Texts from Ugarit Pertaining to Seafaring
BY J. HOFTIJZER AND W. H. VAN SOLDT
This appendix contains revised translations of the most significant documents pertaining to nautical matters found at Ugarit. This city-state, located slightly north of Latakia on the Syrian coast, was a major entrepôt during the Late Bronze Age (Fig. 13.1: b). Until the end of that period, Ugarit belonged to the Egyptian sphere of influence, as demonstrated by the diplomatic correspondence from Amarna (EA 1: 39; 45: 35; 89: 51; 98: 9; 126: 6; 151: 55). About 1330 B.C., Ugarit came under Hittite suzerainty.
Political stability in Syria guaranteed Ugarit’s prosperity through trade after the reign of its king, Niqmaddu II, and particularly after the brief rule of his son Arkhalba (on the absolute chronology for reigns of the kings of Ugarit, see van Soldt 1991: 44–46). Following the peace treaty between Egypt and Hatti, quantities of Egyptian goods once more found their way to the city.
This relatively peaceful period lasted for over a century but came to an abrupt end at the beginning of the twelfth century B.C. with the invasion of the Sea Peoples. This attack spelled sudden annihilation for most of the Syro-Canaanite coastal cities, including Ugarit (Liverani 1995). Several letters, which must date to the last tumultuous days of Ugarit, give a vivid account of these times (see below, RS 34.129, RS 20.18, RS L. 1, and RS 20.238). The tablets reveal that the threat that ultimately destroyed Ugarit came from the sea.
Ugarit’s palace had five archives. Three were administrative, containing mostly lists of landowners, persons who received rations or paid taxes, and so on. These documents had titles—such as “balance,” “list,” “food rations,” or “provisions”—followed by the persons’ names to whom they applied. The lists are laconic: often, even the type of administrative action intended is unclear. In the “central archive” and the “southern archive” were kept, respectively, the tablets regulating the transfer of land inside Ugarit and those pertaining to Ugarit’s foreign relations.
The documents were written in the Ugaritic and Akkadian languages. Ugaritic, a cognate to Hebrew, is a branch of West Semitic that was written with an alphabetic script of thirty cuneiform signs. Normally, as with Akkadian, Ugaritic was inscribed on moist clay tablets that were baked afterwards. The prefect (Sākinu in Ugaritic) was the most important person after the king and was responsible for the city-state’s day-to-day management (see below, RS 34.129). Directly under the prefect, various overseers, including an “overseer of the harbor” and an “overseer of the seamen,” were responsible for administration (see below, RS 17.133).
To judge from the texts, Ugarit seems to have had a simple social structure. Two groups are distinguished: “people of the king,” employed by the palace; and free citizens, called “sons of Ugarit.” This two-part division is apparent everywhere in the palace administration, which always distinguishes between the guilds on the one hand and the towns and villages on the other. Mainly concentrated in the city of Ugarit itself, the guilds consisted of specialized craftsmen who were gold- and silversmiths, scribes, soldiers, priests, house builders, shipbuilders, cart-wrights, and bowmakers, among others.
The population in the towns and villages apparently represented the nonspecialized segment of society: the farmers and the herders. While the “people of the king” were economically dependent on the palace, which provided them with rations and land, the free citizens were independent in this respect.
Ugarit’s importance on the international political level during its heyday is evident from numerous documents concerning international relations. Ugarit’s strength lay in its trade; its military capacity was negligible.
The comprehensive terminology that existed in Ugarit for different types of ships, as well as the numerous references to nautical matters, indicate the importance of its maritime connections. Ships sailed to and from Egypt, to the other city-states along the Syro-Canaanite coast, to Cyprus, Cilicia, and to the Aegean.
Texts in Ugaritic Alphabetic Script
The following texts are translated in the order in which they are published in KTU. Some of them were found still in the kiln in which they were being baked when Ugarit was overrun (against the idea they were found in a kiln, cf. Millard 1995: 119). These texts must therefore date to immediately before Ugarit’s downfall, ca. 1185 B.C. Not every text concerning ships, shipment, and related matters in Ugaritic alphabetic script has been translated here (for a description of Ugarit as a naval power, see Linder 1981; Artzy 1987).
KTU 2.38
Your ship was damaged
Virolleaud 1965: 81–83; Sasson 1966: 137; Lipiński 1967: 283; Hoftijzer 1979: 383–88; Dietrich and Loretz 1985: 507; Cunchillos 1986; 1989: 349–57; Aboud 1994: 101–102. Found in the kiln.
1–3 To the king of Ugarit, my brother, speak: Message of the king of Tyre your brother.1
4–9 May you be well. May the gods guard and preserve you. Here with me it goes well. Is everything going well with you there? Answer me, please.
10–25 As to a ship of yours that you sent to Egypt, that (ship) is in Tyre. Serious damage happened to it in a torrential rainstorm. They were found, and the rb tmtt2 took all their grain from them.3 But I took all their grain (and) the crew, all that belonged to them,4 from the rb tmtt, and I gave it back to them. And another ship of yours is unloaded5 in Acco. Let my brother not be troubled about anything.
Notes
1. This is an Ugaritic translation of an original letter sent by the king of Tyre (cf. however Millard 1995: 120) that deals with two ships, not two parts of a fleet, as Cunchillos (1986; 1989: 351–52n.9.; cf. also Tropper 1994A: 467) suggests, nor does it deal with one ship (against e.g. Dietrich and Loretz 1985: 507; Renfroe 1992:68; Aboud 1994: 102). The text makes it probable that there was a kind of international entente whereby ships of various nations and their cargoes were respected in time of peace (Sasson 1966: 137).
2. The rb tmtt is probably a high Tyrian official in charge of salvage operations (Sasson 1966: 137) against Dietrich and Loretz (1966: 132) and Cunchillos (1986: 138; 1989: 354), who consider him the head of the ship’s crew, and against Virolleaud (1965: 82), who suggests that he was a pirate.
3. The ḏrc in 11. 17 and 19 is translated as “grain”; a translation of “crew” is possible but seems less probable (Hoftijzer 1979: 387–88; Aboud 1994: 102).
4. Instead of kl klhm (all that belonged to them) in 1. 21, one could possibly read w. ]aklhm (= and their food; cf. KTU).
5. For the translation of cryt with “is unloaded,” see Lipiński (1967: 283 n. 5). Cunchillos’s (1986: 135, 141; 1989: 356–57) translation “has returned” is less probable. Lines 24–25 (w.anyk.ṯt by.cky.cryt) can also be translated, “A second ship of yours is in Acco, naked, i.e. having lost its sails” (Pardee with Cunchillos 1989: 357; cf. also Dietrich and Loretz 1985: 507; Aboud 1994: 102).
KTU 2.39
Send copper
Virolleaud 1965: 84–86; Sasson 1966: 133; Dijkstra 1976; de Moor 1979: 651; Pardee 1981; Hoftijzer 1982. From the kiln.
