liberalism, I am building on work that underlines the anticolonial stance of Enlightenment and early liberal thinkers. See Sankar Muthu, Enlightenment against Empire (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003); and Jennifer Pitts, A Turn to Empire: The Rise of Imperial Liberalism in Britain and France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005).

5. Christine Stansell, The Feminist Promise, 1792 to the Present (New York: Modern Library, 2010), chap. 2. See also Clare Midgley, Women against Slavery: The British Campaigns, 1780–1870 (New York: Routledge, 1992).

6. Karen Offen, “How (and Why) the Analogy of Marriage with Slavery Provided the Springboard for Women’s Rights Demands in France, 1640–1848,” in Women’s Rights and Transatlantic Antislavery in the Era of Emancipation, ed. Kathryn Kish Sklar and James Brewer Stewart (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 57–81; and Doris Y. Kadish and Françoise Massardier-Kenney, eds., Translating Slavery, vol. 1: Gender and Race in French Abolitionist Writing, 1780–1830, 2nd ed. (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 2009). Kadish describes the years between 1780 and 1830 as “an especially active period during which French women resisted the joint oppression of slaves and women” (viii).

7. Joan B. Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988); Lynn Hunt, The Family Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992); and Dena Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994).

8. Suzanne Desan, The Family on Trial in Revolutionary France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004); Jennifer Heuer, The Family and the Nation: Gender and Citizenship in Revolutionary France, 1789–1830 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005); Patrick Weil, How to Be French: Nationality in the Making since 1789, trans. Catherine Porter (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008); and Denise Z. Davidson, France after Revolution: Urban Life, Gender, and the New Social Order (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007).

9. Dominique Godineau, The Women of Paris and Their French Revolution, trans. Katherine Streip (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); and Jacques Guilhaumou and Martine Lapied, “Women’s Political Action during the French Revolution,” in Fauré, Political and Historical Encyclopedia of Women, 71–87.

10. In a path-breaking study, Joan Wallach Scott draws attention to the dilemma faced by French feminists who needed to argue for women’s rights while denying women’s difference. Scott, Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights of Man (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996). See also Christine Fauré, Democracy without Women: Feminism and the Rise of Liberal Individualism in France, trans. Claudia Gorbman and John Berks (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991); Geneviève Fraisse, Reason’s Muse: Sexual Difference and the Birth of Democracy, trans. Jane Marie Todd (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); and Lisa Beckstrand, Deviant Women of the French Revolution and the Rise of Feminism (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2009).

11. Jean-Pierre Barlier, La Société des Amis des Noirs 1788–1791: Aux origines de la première abolition de l’esclavage (4 février 1794) (Paris: l’Amandier, 2010); Marcel Dorigny and Bernard Gainot, La Société des Amis des Noirs: Contribution à l’histoire de l’abolition et de l’esclavage (Paris: UNESCO, 1998); and Erick Noël, Être noir en France au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Tallandier, 2006), chap. 11. The literature on British and American abolitionism is very large. One overview is David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770–1823, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).

12. Lawrence C. Jennings, French Anti-Slavery: The Movement for the Abolition of Slavery in France, 1802–1848 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); and Christopher L. Miller, The French Atlantic Triangle: Literature and Culture of the Slave Trade (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008).

13. Requête des Dames à l’Assemblée Nationale, quoted in Offen, European Feminisms, 54–55.

14. Jeremy D. Popkin, You Are All Free: The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 33–38. Debates about “race” may have served as a way to skirt the bigger issue of slavery. Darcy Grimaldo Grigsby, Extremities: Painting Empire in Post-Revolutionary France (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002), 17–20.

15. It was of course inherently contradictory to define human beings as “unfree,” a paradox similar to those traced by Scott in Only Paradoxes to Offer.

16. Anne Verjus, Le cens de la famille: Les femmes et le vote, 1789–1848 (Paris: Belin, 2002); and Karen M. Offen, “Women and the Question of ‘Universal’ Suffrage in 1848: A Transatlantic Comparison of Suffragist Rhetoric,” NWSA Journal 11 (1999): 150–77. French women did not receive the right to vote until 1944, in part because many secular republicans feared women’s supposed religiosity and monarchism and voted against their enfranchisement during the Third Republic.

17. Leonore Loft, Passion, Politics, and Philosophie: Rediscovering J.-P. Brissot (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002), 123–25.

18. Sieyès, quoted in Jean-Clément Martin, La révolte brisée: Femmes dans la Révolution française et l’Empire (Paris: Armand Colin, 2008), 79.

19. Elisabeth Liris, “Le droit à l’instruction: Prises de paroles et projets pédagogiques des femmes, 1789–1799,” in Femmes éducatrices au siècle des Lumières, ed. Isabelle Brouard-Arends and Marie-Emmanuelle Plagnol-Diéval (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2007), 103–18.

20. Concorcet, Sur l’Admission des femmes aux droits de cité (July 1790). A late nineteenth-century translation by John Morley appears in Women, the Family, and Freedom: The Debate in Documents, ed. Susan Groag Bell and Karen M. Offen (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983), 1:99–103, quotation p. 99. See Offen, European Feminisms, 57; and Lynn Hunt, Inventing Human Rights: A History (New York: Norton, 2007), 170–72.

21. Olympe de Gouges, L’esclavage des nègres, ou l’heureux naufrage, ed. Sylvie Chalaye and Jacqueline Razgonnikoff (Paris: Harmattan, 2006). See also Miller, French Atlantic Triangle, chap. 6; Beckstrand, Deviant Women, chap. 6; and Scott, Only Paradoxes to Offer, chap 2.

22. Olivier Blanc, Marie-Olympe de Gouges: Une humaniste à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Paris: René Viénet, 2003), 129–31.

23. On the influence of revolutionary events on women elsewhere, see Annie Jourdan, La révolution batave entre la France et l’Amérique (1795–1806) (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2008); and Susan Branson, These Fiery Frenchified Dames: Women and Political Culture in Early National Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), chap 2.

24. Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord, Rapport sur l’instruction publique, fait au nom du Comité de constitution (1791) quoted in Offen, European Feminisms, 59–60. See Tom Furniss, “Mary Wollstonecraft’s French Revolution,” in The Cambridge Companion to Mary Wollstonecraft, ed. Claudia L. Johnson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 60–68.

25. Moira Ferguson, Colonialism and Gender Relations from Mary Wollstonecraft to Jamaica Kincaid: East Caribbean Connections (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), chap. 2.

26. Etta Palm d’Aelders, Appel aux françaises sur le régénération des mœurs et la nécessité de l’influence des femmes dans un gouvernement libre (1791), quoted in Gary Kates, The Cercle Social, the Girondins, and the French Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985), 123. See also Judith Vega, “Feminist Republicanism: Etta Palm-Aelders on Justice, Virtue, and Men,” History of European Ideas 10 (1989): 333–51.

