“RESPONSES OF the Way” is summarized in chapter 21 of the Huainanzi as follows:
[It] picks out and draws together the relics of past affairs,
pursues and surveys the traces of bygone antiquity,
and investigates the reversals of bad and good fortune, benefit and harm.
It tests and verifies them according to the techniques of Lao and Zhuang,
thus matching them to the trajectories of gain and loss. (21.2)
Thus the qualities of the ideal ruler unfold through negative and positive examples from the past. This comprehensive vision of rulership is expressed through fifty-six anecdotes, each capped with a citation from the Laozi that supports the anecdote’s didactic claims.1 These anecdotes and many others of the same kind appear to have circulated in various forms (written, oral, or both) during the Warring States and Han periods and may be considered a distinctive genre. Those collected in “Responses of the Way” contain everything from profound and recondite accounts of mystical wandering to moralizing speeches, ethical prescriptions, and practical political counsel. They illustrate the manner in which the Way may be known to the ruler and be used to ensure the success and prosperity of his reign.
Rhetorically, these anecdotes and their “capping” passages from the Laozi also demonstrate the versatility of that text as an authoritative source of sagely rule. Read as “the relics of past affairs,” they were the ideal literary medium to illustrate the relationship between the Way and human affairs as unfolding in the context of change.2 In addition, the citations from the Laozi demonstrate that text’s wide scope and its ability to address nearly every occasion that might arise. The combination of illustrative anecdote and apposite citation created a mix of didactic principles (in chapter 21, called “the techniques of Lao-Zhuang”) that the compilers of chapter 12 saw as instrumental to a ruler’s success. Moreover, the Laozi here is given a canonical authority3 that enhanced the credibility of the vision of empire and sage-rulership promoted in the Huainanzi more generally.
The Chapter Title
The title of this chapter is “Dao ying” 
, which we translate as “Responses of the Way.” Here dao denotes an all-embracing, singular, and abstract concept that lies beyond the multiplicity of things as well as the particular, varied, and concrete ways that come into play in different situations. Ying, meaning “response,” has strong resonances with the Han ganying stimulus–response cosmology (see chapter 6). In “Responses of the Way,” ying suggests that the ruler must choose the appropriate response (ying) grounded in the Way that is evoked (gan) by the circumstances of the moment. When rulers of bygone days did so, they succeeded; when they did not, they failed. Separately and cumulatively, these illustrative anecdotes address issues of royal responsiveness and virtuous rule, such as how a ruler should orient himself toward his people and his bureaucracy.
Other translators have rendered the title “The Response of Matter to the Movement of the Cosmic Spirit”4 or “Des résonances du ‘dao.’”5 We have chosen “Responses of the Way” to emphasize the chapter’s central concern with demonstrating the relevance and applicability of the Way and its methods of resolving the often complex and multifarious challenges of rulership. Accordingly, this chapter portrays the ruler as the conduit enabling Moral Potency and the virtues of the Way to work through him to respond to whatever may arise.
Summary and Key Themes
The subject and the literary form of “Responses of the Way” are closely linked.6 The chapter is written in a distinctive anecdotal form that we regard as unique to early Chinese prose literature. Each anecdote has a beginning, a middle, and an end, with its setting and characters loosely conforming to conventional patterns. The time frame and dramatis personae are limited, and locales generally are common stereotypes that provide a frame for the action (a royal court, a battlefield, a riverbank, a gateway, a bridge). A skillfully crafted anecdote memorably illustrates an abstract principle (“what many consider right is often wrong”) or some quality of a significant cultural icon (“Confucius knew how to judge the subtle tendencies of things”). Furthermore, some anecdotes have a “snapshot” quality that conveys a historical moment captured in writing.