1–2 Message of the Sun to Ammurapi, speak:1
3–4 With the Sun2 everything is extremely well.
5–103 At the fe[et of the lo]rd, the Sun, his lord your servant truly resides, verily he is his se[rvant], his sglt,4 and the [ . . . of his lord] he protects [or: through the (. . . of his lord) he is protected?] and my lord will lack no [ . . . ],5 I really acknowledge him [sc. as my overlord].6
11–167 Now, [if you are] his servant, his sglt for the Sun your lord, now if you verily acknowledge the Sun your lord, why didn’t you come with the Sun your lord for already one, two years?8
17–30 As to the tablets concerning food [/ grain] that9 you sent to the Sun your lord, because there was no food anymore in your realm,10 the sun11 may perish, if I will come . . . [rest too damaged to be translated].
31–35 The enemy is over us [ . . . and] there is no copper12 [ . . . ] purify copper, . . .13 search [for it], wherever14 you can get it and send it to me.
1. This is probably the translation of an original letter sent by the Hittite king to Ammurapi, the last king of Ugarit (cf. however Millard 1995: 120).
2. “The Sun” is the epithet with which the Hittite king refers to himself.
3. Lines 5–10 are probably a quotation from a letter king Ammurapi sent to the Hittite king (Hoftijzer 1982: 383). In 11. 5–10, King Ammurapi underlines his faithfulness. These lines are damaged and are difficult to restore.
4. The sglt indicates the vassal of whom the overlord may expect complete dedication, but also the vassal who because of this may expect the complete protection of his overlord (Hoftijzer 1982: 381–82).
5. Of what there is no shortage remains unclear. The restoration ḏ[rc (cf. KTU) (grain) remains completely uncertain.
6. Ydc indicates here a vassal’s loyalty to his overlord (Huffmon 1966; Huffmon and Parker 1966).
7. Lines 11–16 are the Hittite king’s response. The tone of the latter is extremely rude (contrast KTU 2.46, below). There are no pleasantries; note the stress laid on the fact that it is very good with the addresser (11. 3f. and elsewhere).
8. The visit mentioned in 11. 15f is an official one that the king of Ugarit ought to pay to his overlord to indicate his allegiance. This is not necessarily a visit he had to pay after his accession to the throne (Hoftijzer 1982: 379–80; Cunchillos 1989: 400).
9. See Parker (1967: 75) for ky used as the introduction of a relative clause (1. 17) against Pardee (1977: 7), Verreet (1988: 197–98).
10. For ḥwt indicating “realm” or “country,” see Herdner (1969: 132).
11. It is improbable that špš, “sun,” in 1. 21 indicates the sun as an epithet of the Hittite king, because it is the subject of a feminine form of the verb. The addresser is instead saying that he prefers the perishing of the sun to his going to . . . (the rest is lost) (Hoftijzer 1982: 385; against Tropper 1994A: 467).
12. For spr in 1. 32 meaning “bronze,” see Hoftijzer 1982: 386–87; Dietrich and Loretz 1986. For the translation with “copper” in this text, see Zaccagnini 1970: 322–24. On the use of “bronze,” see Zaccagnini (1990).
13. I know of no convincing interpretation for adm in 1. 33. The interpretation with “a man,” “anyone” (cf. Pardee 1981: 152, 156; Verreet 1988: 123: “the man”) seems less convincing.
14. On aṯr, see Rainey (1978:65); Dietrich and Loretz (1984: 62); Israel (1995: 260).
KTU 2.42
The king may seek ships
Virolleaud 1965: 14–15; Sasson 1966: 134; Lipiński 1977; Pardee 1987: 204–209. For the archaeological context of the room in which the text was found, see van Soldt (1991:88).
1–3 To the king [my] lo[rd] speak: Message of the chief of . . . [ . . . your servant]:1
4–9 At the feet of my lord from afar seven times and seven times [I bow down]. I declare to Baal [ . . . ],2 to the eternal Sun, to Astarte, to Anat, to all the gods of Alashia3: Nimmuriya is king forever.4
10–13 The king my lord, the land [ . . . ] he will get in arrears [??]5 and to my lord [ . . . ] ten times I have sent [ . . . ] and my lord . . . [ . . . ]
14–19 [ . . . ] ten [or twen{ty}] . . . he may put [ . . . ] the city of the k[ing] [ . . . ] in them and [ . . . ]
20–28 I will give [or you may give?]6 si[lver . . . ] I will send [ . . . ] Now he has sent [or [I] have sent] [ . . . ] and the king may make inquiry into these [ . . . ] them and their ships [ . . . ] this merchant and I say [ . . . ] the king may seek ships and I [?, . . . ] and I [?] will carry out the transaction and the king may send [?] to [ . . . ].7
Notes
1. Amenhotep III (Nimmuriya) is mentioned in 1.9 (see Virolleaud 1965: 15), making this text one of the oldest found in Ugarit (contra Rainey 1974:188). Thus, the tablet must date to the first half of the fourteenth century B.C. It was sent from an Ugaritic official to the king of Ugarit. It is unnecessary to presume, as does Lipiński (1977: 214), that this is a copy of a letter sent by a high Egyptian official at Ugarit to the pharaoh.
The writer’s name is not included. This absence of the name is understandable if there was only one functionary of this stature at any given time. The suggestion to read it as rb mi(ḫd) is attractive (Heltzer 1976: 82 n. 28; Liverani 1979B: 499), particularly if it referred to Maḫadu, Ugarit’s main port. Concerning Mahadu, see Astour 1970: 113–22; Guzzo Ama–dasi 1982; Saadé 1995. This would also fit the context of the letter that speaks of merchants and vessels. Pardee (1987: 206), preparing his new edition of the text, could not find the fragment of 1.3 that reads (c)bdk, “your servant.” Concerning this fragment, see Virolleaud 1965: 14; Pardee 1987: 206.
2. The first deity mentioned in 1. 6 probably was Baal-Sapon (Liverani 1979A: 1303; Pardee 1987: 206–207).
3. It is not unusual to find “all the Gods of Alashia (Cyprus)” mentioned in 1. 8, for Ugarit had important trade relations with Cyprus, and this text is clearly concerned with trade. Concerning Alashia, see above, pp. 61–62, 295–96.
4. The words mlk clm (1. 9) are often considered as the translation of a title of the god Osiris, with whom Amenhotep III was identified (Gaál 1974; Pardee 1988: 89–90 n. 48). The corresponding Egyptian title, however, was only applied to Amenhotep III after his death (Radwan 1973). One would not expect a reference to the identification of the deceased king with Osiris in a letter that is concerned with matters of trade and shipping. At that time the pharaoh was the overlord of the Ugaritic king, so it is possible to explain the words nmry mlk clm as an acknowledgment of the pharaoh’s overlordship. In the Hebrew Bible, a comparable formula is used to express the power of the Lord (Jeremiah 10:10, Psalms 10:16). Furthermore, mlk clm was used in Ugarit as an epithet of the god Rapi’u (KTU 1.108: 1, 19, 20), who is identified with Baal. In KTU 1.2 iv 10, mlk clm indicates the everlasting kingship of Baal. Comparable formulae are also used in the Bible to acknowledge the power of the Judean king (Psalm 45:7, see also Psalms 21:5, 61:8; I Chronicles 17:14).