27. Theodor Gottlieb von Hippel, On Improving the Status of Women, ed. and trans. Timothy F. Sellner (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979), 188. Bonnie S. Anderson, “Frauenemancipation and Beyond: The Use of the Concept of Emancipation by Early European Feminists,” in Sklar and Stewart, Women’s Rights and Transatlantic Antislavery in the Era of Emancipation, 82–83; and Offen, European Feminisms, 72.

28. Pierre Guyomar, Le Partisan de l’égalité politique entre les individus (1793) quoted in Offen, “Analogy of Marriage,” 68.

29. Reactions to Guyomar’s arguments are discussed in Martin, La révolte brisée, 133.

30. Riot-Sarcey, Histoire du féminisme, 17–19. Amar’s speech and the decree of 30 October 1793 appear in translation at http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/294/ (accessed 30 August 2012).

31. Noël, Être noir en France, 202–3.

32. Popkin, You Are All Free, chap. 8.

33. Godineau, The Women of Paris, 170–74.

34. Bronislaw Baczko, Ending the Terror: The French Revolution after Robespierre, trans. Michel Petheram (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 78–114. See also James Livesey, Making Democracy in the French Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001); and Pierre Serna, La République des girouettes, 1789–1815 et au-delà: Une anomalie politique; La France de l’extrême centre (Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2005). On women’s involvement in intellectual and scientific societies, see Jann Matlock, “Anatomy in Beauty’s Empire: Teaching Women the Body in Late Eighteenth- and Early Nineteenth-Century France” (paper presented at the Society for French Historical Studies Conference, Washington University, Saint Louis, MO, March 2009). I appreciate Professor Matlock’s willingness to send me this paper, which will be appearing in her forthcoming book, The Invisible Woman and Her Secrets: Bodies, Vision, and Aesthetics in Nineteenth-Century France.

35. Martin, La révolte brisée, 212–14.

36. Jennifer J. Popiel, Rousseau’s Daughters: Domesticity, Education, and Autonomy in Modern France (Durham: University of New Hampshire Press, 2008); and Lesley H. Walker, A Mother’s Love: Crafting Feminine Virtue in Enlightenment France (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2009).

37. Carla Hesse, The Other Enlightenment: How French Women Became Modern (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001).

38. Andrew Jainchill, Reimagining Politics after the Terror: The Republican Origins of French Liberalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008); and Jeremy D. Popkin, “The French Revolution’s Other Island,” in The World of the Haitian Revolution, ed. David Geggus and Norman Fiering (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), 199–222.

39. Emma Rothschild, Economic Sentiments: Adam Smith, Condorcet, and the Enlightenment (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), chap. 7; and Pitts, A Turn to Empire, 173–90.

40. K. Steven Vincent, Benjamin Constant and the Birth of French Liberalism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 132–33; and Deborah Jenson, Trauma and Its Representations: The Social Life of Mimesis in Post-Revolutionary France (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 63–64. See also Biancamaria Fontana, Benjamin Constant and the Post-Revolutionary Mind (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991); and Renee Winegarten, Germaine de Staël and Benjamin Constant: A Dual Biography (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008). On “pleasure” as it was conceived in the late 1790s, see Rebecca L. Spang, “The Frivolous French: ‘Liberty of Pleasure’ and the End of Luxury,” in Taking Liberties: Problems of a New Order from the French Revolution to Napoleon, ed. Howard G. Brown and Judith A. Miller (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002), 110–25.

41. “Epître aux femmes,” quoted in Offen, European Feminisms, 67. On Pipelet/de Salm, see Elizabeth Colwill, “Laws of Nature/Rights of Genius: The Drame of Constance de Salm,” in Going Public: Women and Publishing in Early Modern France, ed. Elizabeth C. Goldsmith and Dena Goodman (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), 224–42.

42. The speech, which Pipelet delivered on 30 Vendémiaire, Year 7 (21 October 1798), appeared as a pamphlet: “Rapport sur les fleurs artificielles de la citoyenne Roux-Montagnat par Constance de Th[éis] Pipelet de la Société du Lycée des Arts.”

43. “Rapport sur un ouvrage du Cit. Théremin intitulé De la Condition des femmes dans une république par Constance D. T. Pipelet” (Year VIII [1800]). See Hunt, Inventing Human Rights, 173–74, Jainchill, Reimagining Politics, 123–29; and Carla Hesse, “The Cultural Contradictions of Feminism in the French Revolution,” in The Age of Cultural Revolutions: Britain and France, 1750–1820, ed. Colin Jones and Dror Wahrman (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 194–95.

44. Frédéric Régent, “Le rétablissement de l’esclavage et du préjugé de couleur en Guadeloupe (1802–1803),” and Carolyn Fick, “La résistance populaire au corps expéditionnaire du général Leclerc et au rétablissement de l’esclavage à Saint-Domingue,” in Rétablissement de l’esclavage dans les colonies françaises, 1802 aux origines de Haïti: Ruptures et continuités de la politique coloniale française (1800–1830), ed. Yves Bénot and Marcel Dorigny (Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 2003), 283–96 and 127–48 respectively.

45. Offen draws attention to the fact that “colonial slavery and marital obedience were both reinstated in the early 1800s,” but insists that this “does not deprive the earlier developments of their immense historical significance.” “Analogy of Marriage,” 72.

46. Steven Kale, French Salons: High Society and Political Sociability from the Old Regime to the Revolution of 1848 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004); and Hesse, The Other Enlightenment.

47. Martin, La révolte brisée, 204; James Smalls, “Slavery Is a Woman: ‘Race,’ Gender, and Visuality in Marie Benoist’s Portrait d’une négresse (1800),” Nineteenth-Century Art Worldwide 3, no. 1 (Spring 2004) (accessed 30 August 2012); and Margaret Fields Denton, “A Woman’s Place: The Gendering of Genres in Post-Revolutionary French Painting,” Art History 21 (June 1998): 219–46.

48. Jennings, French Anti-Slavery, 5; and Miller, The French Atlantic Triangle, pt. 2.

49. Philippe R. Girard, The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon: Toussaint Louverture and the Haitian War of Independence, 1801–1804 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2011). I appreciate Professor Girard’s willingness to share excerpts from his book with me before its publication. See also Pierre Branda and Thierry Lentz, Napoléon, l’esclavage et les colonies (Paris: Fayard, 2006).

50. Henri Grégoire, Da la littérature des nègres (Paris: Maradan, 1808), v-vi. See Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, The Abbé Grégoire and the French Revolution: The Making of Modern Universalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), chaps. 7 and 8.

51. See Jennifer Pitts, “Republicanism, Liberalism, and Empire in Post-Revolutionary France” (paper presented at Yale University, April 2009), in Empire and Modern Political Thought, ed. Sankar Muthu (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012). I thank Professor Pitts for allowing me to cite this paper, which I read before its publication.