Although these anecdotes might now be identified as a subgenre of prose composition in the Warring States and Han periods, there was no word when they were written that unambiguously meant “anecdote.” The genre most closely associated with the anecdote as a written form was the shui 
, or “persuasion.” As chapters 16 and 17 demonstrate, a “persuasion” could be reduced to a “talking point” on which a speaker could frame an argument designed to sway the opinion of his listeners. Although an anecdote was often worked into the body of a persuasion using various techniques of contextualization and rhetorical framing, it was not itself a shui but was part of the raw material out of which a persuasion could be built. Moreover, unlike the shui collected in the “Shui lin” (A Forest of Persuasions) chapter of the Hanfeizi, in which anecdotes predominate as the material from which most persuasions are built, the two collections of shui in the Huainanzi do not consist mainly of anecdotes. Instead, they favor a shorter generic form of persuasive utterance, also found in the Hanfeizi’s “A Forest of Persuasions,” albeit less developed there.7
Anecdotes were the building blocks of much of the prose writing of the late Warring States and Former Han periods, on which authors constructed larger prose pieces. Besides the Lüshi chunqiu, one of the longest earlier works assembled from anecdotal prose, all or part of many other texts also use this form. Indeed, these anecdotal units became so common that eventually entire texts of deracinated anecdotes, such as the Zhanguoce and Shuo yuan, were compiled to meet the demand for them.
As is true of several other chapters of the Huainanzi consisting of many short sections (for example, chapters 10, 14, 16, 17, and 18), “Responses of the Way” begins with an establishing anecdote that sets the theme for the chapter as a whole. Here, section 12.1 features short dialogues between Grand Purity and Inexhaustible, Non-action and Non-beginning, concerning the nature of the Way. These dialogues affirm the unity of the Way (a unity that is beyond the power of words to describe) and are reinforced by two quotations from the Laozi, the first stating that “when all the world recognizes good as good, there is ill” and the second, the famous affirmation that “those who know do not speak; those who speak do not know.” The reader thus is prepared to read the anecdotes that follow as a discourse on the nature of the Way, with interpretations backed by the authority of the Laozi.
These anecdotes depict crucial moments and dilemmas in a wide range of political contexts, discussing the principles to be implemented and attributes to be embodied by the ideal ruler under varying circumstances to ensure that he will succeed and not fail. The text also recommends to the ruler highly syncretic techniques, thereby reconciling disparate received traditions into an idea of rulership within the larger context of change. In “Responses to the Way,” these anecdotes can be grouped in three categories: (1) epistemology, (2) ethics, and (3) pragmatics.
Epistemology: Knowing, Articulating, and Transmitting the Way
The seventeen anecdotes in the category of epistemology address such fundamental questions as: Can knowledge of the Way be acquired? How does one know the Way? How does one communicate knowledge of the Way to others?8 These stories share many parallels with anecdotes found in the later chapters of the received Zhuangzi.9 They suggest that the dual aspects of the Way as changing/unchanging, differentiated/undifferentiated, and eternal/ephemeral may be known by following two distinct but complementary epistemological routes: “knowing” and “not knowing.” In turn, these correspond to learning through others and learning through the self. Learning the Way through others refers to articulating and transmitting the Way through conventionally accepted understandings of wisdom, mediated through human culture and involving reading, writing, and speaking. Learning the Way through direct experience necessitates practicing “apophatic” regimens of inner cultivation.10 The knowledge thus gained cannot be transmitted through reading, writing, and speaking but must rely on nonverbal forms of communication.
“Responses of the Way” depicts knowledge that elucidates the eternal, unchanging, and undifferentiated Way as profound, refined, and internal and describes knowledge of the ephemeral, changing, and differentiated Way as shallow, coarse, and external. Although the eternal Way is prized more highly, the ephemeral Way also is recognized as valuable. Each complements the other. This hierarchical reading of wisdom is used to resolve and harmonize conflicting positions on the fundamental question of epistemology represented in the various intellectual positions found in preunification China. In this way, the most extreme claims of the Zhuangzi that eschew politics altogether are tamed, and the most potentially subversive readings of the Laozi, supportive of a minimalist government and an undetectable ruler, are domesticated as a vision of ideal rule conducive to the intellectual unity and harmony embodied in the Huainanzi as a whole.