5. The reading yšiḫr in 1. 11 (Pardee 1987: 205) seems preferable. For the interpretation, cf. Tropper 1990: 23–24.
6. In 1. 20 the reading atn is accepted, although the reading ttn is also possible (Pardee 1987: 209).
7. The rest of the tablet is too damaged to allow any certain restoration. The addresser is clearly writing concerning trade and ships. Concerning the problems of reading the beginning of the last line, see Pardee’s (1987: 209) commentary.
KTU 2.46
Supply seagoing vessels
Virolleaud 1965: 87–88; Astour 1965: 255; Sasson 1966: 134; Hoftijzer 1983: 97. Found in the kiln.
1–3 The message of Pgn:1 To the king of Ugarit speak:
4–5 May you be well. May the gods protect [and] preserve you.
6–9 Here with me it is well. Is it well there with my son in every respect? Answer me, please.
9–25 Whereas my son has sent to me tablets about food2 often and over and over again,3 let my son supply [send] here4 seagoing vessels5 . . . [ . . . ].
[The rest is too uncertain to be translated.]
Notes
1. This is probably a translation of a letter (however, cf. Millard 1995:120) addressed to the king of Ugarit from a foreign ruler on the Mediterranean coast, perhaps the king of Alashia (= Cyprus), with whom the last king of Ugarit had friendly relations (Astour 1965: 255). Concerning these relations, see e.g. Astour 1981: 28.
2. The “tablets about food” refer to a letter in which the king of Ugarit asked for food supplies, see KTU 2.39 above.
3. The interpretation of 1. 11 (midy wǵbny) remains uncertain. I follow here the clause division proposed by Pardee (1975B: 354; 1976: 248). It is possible to translate 11. 9–11, “Whereas my son has sent tablets about food, with me there is plenty and abundance” (Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín 1973: 96; Tropper 1994B: 479).
4. For the interpretation of hnkt in 1.12 as “here,” see Hartmann and Hoftijzer 1971; Renfroe 1992: 116 (contra Gordon 1965: no. 787: hnk = “levy,” hnkt = plural; Rainey 1966: 261; 1971: 160; Cunchillos 1983: 161–62, hnk and hnkt are demonstrative pronouns; see also Dijkstra and de Moor 1975: 207 n. 294); Tropper 1990: 35: hnkt = “really.”
At the time that this letter to send ships was written, Ugarit was experiencing a shortage of vessels (Hoftijzer 1979: 384–85; see below, KTU 2.47 and RS 20. 238), which gives the addresser’s kind offer a sardonic twist.
5. I leave the difficult yšrn in 1. 14 untranslated. Dijkstra and de Moor’s (1975: 207) proposed translation, “to despatch” or “to stow,” is less probable, for it assumes that the food was to be sent from Ugarit to Alashia.
KTU 2.47
A request for 150 ships
Virolleaud 1965: 88–89; Sasson 1966: 133; Heltzer 1979: 252; Hoftijzer 1983: 97–98. Found in the kiln.
1–11 The message of Yadinu to the king, his lord.1 Protect your country.2 Will, please, supply ships, will supply 150 ships . . .3 and 400 Apiru4 and the king [rest too damaged to be translated].
12–21 And the king who governs in his homeland5 to Yadinu the servant of the king, whom he has made commander of his army.6 Let the dynasty not go to ruin.7 The border patrol8 has taken kwsct,9 let your army . . . border.
Notes
1. This tablet contains summaries of two letters: one from Yadinu to the king of Ugarit, and the other from the king to Yadinu. All the obligatory polite formulae are absent in Yadinu’s “letter.” Also, note the “and” at the beginning of 1. 12. On the peculiar style of this document, see Kaiser 1970:14.
The addresser is a military commander serving the Ugaritic king (cf. 1. 15). Against Lambrou-Phillipson 1993: 165, who sees him as a minor official placed in charge of the king’s children who knew nothing about naval matters.
2. The use of an imperative in 1. 2 is not indicative of a rude or impolite style. The translation “guardian of your house/country” is less probable (contra Lambrou-Phillipson 1993: 164).
3. The manner in which the request for ships is formulated (11. 3ff.) gives a sense of great urgency. The fact that Yadinu asks for ships means that he must have been situated somewhere along the Mediterranean coast. For the translation “supply,” see Tropper 1990: 35.
4. Apiru refers to socially uprooted communities from which many people were recruited for military service.
5. The špḥ (11. 12 and 16) probably means “dynasty.”
6. Ḫrd (11. 15, 17, 19) probably means “army” (Heltzer 1979: 245–53); less likely are the translations “guard” or “watchman” (Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín 1974A: 27–28; Dietrich and Loretz 1987: 29). The manner in which the king describes Yadinu underlines Ya–dinu’s subordinate position: he must do as the king commands. The insistence that he go on with his task becomes understandable if one realizes that the king is not able to meet Yadinu’s request for the 150 ships. On the shortage of ships at that time, see above, KTU 2.46. That Ugarit has been a great naval power is shown by the very fact that Yadinu asks for such a high number of ships (contra Lambrou-Phillipson 1993).
7. For the root hbṭ, see Dijkstra 1975; Tropper 1990: 151; Renfroe 1992: 114-15.
8. For the meaning of cps in 1. 17 see van Soldt 1989: 385: boundary (stone). Whether this border patrol was inimical to Ugarit remains uncertain, but the gloomy tone of 1. 15 could suggest that it was.
9. I have translated kwsct in 11. 17f. as the name of a town, but this remains uncertain. Less probable is Dietrich and Loretz’s (1987: 29) interpretation of “a jar with grain.”
KTU 4.40
Ships’ crews
Virolleaud 1937: 167–68; Gaster 1938; Herdner 1963: 167–68; Heltzer 1976: 21–23; Dietrich and Loretz 1977.
1–2 Heavily damaged, untranslatable.
3–6 [Men from] Ṭibaqu [ . . . ], men from Maqa[bu]1 1[?]9 [men], in total . . .2
7–9 The crew of the ship of Bin Kṯan, in total [1]9 [m]en.