52. Jennings, French Anti-Slavery, 8–18; and Miller, The French Atlantic Triangle, 195–98.

53. France granted official recognition in 1825 in exchange for large indemnities from Haiti to reimburse the former colonists. Jean-François Brière, Haïti et la France, 1804–1848: Le rêve brisé (Paris: Karthala, 2008).

54. Jean-Jacques Goblot, La jeune France libérale: “Le Globe” et son groupe littéraire 1824–1830 (Paris: Plon, 1995); Alan B. Spitzer, The French Generation of 1820 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and Pierre Rosanvallon, Le moment Guizot (Paris: Gallimard, 1985).

55. Charles de Rémusat, The Saint-Domingue Plantation; or The Insurrection, ed. Doris Y. Kadish, trans. Norman R. Shapiro (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008).

56. Kadish, introduction to Rémusat, Saint-Domingue Plantation, xv; and Mona Ozouf, Women’s Words: Essay on French Singularity, trans. Jane Marie Todd (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 88.

8 Egypt in the French Revolution

1. In English: J. Christopher Herold, Bonaparte in Egypt (New York: Harper & Row, 1962); Juan Cole, Napoleon’s Egypt: Invading the Middle East (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). Several key works remain untranslated; in French: Henry Laurens, L’expédition d’Égypte: 1798–1801 (Paris: Colin, 1989); Allain Bernède and Gérard-Pierre Chaduc, eds., La campagne d’Égypte, 1798–1801: Mythes et réalités (Paris: Musée de l’Armée, 1999); “L’expédition d’Égypte vue d’Égypte,” special issue, Égypte/Monde Arabe 1 (1999); in Arabic: Nasser Ahmed Ibrahim, ed., Mi’ata ‘am ‘ala-l-hamlat al-faransiyya: Ru’iyya masriyya (Two Hundred Years after the French Occupation of Egypt: Egyptian Reflections) (Cairo: Maktabat al-Dar al-‘Arabiyya lil-Kitab, 2008).

2. André Raymond, Égyptiens et français au Caire, 1798–1801 (Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 1998); Lars Bjorneboe, In Search of the True Political Position of the ‘Ulama: An Analysis of the Aims and Perspectives of the Chronicles of ‘Abd Al-Rahman Al-Jabarti (Damascus: Danish Institute in Damascus, 2006).

3. Nicole Dhombres and Jean Dhombres, Naissance d’un pouvoir: Sciences et savants en France, 1793–1824 (Paris: Payot, 1989), 104. See also Marie-Noëlle Bourguet, “Science and Memory: The Stakes of the Expedition to Egypt (1798–1801),” in Taking Liberties: Problems of a New Order from the French Revolution to Napoleon, ed. Howard G. Brown and Judith A. Miller (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), 103.

4. Louis Bergeron, France under Napoleon, trans. R. R. Palmer (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981), 53–56.

5. R. R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959); for the intellectual revival in eighteenth-century Egypt, see Peter Gran, Islamic Roots of Capitalism: Egypt, 1760–1840 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979).

6. Christopher Bayly, “The ‘Revolutionary Age’ in the Wider World, c. 1790–1830,” in War, Empire, and Slavery, 1770–1830, ed. Richard Bessel, Nicholas Guyatt, and Jane Rendall (London: Palgrave Macmillan), 21–43.

7. Bruce Masters, Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World: The Roots of Sectarianism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

8. See Marc Belissa, Repenser l’ordre européen (1795–1802): De la société des rois aux droits des nations (Paris: Éditions Klimé, 2006).

9. Bernard Gainot, “Révolution, Liberté=Europe des nations? Sororité conflictuelle,” in Mélanges Michel Vovelle sur la Révolution, approches plurielles (Paris: Société des études robespierristes, 1997), 457–68.

10. Andrew Jainchill, Reimagining Politics after the Terror: The Republican Origins of French Liberalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), 146–47.

11. See Michel Vovelle, Les Républiques Soeurs sous le regard de la Grande Nation (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2007).

12. Stuart Woolf, A History of Italy, 1700–1860: The Social Constraints of Political Change (London: Methuen, 1979), 177.

13. Vovelle, Les Républiques Soeurs, 23.

14. See Gabriele Turi, Viva Maria: Riforme, rivoluzione e insorgenze in Toscana (1790–1799) (Bologna: Soc. Ed. Il Mulino, 1999).

15. See Emmanuel Rodocanachi, “Bonaparte et les îles Ioniennes: Un épisode des conquêtes de la République et du premier Empire (1797–1816),” La nouvelle revue 5–6 (1898): 447.

16. To the Directory, 29 Thermidor, Year V (16 August, 1797), in Napoleon, Correspondance inédite officielle et confidentielle de Napoléon Bonaparte avec les cours étrangèrs, les princes, les ministres et les généraux français et étrangèrs, en Italie, en Allemagne, et en Égypte (Paris: C. L. F. Panckoucke, 1819), 77.

17. Jean-Yves Guiomar, “Histoire et signification de la ‘grande nation’ (août 1797-automne 1799),” in Du directoire au consulat, vol. 1, Le lien politique local dans la Grande Nation, ed. Jacques Bernet (Villeneuve d’Ascq: Centre de Recherche sur l’Histoire de l’Europe du Nord-Ouest Univ. Charles de Gaulle Lille III, 1999), 319 (emphasis mine).

18. Henry Laurens, “Bonaparte, l’Orient et la ‘Grande Nation,’ ” Annales historiques de la Révolution française 273 (1988): 291 (emphasis mine).

19. Jeremy Black, British Foreign Policy in an Age of Revolutions, 1783–1793 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 48–49.

20. See Irfan Habib, “The Diplomatic Vision of Tipu Sultan: Briefs for Embassies to Turkey and France, 1785–6,” in State and Diplomacy under Tipu Sultan: Documents and Essays (New Delhi: Tulika, 2001), 19–66.

21. See Maurits H. van den Boogert, The Capitulations and the Ottoman Legal System: Qadis, Consuls and Beratlıs in the 18th Century (Leiden: Brill, 2005); André Raymond, Artisans et commerçants au Caire au XVIIIe siècle (Damascus: Inst. Français de Damas, 1973), 451–503.

22. Raoul Clément, Les français d’Égypte aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Cairo: Impr. de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 1960), 67.

23. See Paul Masson, Histoire du commerce française dans le Levant au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Hachette, 1911); Ian Coller, “East of Enlightenment: Provincializing Europeans in Eighteenth-Century Paris and Istanbul,” Journal of World History 21 (2010): 447–70.