Ethics: Bringing the Moral Potency of the Way to the Realm
The second group, ethics, consisting of twenty-three anecdotes,11 portrays a more public wisdom grounded in details of the political realm and notions of ethical leadership, judgment, and a responsibility to the collective future. These anecdotes provide moral inspiration to do the greatest good for the greatest number of people. Accordingly, they deal with the ethical conduct and moral character of rulers in relation to the people and members of the bureaucracy, illustrating the ways in which they affect current political circumstances. Through these illustrations, the ruler is advised to embody certain kinds of virtue and exhibit certain kinds of ethical conduct so as to bring Moral Potency to ruler and ruled alike.
This group of anecdotes also shows a deep commitment to a vision of governance in which the ruler nurtures and transforms the people through his moral example and feels himself to be bound up with them in a mutually beneficial and harmonious relationship. He exhibits concern for the welfare of people, even those from a foreign state, through his commitment to cultivating the moral aspects of his person12 and seeking the advice, heeding the counsel, and using the ability of his worthy ministers.13 These anecdotes demonstrate that when rulers govern through such virtues as humaneness, rightness, sincerity, trustworthiness, and moderation, they will not only receive support from their officials and their people but also generate the requisite conditions for humans to flourish. These anecdotes speak of enduring ideals of ethical rule and the common good, which contrast with the last group of stories, which deal with the exigencies of political power and purchase.
Pragmatics: Surviving Potential Harm and Destruction
The last group of anecdotes counsels the ruler to implement practical measures to ensure that his positional advantage (shi 
) will not be compromised, his political power will not be challenged, and his state or person will not be destroyed. These anecdotes emphasize techniques of bureaucratic recruitment and control, recommending those that enable the ruler to secure men of worth and talent and arguing that the most efficacious rulers do not overlook talented men. That is, such rulers employ men with a wide range of talents, since a ruler cannot predict when a seemingly insignificant talent may become indispensable to his ability to avoid harm or to resolve a challenging problem. Good examples are the humorous and entertaining vignettes in which Gongsun Long hires a rustic man who is good at yelling and the Chu general Zifa hires an infamous thief.14 Ideal rulers, moreover, concentrate on the strong points of others and overlook their minor flaws. According to the Huainanzi compiler(s), this is the lesson to be gleaned from the well-known story of neglect and discovery in which Duke Huan of Qi employs Ning Qi.15 We also read about those who lost their states and suffered defeat as well as those who managed to hang on to them and enjoy long-term prosperity. This collection of sixteen anecdotes contains the greatest number of parallels and near parallels with the Lüshi chunqiu.16
Sources
Each of the fifty-six sections of “Responses of the Way” begins with an anecdote and is usually capped by a citation from the Laozi.17 In that way, chapter 12 of the Huainanzi is reminiscent of chapter 21 of the Hanfeizi, “Illustrating the Laozi” (Yu Lao 
). Hanfeizi 21 is the earliest extant example of a commentary attached to the Laozi that uses well-known and widely circulated stories to illustrate the relevance of the Laozi to statecraft concerns.18 “Illustrating the Laozi” sees the Laozi primarily as a resource for exercising political power rather than as a guide for cultivating the body or achieving one’s place in the natural and cosmic realms.19 “Responses of the Way” also personifies and contextualizes passages of the Laozi but uses the anecdotes and quotations to demonstrate their relevance to contemporary political concerns. This chapter is thus an important descendant of a literary prototype represented by the Hanfeizi in the Warring States period.
Nonetheless, “Responses of the Way” departs from Hanfeizi 21 in noteworthy ways. Perhaps one of the most striking deviations from the earlier model is its linking of several narratives in the received Zhuangzi20 with Laozi citations to promote “the techniques of Lao-Zhuang” in a single commentary. These anecdotes thus help readers interpret key Laozi passages as specific references to the meditative techniques and mystical gnosis of the Zhuangzi.21 Conversely, using citations from the Laozi to gloss these Zhuangzi narratives gives these stories new nuances of meaning as well as canonical authority.