10–18 The crew of the ship of Abdichor,3 men from Pidu 5 men, men from Sinaru 9 me[n], men from Gibala 4 men, men from Ṭibaqu [ . . . ]
Notes
1. The place names mentioned in this text—Gibala, Maqabu, Pidi, Sinaru, and Ṭibaqu—are localities within the realm of Ugarit (for the topography, see van Soldt 1994: 366–67, 377; Astour 1995: 63–66). The text mentions the numbers of men from these places who were called up for service on the king’s ships. Whether this is a military call-up for service on warships (Gaster 1938: 105; Heltzer 1976: 21–23) or for service on the king’s merchant fleet remains uncertain.
2. The translation “total” for ǵr as proposed by Dietrich and Loretz (1977) is contextually the most probable one. The translation “crew” for ǵr (de Moor 1971: 134) seems less likely, for this idea is already represented by the term ṣbu.
3. Adan, Bin Kṯan, and Abdichor are names of the ships’ captains.
KTU 4.81
Ships from Maḫadu
Virolleaud 1941: 34; Herdner 1963: 173–74.
1 The ships from Maḫad[u]1
2–19 The br-vessel2 of Ṭipatbaa[l], the br-vessel of dmty, the ṯkt-vessel3 of Yadlinu, the ṯkt-vessel of Ṭarriyanu, the br-vessel of Abdimilku . . .
[The rest of the text is heavily damaged; it contained at least two other ṯkt-vessels and ten other br-vessels.]4
Notes
1. This is a list of ships from Maḫadu, Ugarit’s main harbor (see above, the commentary for KTU 2.42).
2. A br-vessel is a big ship, used for international trade or as a war vessel. See also n. 3.
3. A ṯkt-vessel is apparently one of smaller dimensions. Concerning these ship types, see Alt 1951: 69–71, Sasson 1966: 131–32. There is a reference to ṯkt–vessels in Isaiah 2: 16 (Lipiński 1971: 87).
4. It is not certain whether the personal names are those of the ships’ owners (Heltzer 1976: 23) or their captains.
KTU 4.338
Silver for the ships
Virolleaud 1965: 129–30; Sasson 1966: 133; Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín 1974B; Ziskind 1974; Pardee 1975A; Freedman 1977: 56–57; Heltzer 1978: 143; Miller 1980: 335–37; Dietrich and Loretz 1990; Aboud 1994: 99–100 (only 11. 1–18). Found in the kiln.
1–3 List of people who have entered the palace of the king [that is, who have entered into the king’s service] and who have not been put in a document [that is, who have not been listed] before:
4–9 Yarimcal the Tyrian, Irseyu, Yacziraddu, Ayachu, Bin Ayaltu.
10–181 540 [shekel] is the silver for the ships [or a ship] that has entered into2 a ship [or ships] for the king of Byblos [that is, it has been loaded in this ship/these ships], and the king of Byblos has taken 50 [shekel of] silver for the outfitting [?]3 of his ships in crm4 as the silver due for its payment.5
Notes
1. The tablet contains two texts on entirely different subjects, 11. 1–9 and 10–18, respectively, separated by two strokes.
2. The crb b on 1. 12 has been interpreted in a completely different manner. It is then considered as referring to the giving of a guarantee or pledge (Virolleaud 1965: 129; Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín 1974B; Ziskind 1974: 135–36; Pardee 1975A: 612–16; Heltzer 1978: 143; Hoftijzer 1979: 384; Miller 1980: 346). This interpretation is less probable, however (Freedman 1977: 56–57; Pardee 1980: 34–35 n. 47). The meaning given by both authors for crb b as “to be paid” is less likely. Against the original interpretation, see also Dietrich and Loretz 1990: 94. Lines 10–13 probably deal with the rental due for ships that the king of Ugarit had hired or purchased from the king of Byblos (Cunchillos 1989: 352). For kbd in 1. 11, see Liverani 1970: 106–108; Wesselius 1980: 450.
3. Lines 14–19 are concerned with the payment for the outfitting (?) of the ship(s).
There is no need to emend lbš in 1. 16 to lbnš as proposed by Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín (1974B; 1975A: 556; Dietrich and Loretz 1990: 95). Instead, it seems preferable to consider it a nominal form of the root lbš (Hoftijzer and van Soldt 1991: 206 n. 55). An l may be missing before lbš because of haplography (Miller 1980: 347 n. 39).
4. It seems unnecessary to amend b crm in 1. 17 to arb cm (contra Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín 1973: 86, 1974B; Dietrich and Loretz 1990: 95).
crm is best understood as the name of a locality within the realm of Ugarit.
5. As we have seen in KTU 2.46, there was a shortage of ships at Ugarit. KTU 4.338 may represent an attempt by Ugarit to alleviate the situation by either buying or hiring ships from Byblos. On this situation, see Hoftijzer 1979: 384–85; Dietrich and Loretz 1990: 95–96.
KTU 4.352
Jars of oil
Virolleaud 1965: 117–18; Liverani 1970: 96; Aboud 1994: 94 (only 11. 1–4). Found in the kiln.
1–21 660 [jars of] oil for Abiramu the Alashian [the Cypriot].
3–4 130 [jars of] oil for Abiramu the Egyptian.
5–6 248 [jars of oil]2 for the srbdnm.3
7–12 100 [jars of oil] for Bin Azmat the man from Reshu.4 100 [jars of oil] for Talmiyanu the son of Adaya. [ . . . ] for aḏddy. [ . . . ] for Kukulan [ . . . ].
Notes
1. The contents of this document (like those of the preceding text) give some idea of the riches that Ugarit still possessed at the moment of its downfall.
2. Although the word “oil” is not mentioned anymore in 11. 5ff., it seems probable that the whole text refers to jars of oil. Lines 1–4 refer to the export of oil to foreign countries (through foreign merchants?).
3. It is uncertain which group of men is indicated by the word srbdnm (1. 6). The men have been considered bronze smiths (Zaccagnini 1970: 315–17; Heltzer 1982: 41). Van Soldt (1989: 379 n. 27) thinks the word might indicate a special group of merchants. The fact that the meaning of srbdnm is uncertain makes it the more difficult to define the function of the people mentioned in 11. 7ff. Were they merchants in service of the king?
4. Reshu is a locality belonging to Ugarit (van Soldt 1994: 368; Astour 1995: 60).
KTU 4.366
A list of ṯkt-ships
Virolleaud 1965: 109–10. Found in the kiln.
2–151 Kunammu the son of A[ . . . , a ṯkt-vessel];2 Pulsiba’al the son of N[ . . . , a ṯkt-vessel]; Chaya the son of Dananu, a ṯkt-vessel; etc.3
Notes
1. This is a list containing the names of persons together with the names of their fathers. More than one line is lost before 1. 2 and after 1.15.
2. Concerning the ṯkt-vessel, see note 3 for KTU 4.81.
3. This text was found in a royal archive, suggesting that it is a list of captains in the king’s service, each of whom had responsibility for one of the king’s ṯkt-ships, instead of independent shipowners.
KTU 4.370
A possible list of cargoes
Virolleaud 1965: 95. Found in the kiln.