24. Merlijn Olnon, “Towards Classifying Avanias: A Study of Two Cases Involving the English and Dutch Nations in Seventeenth-Century Izmir,” in Friends and Rivals in the East: Studies in Anglo-Dutch Relations in the Levant from the Seventeenth to the Early Nineteenth Century, ed. Alastair Hamilton, Alexander H. de Groot, and Maurits H. van den Boogert (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 185.

25. See Claude Étienne Savary, Lettres sur l’Égypte (Paris, 1786), 2:135–38; Pierre Étienne Herbin de Halle, Conquêtes des Français en Égypte (Paris: C. Pougens/ Malherbe, An VII [1799]), 266.

26. Ibid., 230; François-Charles Roux, Les origines de l’expédition d’Égypte (Paris: Plon-Nourrit et Cie, 1910), 224–25.

27. Clément, Les français d’Égypte, 274.

28. Roux, Les origines, 246.

29. G. Olivier, Voyage dans l’ Empire othoman, l’Égypte et la Perse: Fait par ordre du Gouvernement, pendant les six premières années de la République (Paris: Chez H. Agasse, 1801), 3:202.

30. Roux, Les origines, 248.

31. Olivier, Voyage, 209.

32. Roux, Les origines, 327.

33. Archives Diplomatiques, Paris, MD Turquie 15.

34. Ibid.

35. “Rapport de Talleyrand sur la situation extérieure de la France, 8 Messidor, An VII [26 Juin 1799],” Revue d’histoire diplomatique 3 (1889).

36. Pièces diverses et correspondance relatives aux opérations de l'Armée d'Orient en Égypte (Paris: Baudouin, impr. du Corps législatif et du Tribunat, messidor, an IX [1801]), 1:156.

37. Ibid., 157.

38. Le Courier de l’Égypte 9 (10 Vendémiaire, Year 7), 3.

39. Kléber added: “We will rub them in his face.”

40. Henry Laurens, Kléber en Égypte:1798–1800 (Damascus: IFAO, 1988), 1:46.

41. Traité entre Mourad-Bey et le général Kléber au Kaire an 8 (Cairo: Impr. Nationale, 1800).

42. These documents were first discovered by Shafiq Ghurbal, Al-jiniral Ya’qub wa al-faris Lascaris wa mashru’ istiqlal Misr fi sanat 1801 (Cairo: Matbaat al-Maarif, 1932), and translated by Georges Douin, L’Égypte indépendante: Projet de 1801 (Cairo: Société Royale de Géographie d’Égypte, 1924).

43. George A. Haddad, “A Project for the Independence of Egypt, 1801,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 90 (1970): 180.

44. Ibid., 181. Sheikh Hummam was a governor of Upper Egypt in the time of ‘Ali Bey al-Kabir; see Michael Winter, Egyptian Society under Ottoman Rule (New York: Routledge, 1992), 105.

45. Haddad, “A Project,” 181.

46. I have followed the story of these Egyptian expatriates at length in my book Arab France: Islam and the Making of Modern Europe, 1798–1831 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010).

9 Abolition and Reenslavement in the Caribbean

1. Soc. pop. Loudun, 19 Apr. 1794, pièce 7a, Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860: Recueil complet des débats législatifs et politiques des chambres françaises, 1st ser. (hereafter AP) (Paris, 1879–), 89:45.

2. Soc. pop. La Rochelle, 14 Apr. 1794, pièce 20, AP 88:569.

3. Arthur Girault, Principes de colonisation et de législation coloniale, 2nd ed. (Paris: L. Larose, 1904), 1:196.

4. Bernard Gainot, “The Constitutionalization of General Freedvom under the Directory,” in The Abolitions of Slavery from L. F. Sonthonax to Victor Schoelcher: 1793, 1794, 1848, ed. Marcel Dorigny (New York: Berghahn/UNESCO, 2003), 182.

5. Laurent Dubois, A Colony of Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1787–1804 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 172.

6. Laurent Dubois, “Citizen Soldiers: Emancipation and Military Service in the Revolutionary French Caribbean,” in Arming Slaves: From Classical Times to the Modern Age, ed. Christopher Leslie Brown and Philip D. Morgan (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 234.

7. On war’s role in promoting imperial disunity, see Trevor Burnard, “The British Atlantic,” in Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal, ed. Jack P. Greene and Philip D. Morgan (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 111–36. On fissures in the French empire during the Seven Years’ War, see John Garrigus, Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue (New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2006), 111–15; see also Kenneth Banks, Chasing Empire across the Sea (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002), 202–16. On war and imperial constitutional crisis in the Spanish context, see Jeremy Adelman, Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006).

8. Ciro Flammarion Cardoso, La Guyane française (1715–1817): Aspects économiques et sociaux (Petit-Bourg, Guadeloupe: Ibis Rouge, 1999), 335.

9. On late eighteenth-century development efforts, see Pierre-Victor Malouet, Collection de mémoires et correspondances officielles sur les colonies et notamment sur la Guiane française et hollandaise (Paris: Baudouin, year 10 [1801-2]), 2:340–46 and 368–74; see also Joseph-Samuel Guisan, Traité sur les terres noyées de la Guiane (Cayenne: Imprimerie du Roi, 1788); Charles Eynard, Le chevalier Guisan, sa vie et ses travaux à la Guyane (Paris: A. Cherbuliez, 1844). On an earlier physiocratic development scheme for French Guiana and its malignant consequences, see Emma Rothschild, “A Horrible Tragedy in the French Atlantic,” Past & Present 192 (August 2006): 67–108.

10. Charles-Guillaume Vial, Chevalier d’Alais, governor of Guiana, to minister of the navy, Compte rendu des habitations du Roy, 27 Jan. 1789, C¹⁴ 63, fol. 8. Microfilm of the C¹⁴ series, which gathers the “correspondance à l’arrivée de la Guyane” (1651–1848) with an emphasis on the period from 1651 to 1809, is available at both the Archives Nationales (Paris) and the Centre des Archives d’Outre Mer (Aix-en-Provence).

11. Lettres Patentes du Roi, Qui accordent à l’Isle de Cayenne & la Guyane françoise, la liberté de commerce avec toute les Nations pendant douze ans, No. 1778, May 1768, in Acts of French Royal Administration Concerning Canada, Guiana, the West Indies, and Louisiana, Prior to 1791, ed. Lawrence C. Wroth and Gertrude L. Annan (New York: New York Public Library, 1930), 126.

12. Jeremy Popkin, You Are All Free: The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

13. AP 84:284 (4 Feb. 1794).

14. Arts. 155–56, Constitution of 22 Aug. 1795, in Constitutions de la France depuis 1789, ed. Jacques Godechot (Paris: Garnier-Flammarion, 1970), 119.

15. On the evolving extraconstitutional principles of colonial rule, see AP 40:577 (28 March 1792); Décret additionnel à la loi relative à l’envoi des commissaires civils à Saint-Domingue (Décret du 28 Mars 1792), 15 June 1792, in Jules-François Saintoyant, La colonisation française pendant la Révolution (1789-1799) (Paris: Renaissance du Livre, 1930), 1:411; Décret concernant la mise en état de défense des colonies, 5–6 March 1793, ibid., 1:427–28.