“Responses of the Way” also resembles the Lüshi chunqiu, which uses “historical” anecdotes to illustrate both broad ethical themes and practical political advice. In addition, twenty-three of the anecdotes in “Responses of the Way” also appear in the Lüshi chunqiu.22 Although such an extensive overlapping of material is common in Western Han literature, its implications are not entirely clear. The compilers of chapter 12 of the Huainanzi may have used the Lüshi chunqiu as a source of anecdotal literature; the chapter may have used another written source or sources not known to us; or both the Huiananzi and the Lüshi chunqiu may have drawn from a common pool of anecdotal literature that circulated as modular units of “text” in written or oral form.23 Whatever the case, the Huainanzi compiler(s) clearly used these stories to promote practical knowledge and techniques that rulers needed to successfully navigate the political challenges of administering a complex bureaucracy and heading a vast empire. These anecdotes were consistent with the syncretic aims of the Huainanzi project as a whole and summarized, illustrated, and reiterated concepts and themes developed elsewhere in the text.
“Responses of the Way” does not simply reiterate anecdotes that also appear in the Lüshi chunqiu to advance similar arguments but also uses them to highlight different didactic principles.24 In the Lüshi chunqiu, many chapters begin with a general claim or statement that frames the anecdotes that follow. In contrast, “Responses of the Way” presents the anecdote first and ends it with a quotation from the Laozi. Thus an anecdote that might be read in different ways uses the quotation to narrow it down to one interpretation. In anchoring well-known stories to particular lines in the Laozi, “Responses of the Way” not only explains the Laozi in novel ways but also refashions ancient stories to suit its own aims and goals.
Finally, “Responses of the Way” shares important similarities of structure and content with Han Ying’s Hanshi waizhuan (Master Han’s Supplementary Disquisitions on the Book of Odes). Han Ying’s text also is a collection of anecdotes containing moral disquisitions, ethical prescriptions, and practical advice, with most entries concluding with a quotation from the Shijing to reinforce the point of the story or argument.25 Likewise, Han Ying’s text borrows from a wide range of disparate sources—in this case, the Xunzi, Zhuangzi, Lüshi chunqiu, Yanzi chunqiu, Laozi, and Mengzi26—and some of the same anecdotes appear in both texts.27 The two also serve a similar function as texts meant primarily to instruct through the use of anecdotes linked to suitable quotations. For the Hanshi waizhuan, the Odes has the same function as the Laozi does for chapter 12 of the Huainanzi.
The Chapter in the Context of the Huainanzi as a Whole
“Responses of the Way” describes the eternal, unchanging, and undifferentiated aspects of the Way that the ideal ruler learns through firsthand experience. The sagely ruler understands that once discovered, such “knowledge” cannot be transmitted to others through verbal communication. Instead, he must rely on nonverbal forms of communication. Other anecdotes in this chapter offer a public wisdom based on daily political matters and encompassing leadership, judgment, and responsibility, which in turn provides a kind of moral inspiration to do the greatest good for the greatest number of people. Still other anecdotes address more pragmatic political issues to illustrate how the ruler can keep his person safe, his state intact, and his ministers in line. In short, the ideal ruler envisioned in chapter 12 of the Huainanzi should be a mystic, a moralist, and a realist. Through paired narrative and citation, “Responses of the Way” describes a program of intellectual, moral, and strategic behavior. Filtered through the lens of the Laozi, these anecdotes illustrate the applicability of the Way to a variety of human affairs.
Sarah A. Queen
1. The Laozi is quoted fifty-three times. These citations correspond to sections from the following forty chapters in the received Wang Bi edition: 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44, 45, 47, 52, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 62, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, and 78.
2. The opening lines of chap. 21 of the Huainanzi state:
We have created and composed these writings and discourses as a means to
knot the net of the Way and its Potency
and weave the web of humankind and its affairs.
The idea is repeated later in the same paragraph where the author explains:
Thus,
if we speak of the Way but do not speak of affairs,
there would be no means to shift with the times.
[Conversely,]
if we speak of affairs but do not speak of the Way,
there would be no means to move with [the processes of ] transformation.
3. As we discuss in the introduction to this book, the Laozi is one of four texts that the Huainanzi authors treat as canonical by (usually) citing them by name (rather than, as with many other texts, quoting or paraphrasing them without attribution); the others are the Odes, the Changes, and the Documents.
4. Evan Morgan, Tao, the Great Luminant: Essays from Huai Nan Tzu (Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1933).