1–2 List of the kingᵓs men who solicit an cmsn [?].1
3 bṣr, Abnu, Shapshiyanu.2
4–5 Diqnu, Achalmeni, etc. [1. 14], the house-builders; Rashap-abu, Risana, etc. [ . . . , {1. 35} the makers of] fine objects [??];3. . . . , Ya’badu, Kilatu, etc. [1. 45], the stonecutters . . . [ . . . ].4
Notes
1. This text is concerned with ships and trade only if the difficult term cmsn means “shipload” (Gordon 1965: no. 1872). In view of the contents of 11.3ff., and particularly 11.14,35, and 45, however, this interpretation seems highly uncertain. Perhaps it is best to interpret cmsn as a personal name, as suggested by Sivan (1990: 315 n. 28), and to understand the preceding verbal form taršn not as an active but as a passive one (N). The translation of ll. 1–2 would then be “List of the king’s men who have to be summoned: cmsn.” In that case cmsn is a personal name, perhaps related to the biblical name Amos. If so, this text has nothing to do with ships or cargoes.
2. There is a stroke between 11. 3 and 4, indicating that there is no connection between the persons mentioned in the two lines.
3. The translation of qṭn in 1. 35 as “fine objects” (Heltzer 1982: 88) remains highly uncertain.
4. The difficult ṣur at the end of 1. 45 (which I left untranslated) is perhaps a personal name added to the list (Virolleaud 1965: 95). Gordon’s (1965: no. 2177) suggestion to translate this as “pipe” is less reasonable. Moreover, the reading of the r is uncertain, and after it there originally existed one or more additional signs (Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín 1974A: 35).
KTU 4.390
A ship from Alashia
Virolleaud 1965: 74.
1–13 A ship from Alas[hia . . . . ]1 which is in Atallig2 . . . 15 . . . , a talent of c[opper],3 6 shields,4 2 . . . , a trowel of bronze, a shove l . . . [ . . . ], 5 . . . . [ . . . ], 6 . . . . [ . . . ], 1[1] [ . . . of] purpl[e . . . ],5 shovel . . .6
Notes
1. This text lists the cargo of a ship from Alashia.
2. Atallig is a coastal locality belonging to Ugarit. See van Soldt 1994: 367, 377; Astour 1995: 63–64.
3. For ṯlṯ in 1. 4 (= copper), see Zaccagnini 1970: 317–24; Sanmartm 1988A: 176–77.
4. For the possible translation of hrt in 1. 5 as “shield,” see Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín 1973: 87.
5. I have translated irgm(n) in 1. 12 as “purple,” because translating it as “tribute” seems less probable in this context (contra Pardee 1974: 277; see, however, Pardee’s comments there in n. 14).
6. Most of the terms denoting objects are damaged, and their identification remains highly uncertain. For the ulṯ in 1. 7 translated here as “trowel,” see Renfroe 1992: 79.
KTU 4.394
A ship with copper is lost
Virolleaud 1965: 132. Found in the kiln.
1–4 hundred ten/twenty . . . copper is lost in a ship.1
5 20 for the people from Umd.
6 10 for Kutilana.2
Notes
1. One must see the loss of this ship against the background of shortage of ships mentioned in KTU 2.39 and KTU 2.46. Line 4 is destroyed.
2. Lines 5 and 6 are also probably concerned with copper.
KTU 4.421
Another list of ships
Virolleaud 1965: 75.
11 [too damaged to translate]
2–5 ships [or a ship?] of the king . . . and 3 br-vessels,2 which . . . and 4 ctk-vessels3 . . . , an ctk-vessel . . . [ . . . ].
Notes
1. The purpose of this badly damaged list of ships is unclear. There were originally one or more lines in front of 1. 1. The “ship[s] of the king” probably belonged to the royal fleet since the text was found in a royal archive.
2. On the br-ship, see the commentary to KTU 4.81 note 2.
3. It is unclear what a ctk-vessel is. Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín (1974A: 34) have suggested “moored ship.”
KTU 4.647
A list of br-ships
Virolleaud 1965: 146.
1–7 . . . . . [. . . . .] and a br-vessel1 of Bin I [ . . . ] and [. . . . .] in the hand of Yachmenu . . . . [ . . . ] a br-vessel of Yadinu [. . . . ] the Carian2 the son of Yadudanu, . . . a br-vessel of Purikallu the shipowner which is in the hand of Abira[mu].3
Notes
1. Concerning the br-vessel, see KTU 4.81 note 2.
2. The presence of a Carian emphasizes Ugarit’s international contacts.
3. This text indicates that, besides the royal fleet, there were also private shipowners in Ugarit.
The significance of one man’s ship being “in the hands of” another man is unclear. The latter is evidently not the lawful owner, but whether the vessel in question was entrusted to him by the owner as the ship’s captain or whether it came into his possession in some other way cannot be determined. It is also unclear why this text was stored in a royal archive.
KTU 4.689
A ship’s equipment
Heltzer 1982: 189–190; Xella 1982.
1 Document describing the equipment1 of a ship.
2 Nine oars2
3 A new piece of cloth3
4 and a hatch [?]4
5 and a mast and ropes
6 and a mast cap.5
Notes
1. For the interpretation of npṣ as “equipment,” see Ribichini and Xella 1985: 54–55; Xella 1990: 472–73. See also Stieglitz 1981; Heltzer 1982: 189 n. 7; contra Baldacci 1989: 120. For the interpretational problems of this word, cf. Renfroe 1992: 135–36.
2. For this interpretation see Heltzer 1982: 189 n. 8; Xella 1982: 33; Sanmartín 1988B: 273 n. 37. Heltzer’s suggestion to translate this as “pairs of oars” seems less likely, as is the interpretation of this being “cloth of combed wool” (Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín 1975B: 164). Huehnergard’s (1987: 186) emendation of mṯṭm to mtḫṭm “ship’s cloths” is unnecessary.
3. For this interpretation see Huehnergard 1987: 181. The other interpretations seem less convincing: (“anchor”) Heltzer 1982: 189 n. 9; (“supply” or “shipment”) Xella 1982: 33; (“beak”) Sanmartín 1988B: 272–73.
4. The literal meaning of the term mṣpt ḫrk is possibly “covering of the opening.” ṣpt is derived from the root ṣpy “to lay over.” Other interpretations seem less likely: (mṣpt = cloth) Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín 1975B: 164; (mṣpt to be derived from the root ṣpy “to look out” = “crow’s–nest,” ḫrk = grill) Xella 1982: 33; (mṣpt derived from root ṣpy “to look out, to watch,” and ḫrk = starting?, setting in motion?) Sivan 1984: 245, 223; (mṣpt ḫrk = top consisting of bars) Sanmartín 1988B: 272 n. 34. See also Heltzer’s (1982: 189 n. 10) remarks.