16. For a detailed discussion of this problem, see Miranda Spieler, “The Legal Structure of Colonial Rule during the French Revolution,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 66, no. 2 (2009): 365–408.

17. Art. 1, Decree of 10 Oct. 1793, AP 76:312.

18. On Armand de Kersaint’s effort to abolish privateering, see AP 42:225 (22 Apr. 1792) and AP 42:587–89 (1 May 1792). For the retort of Pierre Vergniaud, see AP 44:347 (31 May 1792). On letters of marque, see AP 58:104 (31 Jan. 1793).

19. Jacques Godechot, La grande nation: L’expansion révolutionnaire de la France dans le monde de 1789 à 1799, 2nd ed. (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1983), esp. 331–56.

20. On Dutch patriots and the slavery question, see Simon Schama, Patriots and Liberators: Revolution in the Netherlands, 1780–1813 (New York: Knopf, 1977), 249 and 261.

21. Yves Bénot, “Comment Santo Domingo n’a pas été occupé par la République française en 1795–1796,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française 311 (January-March 1998): 79–87.

22. See Flávio Gomes, “Other Black Atlantic Borders: Escape Routes, Mocambos, and Fears of Sedition in Brazil in French Guiana (Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries),” New West Indian Guide/Niewe West-Indische Guids 77, nos. 3–4 (2003): 253–87.

23. Extrait des registres de délibérations du conseil de guerre, 25–27 Oct. 1794, C¹⁴ 73, fol. 36-fol. 37.

24. François-Maurice de Cointet, governor of French Guiana, to Commission de Marine et des Colonies, Cayenne, 18 August 1795, C¹⁴ 73, fol. 8-fol. 10.

25. Yves Bénot, La Guyane sous la Révolution française, ou l’impasse de la révolution pacifique (Kourou: Ibis Rouge, 1997), 82–85.

26. “Extrait d’une lettre écrite de la Pointe-à-Pitre, le 5 novembre 1795,” Gazette française et américaine, 8 Jan. 1796, no. 81, p. 3.

27. Ulane Bonnel, La France, les États Unis, et la guerre de course (1797–1815) (Paris: Nouvelles Éditions Latines, 1961), 101.

28. Étienne-Laurent-Pierre Burnel, agent du Directoire, to minister of the navy, 13 August 1799, C¹⁴ 77, fol. 67; Nicolas-Georges Jeannet-Oudin, Mémoire sur les colonies en général et sur la Guyane en particulier présenté au Premier Consul Bonaparte, [24 Oct. 1801], C¹⁴ 79, fol. 104v.

29. Jeannet-Oudin, agent du Directoire, to governor-general of Surinam, 12 Sept. 1798, C¹⁴ 76, fol. 62-fol. 63.

30. Dubois, A Colony of Citizens, 298–99.

31. Jeannet-Oudin to minister of the navy, 3 Oct. 1796, C¹⁴ 74, fol. 119-fol. 123.

32. Burnel to minister of the navy, 13 Aug. 1799, C¹⁴ 77, fol. 67.

33. “Mémores et projets par le Capitaine de Vaisseau J[acques] J[oseph] Eyriès. Guyane française. (1795),” C14 73, fol. 213.

34. Zachary Macaulay, Life and Letters of Zachary Macaulay, by His Granddaughter Viscountess Knutsford (London: Edward Arnold, 1900), 82.

35. Adam Afzelius, Sierra Leone Journal, 1795–1796, ed. Alexander Peter Kup, Studia Ethnographica Upsaliensia 27 (Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksells, 1967), 14.

36. Claude Wanquet, “La première abolition française de l’esclavage fut-elle une mystification? Le cas Daniel Lescallier,” in Esclavage, résistances, et abolitions, ed. Marcel Dorigny (Paris: Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, 1999), 253–68.

37. On the question of whether to indemnify (or reward) captors of the English slave ship The Swallow, see Rapport (unsigned), Paris, 17 July 1800, C¹⁴ 78, fol. 184.

38. Jeannet-Oudin, Mémoire sur les colonies en général et sur la Guyane en particulier présenté au Premier Consul Bonaparte, [24 Oct. 1801], C¹⁴ 79, fol. 104v.

39. Title 3, art. 18, Loi concernant l’organisation constitutionnelle des colonies, No. 1659 of 12 nivôse year 6 (1 Jan. 1798), in Bulletin des lois de la République française, no. 177, p. 4.

40. Pierre-Samuel du Dupont de Nemours, “Exposé des motifs des décrets des 13 et 15 mai 1791 sur l’état des personnes aux colonies, 29 May 1791,” in Saintoyant, La colonisation française, 1:392–93.

41. Bénot, La Guyane sous la Révolution, 89–102 and 107.

42. Voyages Database, 2009, The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, http://slavevoyages. org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1796&yearTo=1800&mjslptimp=36300 (accessed 23 April 2012).

43. Voyages Database, 2009, The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, http://slavevoyages. org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1795&yearTo=1800&mjslptimp=36200 (accessed 23 April 2012).

44. Charles Malenfant, chef de bataillon, to minister of the navy, Paris, 9 February 1800, C¹⁴ 78, fol. 233.

45. Bénot, La Guyane sous la Révolution, 164–65.

46. Sinnamary: Naissances, Mariages et Décès (an 4–an 6), ANSOM 119, Centre des Archives d’Outre Mer (Aix-en-Provence).

47. On the creation of the battalion, see Cointet to Commission de Marine et des Colonies, 23 Sept. 1795, C¹⁴ 73, fol. 12-fol. 14.

48. Jeannet-Oudin to minister of the navy, 30 Aug. 1796, C¹⁴ 76, fol. 113-fol. 118.

49. Burnel to minister of the navy, 7 Dec. 1798, C¹⁴ 76, fol. 101v.

50. On the appointment of Victor Hugues as Agent des Consuls, see Rapport aux Consuls de la République, 4 Dec. 1799, C¹⁴ 77, fol. 188. On reenslavement in French Guiana, see Monique Pouliquen, “L’esclavage subi, aboli, rétabli en Guyane de 1789 à 1809,” L’esclavage et les plantations: De l’établissement de la servitude à son abolition; un hommage à Pierre Pluchon (Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2008), 241–64.

51. Hugues to minister of the navy, 15 Oct. 1804, C¹⁴ 83, fol. 86v.

52. Hugues to minister of the navy, 12 Oct. 1802, C¹⁴ 80, fol. 124-fol. 134.

53. Hugues to minister of the navy, 12 Oct. 1802, C¹⁴ 80, fol. 130; Observations sur le projet d’arrêté tendant à établir à Cayenne et dans la Guyane française un esclavage plein pour certains noirs et une simple conscription rurale pour les autres [30 Nov. 1802], C¹⁴ 80, fol. 26v.