5. Le Blanc and Mathieu 2003.
6. The same may be said of chap. 18, which uses the anecdotal form to great effect. See the introduction to that chapter.
7. For a more detailed discussion of the persuasions in the Hanfeizi compared with chaps. 16 and 17 of the Huainanzi, see the introduction to those chapters.
8. These anecdotes correspond to the following sections: 12.1, 12.2, 12.3, 12.4, 12.7, 12.11, 12.18, 12.20, 12.25, 12.34, 12.37, 12.39, 12.42, 12.44, 12.45, 12.46, and 12.48.
9. By noting such parallels, we do not intend to argue that the Huainanzi compilers necessarily drew on the Zhuangzi and that if they did, it had already achieved a static form or its final form as we know it today. Moreover, Roth has argued that the received Zhuangzi may have been compiled at the court of Huainan. For his arguments, see Harold D. Roth, “Who Compiled the Chuang Tzu?” in Chinese Texts and Philosophical Contexts: Essays Dedicated to Angus C. Graham, ed. Henry Rosemont Jr. (La Salle, Ill.: Open Court Press, 1991), 79–128, and the introduction to chap. 2.
10. Harold D. Roth, “Bimodal Mystical Experience in the ‘Qiwulun’ Chapter of the Zhuangzi” (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, Chicago, March 1997); “Evidence for Stages of Meditation in Early Taoism,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 60, no. 2 (1997): 295–314; and “The Yellow Emperor’s Guru: A Narrative Analysis from Chuang Tzu 11,” Taoist Resources 7, no. 1 (1997): 43–60. See also Lee Yearley, “The Perfected Person in the Radical Chuang Tzu,” in Experimental Essays on Chuang-tzu, ed. Victor Mair (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1983), 125–39, and “Zhuangzi ’s Understanding of Skillfulness and the Ultimate Spiritual State,” in Essays on Skepticism, Relativism, and Ethics in the Zhuangzi, ed. Paul Kjellberg and Philip J. Ivanhoe (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 152–82.
11. See 12.8, 12.9, 12.10, 12.12, 12.15, 12.16, 12.17, 12.21, 12.22, 12.24, 12.26, 12.27, 12.28, 12.30, 12.31, 12.36, 12.43, 12.47, 12.49, 12.50, 12.51, 12.53, and 12.54.
12. See, for example, 12.17.
13. See, for example, 12.10, which attributes the perfect merit achieved by Yao, Shun, and King Wu to their able ministers whose capabilities surpassed those of their respective rulers.
14. See 12.29 and 12.38. Note that the story of Zifa concludes: “Thus, there are no petty skills and there are no insignificant abilities; it all depends on how the ruler uses them” (12.38).
15. See 12.14.
16. For these anecdotes, see 12.5, 12.6, 12.13, 12.14, 12.19, 12.23, 12.29, 12.32, 12.33, 12.35, 12.38, 12.40, 12.41, 12.52, 12.55, and 12.56.
17. The three exceptions to this general rule close respectively with a citation from the Zhuangzi, Shenzi, and Guanzi. See 12.42, 12.50, and 12.51.
18. Hanfeizi 21 comments on lines that appear in the following chapters of the extant Wang Bi edition of the Laozi: 26, 27, 33, 36, 41, 46, 47, 52, 54, 63, 64, and 71. It uses anecdotes mainly to explicate the Laozi but not exclusively so, as in chap. 12 of the Huainanzi. Sometimes lines from the Laozi are introduced with brief philosophical explanations as in the chapter’s discussion of political purchase (shi 
). See HFZ 21/42/31–21/43/4. Hanfeizi, chap. 20, “Explaining the Laozi ” (Jie lao 
), comments on the following chapters from the Laozi: 1, 14, 38, 46, 50, 53, 54, 58, 59, 60, and 67. It is structured very differently from Hanfeizi 21 by not using stories to gloss lines from the Laozi, preferring philosophical prose. See HFZ 20/34/8–20/41/31. These two early commentaries have not received the scholarly attention they deserve, given their ability to illuminate two important and influential readings of the Laozi. Bertil Lundhal and Zheng Liangshu 
have reviewed the most important features of these two commentaries and the debates concerning their authorship and dating, but the field is in great need of a more detailed study of these two works. See Bertil Lundhal, Han Fei Zi: The Man and the Work, Stockholm East Asian Monographs, no. 4 (Stockholm: Stockholm Institute of Oriental Languages, Stockholm University, 1992); and Zheng Liangshu, “Hanfeizi Jie Lao pian ji Yu Lao pian chutan” 
, Hanxueyanjiu 
6, no. 2 (1988): 299–332.