5. For this interpretation see Huehnergard 1987: 139–40. Xella’s (1982: 34) equation of this term with a “gang-plank” seems less likely. See also Heltzer’s (1982: 189 n. 13) remarks. The word apparently refers to the mast cap, to which the rigging is attached.
The Akkadian Texts (Miscellaneous Texts)
RS 16.238 + 254
If his ship comes back from Crete . . .
Published as PRU 3: 107. See Linder 1970: 50–54; Miller 1980: 291–92. From the central archive of the palace.
(dynastic seal)
1–6 From this day on, Ammishtamru, son of Niqmepa, king of Ugarit, has exempted1 Sinarānu son of Siginu; he is clear as the Sun is clear.2
7–9 Neither his grain, nor his beer, nor his oil will enter the palace (as tax). His ship is free (from claims).
10–15 If his ship comes (back) from Crete,3 he will bring his present to the king and the herald4 will not come near his house.
15–17 Sinarā(nu) is dedicated to the king,5 (ruling)
18–20 May Baclu, lord of Mount Ḫazi,6 destroy whoever contests any of these words.7
21–22 The . . . s8 belong to his sons’ sons forever.
Notes
1. It is difficult to translate the verb zakû, “to be clean, free,” in such a way that the literal meaning is preserved in every instance. The wordplay with the “bright Sun” is especially hard to reproduce. I have therefore translated the occurrences of zakû according to their contexts.
2. See note 1. I take za-ka-at as a stative and not as an adjective. Support comes from the alphabetic text RS 15.125 (KTU 2.19): 2’-3’: km.špš d brt, “like the Sun who is clear,” and the syllabic text RS 16.267: 5 (PRU 3: 110). See Huehnergard 1989: 188 n. 366; van Soldt 1991: 460 n. 200.
3. The text has kur DUGUD-ri, to be read māt Kapturi. The sign DUGUD stands for the Akkadian kabtu, “heavy” or “important,” but is used here as a kind of rebus writing for kaptu-. For similar spellings, see van Soldt 1991: 244 n. 9; 1990: 324-25. The interpretation of Kapturu as Crete follows the traditional view.
4. I follow the CAD s.v. nāgiru 1b–2’. The passage has been discussed by Kestemont (1977: 195).
5. The last line is broken at both beginning and end. I venture no translation. See provisionally Nougayrol, PRU 3: 108. According to my collation, his readings and translations are possible.
6. Mount Ḫazi corresponds to Ṣapānu of the alphabetic texts and classical Mons Casius. It is identified with modern Jebel el-cAqra.
7. For a discussion of this line, see Huehnergard 1989: 137 n. 61; van Soldt 1991: 408 n. 18.
8. The first word of this line probably refers to the rights acquired by Sinarānu. It is intended to ensure that these rights will be transferred to his sons after his demise. For this type of clause, see Kienast, RlA 5, 535, §20.
RS 17.133
A court case
Verdict by letter from the Hittite king (probably Tudkhaliya IV).1 Published as PRU 4: 118. For the seal of Queen Pudukhepa, see Ugaritica 3: 13 fig. 16, 18 fig. 23. See Linder 1970: 47–50. From the southern archive of the palace.
(bilingual seal of Pudukhepa)
1–3 Thus says His Majesty.2 Speak to Ammishtamru:3 (ruling)
4–8 When the man from Ugarit and Shukku appeared for a legal decision before His Majesty,2 Shukku spoke as follows:
8–9 “His ship has been wrecked in the harbor.”4
9–11 And the man from Ugarit spoke as follows:
11–12 “Shukku has wrecked my ship intentionally.”5
13–15 His Majesty has rendered them the following verdict:
15–22 “Let the overseer of the seamen of Ugarit take an oath,6 and let Shukku (thereupon) pay an indemnity for his ship (and) any belongings of his that were in his ship.” (ruling)
Notes
1. Nougayrol, PRU 4: 118. Otten (1975: 26) leaves the matter of the identity of the king undecided.
2. Literally, “My Sun.”
3. King of Ugarit.
4. Probably the harbor of Ugarit, ancient Ma’ḫadu, modern Minet el Beida. See, in general, Astour 1970.
5. The text has a-na da-a-ni. CAD s.v. danānu s. 2 takes this as an orthographic variant of da-na-ni and translates it “maliciously.” The context requires such a meaning. The translation chosen here takes into account that the statement is intended to put the blame on Shukku.
6. Apparently to vindicate the claim of the man from Ugarit.
RS 20.162
Do not withhold information
Letter from Parṣu of Amurru to the king of Ugarit. Published as Ugaritica 5: no. 37, fig. 27. See Linder 1970: 66–69; Steiner 1989: 407; Izre’el 1991 (2): 98–100. From the house of Rapᵓānu.
1–3 Speak to the king of the land of Ugarit: thus says Parṣu, your servant.
4–5 I fall at the feet of my lord. May you be well.
6–8 My lord, has the king of Amurru not spoken1 to you in the following terms:
8–11 “As soon as you hear a report about the enemies,2 write to my country.”3
11–16 But now, why has my lord not written to us as soon as you had learned about the enemies?4 (ruling)
17–19 Furthermore, my lord, the land3 of Amurru and the land3 of Ugarit are one!
20–23 If you, my lord, hear a report about the enemies, then my lord should write to me.
23–24 My lord, herewith I am writing to you:
25–27 I will surely send the ships which are with us, for your inspection. My lord should know (this)! (ruling)
Notes
1. A number of verbal forms in this text (lines 8, 13, and 23) have to be interpreted as third person, although they are actually first-person forms.
2. The exact reading of lúkúr.KU.meš is not clear. According to Berger 1970: 288 (followed by Izre’el 1991 [2]: 100), we have to read lúkúr.dúr.meš = nakrūtu aḫûtu, “alien enemies” (Izre’el’s translation). One could also think of a phonetic indicator (KU to ensure the reading kúr). In that case, however, one would expect KU in front of PAP instead of after it.
3. MEŠ after KUR could be an ideogram marker (for which phenomenon see Izre’el 1991 [1]: 30) or a plural marker. A plural, however, can hardly be translated into English.
4. The change of person (third to second) is unexpected.
RS 20.212
A large shipment of grain Letter from the king of Carchemish(?) to the king of Ugarit. Letter concerning the shipment of barley to Urâ. Published as Ugaritica 5: no. 33, fig. 42. See Berger 1969: 287; Linder 1970: 32–37; Heltzer 1977: 209. From the house of Rapᵓānu.
1–4 Thus says (. . .1). Speak (to . . .), king of Ugarit: (ruling)
5–6 With His Majesty2 everything is very well.
7–11 The king has exempted you from service obligations and, when he sealed and gave you the documents, did he not say because of that, “He will obey and carry out whatever they write him (to do)”? (ruling)
12–18 But now, why have you not carried out what they write you [to do]? Just as I have carried out3 all the things that the king, your lord, has ordered me (to do) (and) he has exempted [me],4 you must also do whatever the king, your lord, writes you (to do).