54. Proclamation de Hugues concernant l’arrêté des Consuls du 16 frimaire an 11 [7 décembre 1802] fixant l’organisation intérieure de la colonie, C¹⁴ 82, fol. 149.

55. Hugues, Arrêté, 24 August 1803, C¹⁴ 82, fol. 143.

56. Hugues to minister of the navy, 8 Dec. 1803, C¹⁴ 82, fol. 105.

57. Hugues to minister of the navy, 11 Nov. 1805, C¹⁴ 83, fol. 165.

58. For a firsthand account of the postrevolutionary hunt for maroons under Hugues, see Gabriel Debien, “Un nantais à la chasse aux marrons en Guyane (octobre-décembre 1808), in Enquêtes et documents (Nantes: Centre de Recherche sur l’Histoire de la France Atlantique), 1:163–72. For an eighteenth-century primary source describing a Maroon settlement, see “Rebel Village in French Guiana: A Captive’s Description,” in Maroon Societies, ed. Richard Price, 3^rd ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 312–19; first published in Sylvie Mirot, “Un document inédit sur le marronnage à la Guyane française au XVIII^esiècle,” Revue de l’histoire des colonies françaises 41 (1954): 245–56.

59. Victor Hugues, à son excellence Monsieur le Comte de Cessac, C¹⁴ 87, (80p), esp. fol. 13v and fol. 23; Baron Carra de Vaux, “Documents sur la perte et la retrocession de la Guyane française (1809–1817),” Revue de l’histoire des colonies francaises (3^rd trim. 1913): 333–68.

60. Adams to Jefferson, 24 Aug. 1815, in Correspondence of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, ed. Paul Wilstach (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1925), 116.

10 The French Revolutionary Wars and the Making of American Empire

I wish to thank Suzanne Desan, Andrew Frank, Lynn Hunt, John Parmenter, and the anonymous reader for their suggestions.

1. On Genêt, see Harry Ammon, The Genet Mission (New York: Norton, 1973); and Eugene P. Link, Democratic-Republican Societies, 1790–1800 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1942). On Genêt’s most effective collaborator, see Robert J. Alderson, Jr., This Bright Era of Happy Revolutions: French Consul Michel-Ange-Bernard Mangourit and International Republicanism in Charleston, 1792–1794 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008).

2. Albert Hall Bowman, The Struggle for Neutrality: Franco-American Diplomacy during the Federalist Era (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1974), vii.

3. Marie-Jeanne Rossignol, The Nationalist Ferment: The Origins of U.S. Foreign Policy, 1789–1812, trans. Lillian A. Parrott (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2004), 37.

4. Through the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798.

5. Felix Gilbert, To the Farewell Address: Ideas of Early American Foreign Policy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961).

6. The phrase is from the title of J. Fred Rippy’s America and the Strife of Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1938).

7. Bradford Perkins, The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, vol. 1, The Creation of a Republican Empire, 1776–1865 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 91.

8. Samuel Flagg Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty: America’s Advantage from Europe’s Distress, 1783–1800 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1960).

9. On the Treaty of Greenville, see Andrew R. L. Cayton, “Radicals in the ‘Western World’: The Federalist Conquest of Trans-Appalachian North America,” in Federalists Reconsidered, ed. Doron Ben-Atar and Barbara B. Oberg (Charlottesville, VA and London: University Press of Virginia, 1998), 77–96; and Barbara Alice Mann, “The Greenville Treaty of 1795: Pen-and-Ink Witchcraft in the Struggle for the Old Northwest,” in Enduring Legacies: Native American Treaties and Contemporary Controversies, ed. Bruce E. Johansen (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2004), 135–201.

10. Dave R. Palmer, 1794: America, Its Army, and the Birth of the Nation (Novato, CA: Presidio, 1994), 42.

11. Ibid., 60.

12. Ibid., 61.

13. The other British forts were at Detroit, Erie, Niagara, Oswego, Oswegatchie, and Point-au-Fer. Thomas Jefferson, secretary of state of the United States, to George Hammond, British minister to the United States, Philadelphia, 15 December 1791, in Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States: Canadian Relations, 1784–1860, vol. 1, ed. William R. Manning (Washington D.C.: n.p., 1940), 47.

14. Lord Hawkesbury’s Draft of Instructions to Hammond, 4 July 1791, in Instructions to the British Ministers to the United States, 1791–1812, vol. 3 of the Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1936, ed. Bernard Mayo (Washington, D.C.: n.p., 1941), 6.

15. George Hammond to Thomas Jefferson, Philadelphia, 20 June 1793, in Manning, Diplomatic Correspondence, 403.

16. David J. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992).

17. British National Archives (hereafter BNA), Colonial Office (hereafter CO), 43/10, Colonial Office to Lieutenant-Governor Clarke, London, 5 May 1792.

18. Cited in Samuel Flagg Bemis, Jay’s Treaty: A Study in Commerce and Diplomacy, 2nd ed. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1962), 21.

19. Quoted in Timothy D. Willig, Restoring the Chain of Friendship: British Policy and the Indians of the Great Lakes, 1783–1815 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2008), 13.

20. Willig, Restoring the Chain of Friendship, 14. Willig notes that such commitments did not always reflect official British policy. Men like Johnson and McKee had substantial personal and financial connections to the tribes and did not necessarily act as neutral agents of their government’s policy (Willig, 22). On this point, see also Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 456.

21. Weber, The Spanish Frontier, 282.

22. Hubert Bruce Fuller, The Purchase of Florida: Its History and Diplomacy (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1964), 35.

23. Quoted in Weber, The Spanish Frontier, 282.

24. Quoted in Palmer, 1794, 63.

25. Palmer, 1794, 63.

26. Reginald Horsman, The Frontier in the Formative Years, 1783–1815 (New York: Rinehart and Winston, 1970), 39. For a detailed discussion of the “bizarre pattern of American aggression against the most moderate of Indians,” see Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745–1815 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 95–99; quote from p. 96.

27. Jerald A. Combs, The Jay Treaty: Political Battleground of the Founding Fathers (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970), 92–93. The British also considered taking steps to prevent “Kentucky, and all other Settlements now forming in the Interior parts of the Great Continent of North America, from becoming dependent on the Government of the United States…and to induce them to form Treaties of Commerce and Friendship with Great Britain” (Combs, 93).

28. Fuller, The Purchase of Florida, 48.

29. Quoted in French Ensor Chadwick, The Relations of the United States and Spain: Diplomacy (New York: C. Scribner’s Sons, 1909), 36–37. On concern for the Union’s integrity, see James E. Lewis, Jr., The American Union and the Problem of Neighborhood: The United States and the Collapse of the Spanish Empire, 1783–1829 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998).