19–22 Now, the people from Urâ5 have requested food from His Majesty (and) His Majesty has assigned to them two thousand (measures6 of) barley from Mukish.
23–28 And you, give them one big ship and (its) sailors in order to transport this barley to their country; they will bring (it) in one or two turns. You must not deny them the ship!
29–32 In connection with this matter, His Majesty has sent Aliziti, the king’s attendant,7 and Kunni. (It is a matter of) life and death! Send them quickly on (their) way.8
l’–3’ Bring [ . . . ] and give (it) to their elders,9 be it in [Mukish] or in another country. . . . Give, (it is a matter of) life and death!
Notes
1. Since the writer appears to be a mediator between the Hittite king and the king of Ugarit, one expects him to be the king of Carchemish.
2. Literally, “The Sun”; see line 21, dutu- šu.
3. The form ┌e┐te-pu-uš can hardly be anything but a first-person singular.
4. Or this part belongs with what follows: “(Remember:) he has exempted you.”
5. Probably nothing after uruú-ra-a-a-┌ú┐. I prefer Nougayrol’s reading over Berger’s a-k[à-(an-)na].
6. See above, p. 41; Heltzer 1977: 209-10.
7. The exact sphere of activities of the ša rēš šarri is not clear. See Oppenheim 1973; Heltzer 1974.
8. Berger 1969: 287. The same expression is attested in RS 34.133: 14, 20; RSO 7: no. 36.
9. Literally, “fathers.”
RS 20.255A
A complaint
The names of sender and addressee are broken off. Published as Ugaritica 5: no. 30, fig. 44. See Linder 1970: 73–76. From the house of Rapᵓānu.
l’–3’ May you be well. May the gods keep you in good health, (ruling)
4’–8’ Have I not written about the ᵓalgabaṯu1 and the kabdu2 (which are to be sent) to me, my son? But you have not sent me (anything)!
9’–12’ Now, my son should send me the ᵓalgabaṯu and the kabdu. (ruling)
13’–16’ Furthermore, come with your ships3 to His Majesty,4 your lord.
16’–18’ Now, His Majesty has spoken to me in the following terms:” . . .” (break, what remains of the text is too fragmentary for translation).
Notes
1. The text gives this (Ugaritic) word as a gloss to the ideogram na4.meš ge6, “black (dark?) stones.” Nougayrol (Ugaritica 5: 101 n. 1), followed by Stieglitz (1979: 18), therefore regards ᵓalgabaṯu as basalt and connects it with Hebrew ᵓelgābīš (Nougayrol: “lava”)- I would like to connect it with Akkadian algamešu despite the different ideograms. Concerning this interpretation, see most recently Heimpel 1987: 50 and text RS 34.135, below. For the use of different ideograms for the same material, see van Soldt 1990: 340: síg.sag.gil.mud and síg.za.gín sa5 for ḫašmānu, síg.ḫé.me.da/ta and síg sa5 for tabarru. Note that in these instances, just like in the case of ᵓalgabaṯu, the compound ideogram is replaced with a simple color indication. The exact identity of the dark stone called ᵓalgabaṯu remains obscure.
2. See previous note. Gloss to the ideogram na4.meš babbar, “white stones.” The Ugaritic word has the literal meaning “heavy.” See Nougayrol, Ugaritica 5: 101 n. 1.
3. Literally, “Your ships and you on them.”
4. Literally, “(My) Sun.”
RS 26.158
More about grain
This tablet seems to deal with the same topic as RS 20.212. Unfortunately, the text is too broken for a coherent translation. See Ugaritica 5: no. 171; Linder 1970: 37–41. What remains reads:
3’ barley [ . . . ]
4’ to Urâ [ . . . ]
5’ this barley [ . . . ]
6’ and you [ . . . ]
7’ all the ships
8’–12’ [ . . . ] [five lines too fragmentary for translation]
13’ this barley [ . . . ]
14’ to Urâ [ . . . ]
15’ may it be entrusted [ . . . ]
16’ of the king of Hatti
17’ and of the queen of [Ḥatti]
18’ to go . . .
(rest broken).
RS 34.135
A demand for stones
Letter from Rabbu-kēn1 (written at Ugarit?) to the king of Ugarit concerning the release of algamiššu2-stones for the king of Amurru. Published as RSO 7: no. 17; see also pl. 21 (photo).
1–3 To the king of Ugarit, my lord, speak: thus says Rabbu-kēn, your servant, (ruling)
4 I fall twice seven times at the feet of my lord.
5–12 My lord, now, the king of Amurru, my lord, has written to me as follows: “Write to the king of Ugarit in the following terms: ‘Why have you withheld the algamiššu-stones from Baclu-macdir?3 Your people will have to carry (them); neither my servants nor my ship will bring4 them!”’ (ruling)
13–23 Now then, the king, my lord, should let Baclu-macdir go,5 so that he can take the algamiššu-stones and that the houses of the king be constructed. Now, the houses are standing there without algamiššu-stones. May the king, my lord, do6 no such thing!7 Release the algamiššu-stones to Baclumacḏir. (ruling)
24–26 Whatever stones will come out of Amurru, I will keep them; are we not one country?
Notes
1. The reading of gal–gi.na is not certain.
2. For algamiššu, see above text: RS 20.255A, note 1.
3. Alphabetic bclmḏr. see KTU 4.172: 3, 4.266: 3, and 6.16: 1. Compare possibly pdiškur–raa-zi-ri in RS 16.136: 8 (PRU 3: 142).
4. Reading i-na-ši-ši-[na-ti]; see Malbran-Labat in RSO.
5. Literally, “send!”
6. Second person.
7. I read ┌a-ma-ta an┐-ni-ta.
RS 34.145
Keep the ships nearby
Letter from the king (of Carchemish) to the queen of Ugarit concerning various topics. Published as RSO 7: no. 9; pl. 20 (photo).
1–3 Thus says the king. Speak to the queen of Ugarit:
4 May you be well.
5–8 (not related to lines 9–14)
9–14 As for the ships you wrote me about: let them go to Byblos and Sidon, but they should not go on a long journey.
RS 34.147
A list of old ships
List of ships belonging to the king of Carchemish that have been taken out of use. Published as RSO 7: no. 5; pl. 20 (photo).
(Seal of Kumma-walwi)
1–3 Ships belonging to the king of Carchemish that have become very old1 and are no longer able2 to go anywhere: (ruling)
4–17 The ship of Yamūt-šarru, the ship of Pululunu, the ship of Tuppiršu, the ship of Aburu,3 the ship of Ṣidanayu,4 through Zu’abu,5 the ship of Abimānu, the ship of cAbdi-ilima, the ship of Kurwasu,6 the ship of Makuya, the ship of Matēnu, the ship of Akkuya, the ship of cAbdi-Ṣapāni, the ship of Šamu-Addu. (ruling)
18–20 Kumma-walwi has collected the equipment of Šamu-Addu’s ship. (ruling)
21–22 Seal of Kumma-walwi, son of Uwani.