30. Bemis, Jay’s Treaty, 183.

31. Kent L. Steckmesser, The Westward Movement: A Short History (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968), 111.

32. Rossignol, The Nationalist Ferment, 7–8.

33. The alliance, concluded by the Treaty of Nogales (October 1793), committed the Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, and Creeks to “contribute…to the preservation of [Spain’s] Dominion.” Weber, The Spanish Frontier, 284.

34. Robert S. Allen, His Majesty’s Indian Allies; British Indian Policy in the Defence of Canada, 1774–1815 (Toronto: Dundurn, 1992), 68.

35. On these efforts, see Willig, Restoring the Chain of Friendship.

36. White, The Middle Ground, 448.

37. Rossignol, The Nationalist Ferment, 11.

38. Unless otherwise indicated, this and the following paragraph are based on Richard H. Kohn, Eagle and Sword: The Federalists and the Creation of the Military Establishment in America, 1783–1802 (New York: Free Press, 1975), 91–127; Palmer, 1794, 164–201; and Francis Paul Prucha, The Sword of the Republic: The United States Army on the Frontier, 1783–1846 (New York: Macmillan, 1969), 1–42.

39. Quoted in Palmer, 1794, 172.

40. Palmer, 1794, 195.

41. Dale Van Every, Ark of Empire: The American Frontier, 1784–1803 (New York: Morrow, 1963), 234.

42. BNA, CO, 43/10, Colonial Office to Lord Dorchester, London, 8 January 1794.

43. The British foreign minister, Lord Grenville, instructed Hammond to “endeavour to negotiate such an accommodation…securing to the different Indian Nations along the British and American Frontiers, their Lands and hunting Grounds, as an independent Country.” Grenville to Hammond, Whitehall, 17 March 1792, in Mayo, Instructions to the British Ministers to the United States, 25.

44. Samuel Flagg Bemis, The American Secretaries of State and Their Diplomacy (New York: Knopf, 1927–29), 2:30, quoted in Rossignol, The Nationalist Ferment, 13.

45. BNA, CO, 42/98, Lord Dorchester to Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe, Quebec, 26 April 1794.

46. White, The Middle Ground, 464–65.

47. Quoted in Van Every, Ark of Empire, 297–98. The speech was printed in American newspapers on 24 March 1794. Bowman, The Struggle for Neutrality, 145.

48. BNA, CO, 42/98, Lord Dorchester to Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe, 17 February 1794.

49. Ibid., 14 April 1794. The full quote warns of “the appearance of hostilities with our neighbours, which the intrigues and influence of France seem to render inevitable.”

50. Allen, His Majesty’s Indian Allies, 82.

51. Palmer, 1794, 204–6.

52. This paragraph is based on Alan D. Gaff, Bayonets in the Wilderness: Anthony Wayne’s Legion in the Old Northwest (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004); Kohn, Eagle and Sword, 139–57; Palmer, 1794, 249–59; and Prucha, The Sword of the Republic, 18–42.

53. By this time, news of French military successes in Europe had begun to spread among Native Americans. This may have raised doubts in their minds about the extent to which Britain would commit to a conflict in North America. See note 58.

54. One historian estimates that the militia numbered two hundred. Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 113.

55. This policy is laid out repeatedly in the various dispatches from the Colonial Office to the governor of Canada from 1791 through 1794. See BNA, CO, 43/10.

56. Willig, Restoring the Chain of Friendship, 243.

57. Quoted in Willig, Restoring the Chain of Friendship, 56.

58. White, The Middle Ground, 468.

59. Charles Marion Thomas, American Neutrality in 1793: A Study in Cabinet Government (New York: Columbia University Press, 1931), 49. The acrimonious exchanges over Dorchester’s comments have been published in Manning, Diplomatic Correspondence.

60. Gouverneur Morris to Edmund Randolph, Sainport, 23 July 1794, in Manning, Diplomatic Correspondence, 421.

61. BNA, Foreign Office, 5/5, Grenville to Hammond, London, 15 July 1794.

62. BNA, CO, 43/10, Colonial Office to Lord Dorchester, 15 July 1794.

63. Ibid., Colonial Office to Lord Dorchester, 5 July 1794.

64. BNA, War Office, 1/14, Dorchester to Henry Dundas, Quebec, 4 September 1794. On Dorchester’s resignation, see Bemis, Jay’s Treaty, 320.

65. There are a number of comprehensive accounts of Jay’s Treaty. The best are Bemis, Jay’s Treaty, and Combs, The Jay Treaty.

66. The ease with which this concession was obtained surprised the American government. Even as it was being offered by Grenville in London, the secretary of state in Philadelphia was sadly admitting that he did “not entertain the most distant hope of the surrender of the Western Posts.” Edmund Randolph to James Monroe, United States minister to France, Philadelphia, 25 September 1794, in Manning, Diplomatic Correspondence, 84–85.

67. Unless otherwise indicated, the following discussion is based on Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty.

68. Bemis, Pinckney’s Treaty, 194.

69. By the same treaty, Prussia withdrew from the war. By 1795, therefore, the war had come to resemble a replay of the American War of Independence in that the three second-tier naval powers of Europe—France, Holland, and Spain—had joined forces against the dominant maritime empire of the time—Great Britain. Realpolitik considerations of the most traditional sort, not just ideology, had clearly emerged as a major influence in the French Revolutionary War.

70. Horsman, The Frontier, 11.

71. James Monroe to Edmund Randolph, Paris, 12 February 1795, in Manning, Diplomatic Correspondence, 457.

72. Thomas P. Carnes (Georgia) to his constituents, Philadelphia, 2 May 1794, in Circular Letters of Congressmen to Their Constituents, 1789–1829, vol. 1, First Congress–Ninth Congress, 1789–1807, ed. Noble E. Cunningham, Jr. (Williamsburg, VA and Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1978), 25–26.

11 Every Revolution Is a War of Independence

1. Roland Mortier, Ancharsis Cloots ou l’utopie foudroyée (Paris: Stock, 1995), 125–37.

2. Lynn Hunt, Inventing Human Rights: A History (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007).

3. Roger Dupuy, La garde nationale, 1789–1792 (Paris: Folio.histoire/Gallimard, 2010), 85–96.

4. Arno Mayer showed how the revolutionary violence that broke out at the beginning of the process of change in 1789 is comprehensible only if understood in relation to another violence, that of the Counterrevolution. The Counterrevolution tried to present itself as a response, a riposte, a legitimate self-defense when the reality was that it preceded, gradually adapted to, and anticipated revolutionary violence. Arno Mayer, The Furies: Violence and Terror in the French and Russian Revolutions (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000).

5. Juan-Carlos Garavaglia and Jean-Frédéric Schaub, eds., Lois, justice, coutumes: Amérique et Europe latines, 16e–19e siècle (Paris: EHESS, 2005).

6. J. H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492–1830 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006).

7. On the links between freedom and riches, see Bernard Cottret, La Révolution américaine: La quête du bonheur, 1763–1787 (Paris: Perrin, 2003), chap. 1, 18–34.

8. Marcus Rediker, “Hydrarchy: Sailors, Pirates, and the Maritime State,” in The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Secret History of the Revolutionary Atlantic, ed. Marcus Rediker and Peter Linebaugh (Boston: Beacon Press, 2001), 143–73.

9. Robert Travers, “Imperial Revolutions and Global Repercussions: South Asia and the World (1750–1850),” in The Age of Revolutions in Global Context, c. 1760–1840, ed. David Armitage and Sanjay Subrahmanyam (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 144–66.

10. Michel Vovelle, La découverte de la politique: Géopolitique de la Révolution française (Paris: La Découverte, 1992), especially “La Révolution vue d’en bas,” 52–156. Viewed in this way, the counterrevolutionary crowds also participated in this politicization, a conclusion often rejected by despisers and advocates alike of the French Revolution. Roger Dupuy, La politique du peuple: Racines, permanences et ambiguïtés du populisme (Paris: Albin Michel, 2002).

11. Marc Belissa, Fraternité universelle et intérêt national (1713–1795): Les cosmopolites du droit des gens (Paris: Kimé, 1998), esp. 218–52.

12. Hannah Arendt, Essai sur la Révolution (Paris: Gallimard, 1967).

13. Patrice Higonnet, Sisters Republics: The Origins of French and American Republicanism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988); and Pierre Serna, ed., Républiques sœurs: Le Directoire et la Révolution atlantique (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2009), esp. 7–20.

14. Benjamin Stora, La guerre des mémoires: La France face à son passé colonial (La Tour d’Aigues: Éditions de l’Aube, 2007).

15. “La Révolution Batave: Péripéties d’une république-sœur (1795–1813),” special issue, Annales historiques de la Révolution française 326 (Oct.-Dec. 2001). Many of the articles evoke the memory of this glorious epoch of birth in revolt that was maintained in the Dutch Republic until the end of the eighteenth century.

16. Steven C. A. Pincus, 1688: The First Modern Revolution (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009).

17. Gabrielle Randazzo, ed., Guerre fratricide: Le guerre civili in età contemporanea (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1994).

18. Jacques Brissot remarked on this already in 1782 in his Bibliothèque philosophique du législateur, du politique, du jurisconsulte (Paris, 1782).

19. Voltaire, “Huitième lettre sur le Parlement,” in Les lettres philosophiques (1734): “Ce qui devient une révolution en Angleterre n’est qu’une sédition dans les autres pays.” He concludes that freedom was the goal of the English revolution, rather than the defense of privileges that motivated the revolts of elites in France. The quote can be found at http://www.voltaire-integral.com/Html/22/11_Lettre_08.html.

20. Gordon Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776–1787 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969).

21. Georges-Henri Dumont, Histoire de la Belgique, des origines à 1830 (Brussels: Le Cri Édition, 1997).

22. Eric Golay, Quand le peuple devint roi: Mouvement populaire, politique et Révolution à Genève, de 1789 à 1794 (Geneva: Edition Slatkine, 2001); and on later developments in the status of inhabitants of Switzerland, see Silvia Arlettaz, Citoyens et étrangers sous la république helvétique, 1798–1803 (Geneva: Georg, 2005).

23. Michael Scott Christofferson, French Intellectuals against the Left: The Antitotalitarian Moment of the 1970s (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004).

24. Frédérique Leferme-Falguières, “Le fonctionnement de la cour de Versailles,” Hypothèses 1 (1999): 207–18, http://www.cairn.info/revue-hypotheses-1999–1-page-207.htm.

25. On this possible coexistence, see Jean-François Chaney, L’école républicaine et les petites patries (Paris: Aubier, 1996).

26. Paul Cheney, Revolutionary Commerce: Globalization and the French Monarchy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).

27. Martyn Lyons, “Politics and Patois: The Linguistic Policy of The French Revolution,” Australian Journal of French Studies 18, no. 3 (1981): 264.

28. Michel Antoine, Louis XV (Paris: Fayard 1989); and Patrice Gueniffey, Le nombre et la raison: La Révolution française et les élections (Paris: EHESS, 1993), 132–36.

29. Guy Saupin, Histoire sociale du politique: Les villes de l’ouest atlantique français à l’époque moderne, XVIe–XVIIIe siècle (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2010).

30. Jean Nicolas, La Rébellion française: Mouvements populaires et conscience sociale, 1661–1789 (Paris: Le Seuil, 2002), esp. 91–118.

31. Louis Sébastien Mercier, Tableau de Paris (Paris: Édition du Mercure de France, 1994), 2:260.

32. Ibid., 1:1273.

33. Sue Peabody, “There are No Slaves in France”: The Political Culture of Race and Slavery in the Ancien Régime (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); and Jean Ehrard, Lumières et esclavage: L’esclavage colonial et l’opinion publique en France au xviii^e siècle (Brussels: André Versaille, 2008).

34. David A. Bell, The Cult of the Nation in France: Inventing Nationalism, 1680–1820 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001).

35. Keith Michael Baker, Inventing the French Revolution: Essays on French Political Culture in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

36. Pierre Serna, “Le noble,” in L’homme des Lumières, ed. Michel Vovelle (Paris: Le Seuil, 1996), 39–93.

37. Camille Desmoulins, Révolutions de France et de Brabant (mid-November 1789).

38. Paolo Viola, Il crollo del antico regime: Politica e antipolitica nella francia della rivoluzione (Rome: Donzelli Editore, 1993), “Federazioni,” 143–50.

39. Bronislaw Baczko, Politiques de la Révolution française (Paris: Folio/Gallimard, 2008), “Une passion thermidorienne: La revanche,” 165–338.

40. Jacques Godechot, Les institutions de la France sous la Révolution et l’Empire (Paris: Presses Universitaires Françaises, 1968), 91–112.

41. Mémoires de Monsieur le Comte de Montlosier sur la Révolution française: Le Consulat, l’Empire et la Restauration et les principaux événements qui l’ont suivie, 1755–1830 (Paris: Dufey, 1830), 348–50.

42. Marie-Vic Ozouf-Marignier, La formation des départements: La représentation du territoire français à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Paris: EHESS, 1992), 79–105.

43. The American Federalists (not to be confused with the French federalists, since the Americans wanted a strong central state in order to contain the power of individual states) acted in the name of the country’s defense and its good functioning to silence for two hundred years the popular democratic and anticentralizing movements opposed to the rewriting of the Constitution between 1787 and 1789. The situation was not the same, obviously, but the antidemocratic and unifying aspects are present in the United States, too.