Notes
1. Note that the verbal form is in the singular.
2. See note 1.
3. The reading of the name is not certain.
4. Interpreted as “The Sidonian” by Malbran-Labat. Note, however, that the name of the city of Sidon is always spelled Ṣidunu at Ugarit.
5. Unless the person comes from outside Ugarit (as, for example, from Emar), the name cannot be read Dū-abi. Zu’abu was probably responsible either for all the aforementioned ships or just for the ship of Ṣidanayu.
6. For the spelling, see KTU 4.655:2, krws.
Correspondence Concerning a Seaborne Invasion
RS 34.129
Report of an abduction
Letter from the Hittite king to the prefect of Ugarit. Published as RSO 7, no. 12. Photo: Ugaritica 7: pl. 11. See Dietrich and Loretz 1978; 1982–85: 508; Lehmann 1979; Rainey in Wachsmann 1982: 304 n. 1. See above, pp. 128–30, 164. Unstratified.
1–4 Thus says His Majesty,1 the Great King. Speak to the prefect: (ruling)
5–14 Now, (there) with you, the king your lord is (still too) young. He knows nothing. And I, His Majesty, had issued him an order concerning Ibnadušu, whom the people from Šikala2—who live on ships—had abducted, (ruling)
15–30 Herewith I send Nirga’ili, who is kartappu with me, to you. And you, send Ibnadušu, whom the people from Šikala had abducted, to me. I will question him about the land Šikala,3 and afterwards he may leave for Ugarit again, (ruling)
Notes
1. Literally, “(My) Sun.”
2. See, in general, Lehmann 1979.
3. Note the difference in spelling.
RS 20.28
A report on enemy movement
Letter from Eshuwara, chief prefect of Alashia, to the king of Ugarit. Published as Ugaritica 5: no. 22 and fig. 31. Berger 1969: 217; Linder 1970: 63–66; Dietrich and Loretz 1982–85: 509; Steiner 1989: 408–409. From the house of Rapᵓānu.
1–4 Thus says Eshuwara, the chief prefect of Alashiya. Speak to the king of Ugarit: (ruling)
5–6 May you and your country be well. (ruling)
7–13 As for the matter concerning those enemies: (it was) the people from your country (and) your own ships (who) did this!1 And (it was) the people from your country (who) committed these transgression(s).2 (ruling)
14–15 So do not be angry with me!3 (ruling)
16–24 But now, (the) twenty enemy ships—even before they would reach the mountain (shore)4—have not stayed around but have quickly moved on, and where they have pitched camp we do not know.5
25–28 I am writing you to inform and protect you. Be aware! (ruling)
Notes
1. This translation is more or less prompted by lines 12–13. The sender of the letter seems to refer to a previous confrontation during which the people from Ugarit may have suffered damage. The -ma in line 9 points to a contrast with the enemies in line 7.
2. The word iteqtu is not known from other sources.
3. I tentatively take the form te-ze-em-me as a mistake for tezenne (from zenû). The same interpretation was followed by von Soden, AHw s.v. zemû.
4. The translation is tentative. Read perhaps in line 19: it-ta[l-k]a-ni-me. See Ugaritica 5: photo, fig. 31.
5. The reading of the verb in line 23 is difficult. I follow Nougayrol, who read it-ta-dú-ú. The sign TU can be defended on the basis of the copy and the photo. However, unless the form refers to the enemies in general, the masculine plural would remain unexplained. Therefore, one could also consider a reading it-ta-la-ka!, “(And where) they are heading.” For LA with two horizontals at the beginning, see line 20. Only one horizontal is found in lines 3, 15, 18, 24.
RS L. 1
Make preparations
Letter from the king (of Alashia) to Ammurapi, king of Ugarit. Published as Ugaritica 5: no. 23 and fig. 29. See Berger 1969: 219; Linder 1970: 69–72; Dietrich and Loretz 1982–85: 510; Yamada 1992. From the house of Rapᵓānu (?).
1–4 Thus says the king.1 Speak to Ammurapi, king of Ugarit: (ruling)
5–7 May you be well! May the gods keep you in good health! (ruling)
8–14 Concerning what you wrote to me: “They have spotted enemy ships at sea”; if they have indeed spotted ships, make yourself as strong as possible.
14–21 Now, where are your own troops (and) chariotry stationed? Are they not stationed with you? If not, who will deliver you from the enemy forces?2
22–28 Surround your towns with walls; bring troops and chariotry inside. (Then) wait at full strength for the enemy. (ruling)
Notes
1. RS 20.238 is an answer to this letter. Yamada 1992: 437–39 claims that the king of Carchemish is the sender of the letter. However, the subject matters in RS L. 1 and RS 20.238 are very similar, despite Yamada’s reservations. I therefore follow Nougayrol, who identified the “king” with the king of Alashiya.
2. The translation is based on a reading i-na gi?!-re-et lúkúr. Collation shows that what is visible before ḪI might be the beginning of GI, although there seem to be too many wedges. A reading i-na šà? ḫi-ri-it does not give better sense. Berger’s reading e-ḫi-re-et is not borne out by a collation of the text.
RS 20.238
An attack from the sea
Letter from the king of Ugarit to the king of Alashia in answer to RS L. 1. Published as Ugaritica 5: no. 24; see also fig. 30. See Berger 1969: 220; Linder 1970: 58–62; Dietrich and Loretz 1982–85: 510. From the house of Rapᵓānu.
1–4 Speak to the king of Alashia, my father:1 Thus says the king of Ugarit, your son. (ruling)
5–11 I fall at the feet of my father. May my father be well! May your estates, your consorts, your troops, everything that belongs to the king of Alashia, my father, be very, very well! (ruling)
12–18 My father, now enemy ships are coming (and) they burn down my towns with fire. They have done unseemly things in the land!
19–27 My father is not aware of the fact that all the troops of my father’s overlord2 are stationed in Ḫatti and that all my ships are stationed in Lukkā.3 They still have not arrived, and the country is lying like that! My father should know these things.
27–31 Now, the seven enemy ships that are approaching have done evil things to us.
32–36 Now then, if there are any other enemy ships4 send me a report somehow, so that I will know. (ruling)
Notes
1. The kinship terminology used by the king of Ugarit does not necessarily imply a family relationship.
2. The (collated) text reads: érin.meš en ┌a-bi-ia┐. See van Soldt 1991: 466.
3. Probably Lycia.
4. Huehnergard 1986: 191.
Text RS 17.465 only mentions Rašapᵓabu as overseer of the harbor. Texts RS 20.141B and RS 34.180,13 are too broken for translation.