19. Huainanzi 12 and Hanfeizi 21 also share two parallels. See HNZ 12/110/17–19 and HFZ 21/44/18–21; and HNZ 12/117/12–15 and HFZ 21/45/9–13. HNZ 12/111/4–7 recounts the tale of Goujian’s servitude to and ultimate defeat of King Wu, and HFZ 21/44/10–13 refers briefly to this same story. Other chapters in the Huainanzi contain additional anecdotes that also appear in the Hanfeizi but vary in their details and are used for different didactic purposes. Compare, for example, the narrative of the ivory chopsticks in HFZ 21/44/5–8 with the version in HNZ 20.4.
20. Chap. 12 shares nine parallels or near parallels with the received Zhuangzi, two of which also appear in the Lüshi chunqiu. Compare the following anecdotes: HNZ 12/105/3–18 and ZZ 22/62/18– 22; HNZ 12/106/28–12/107/4 and ZZ 22/60/31–22/61/2; HNZ 12/109/12–19 and ZZ 28/81/23–28; HNZ 12/109/21–25 and ZZ 28/84/7–11; HNZ 12/110/1–8 and ZZ 13/37/10–13; HNZ 12/114/26–29 and ZZ 10/24/27–10/25/3; HNZ 12/115/12–17 and ZZ 6/19/17–20; HNZ 12/116/18–19 and ZZ 1/1/19; HNZ 12/117/1–4 and ZZ 2/7/17–19; and HNZ 12/117/6–10 and ZZ 22/63/1–3.
21. Other tropes from the Zhuangzi developed in chap. 12 are “the usefulness of the useless” (12.34) and “valuing life” (12.15 and 12.16).
22. For the parallel and near parallel anecdotes, compare HNZ 12/105/20–26 and LSCQ 18.3/111/16–21; HNZ 12/106/1–6 and LSCQ 18.5/114/21–24; HNZ 12/106/8–13 and LSCQ 17.8/107/23– 26; HNZ 12/106/15–20 and LSCQ 25.4/163/24–28; HNZ 12/107/6–14 and LSCQ 15.1/80/19–1/81/6; HNZ 12/107/16–12/108/3 and LSCQ 15.5/85/13–26; HNZ 12/108/5–9 and LSCQ 15.6/86/20–21; HNZ 12/108/11–15 and LSCQ 26.2/167/20–23; HNZ 12/108/17–21 and LSCQ 16.6/95/29–16.6/96/2; HNZ 12/108/23–27 and LSCQ 19.5/124/16–20; HNZ 12/109/1–10 and LSCQ 19.8/128/10–17; HNZ 12/109/12– 19 and LSCQ 21.4/141/11–17; HNZ 12/109/21–25 and LSCQ 21.4/141/27–29; HNZ 12/109/27–30 and LSCQ 17.8/107/18–21; HNZ 12/111/9–13 and LSCQ 19.8/128/10–17; HNZ 12/112/19–12/113/3 and LSCQ 6.4/31/20–6.4/32/4; HNZ 12/113/16–20 and LSCQ 19.6/126/3–8; HNZ 12/114/26–29 and LSCQ 11.4/55/25–11.4/56/1; HNZ 12/115/19–28 and LSCQ 16.4/93/20–16.4/94/11; HNZ 12/116/21– 28 and LSCQ 18.8/118/7–13; HNZ 12/117/22–26 and LSCQ 24.5/158/24–29; HNZ 12/117/28–12/118/8 and LSCQ 20.3/131/1–5; and HNZ 12/118/17–21 and LSCQ 14.3/72/25–14.3/73/4. As we saw earlier, chap. 4 also draws heavily on the LSCQ.
23. For the circulation and interchange of anecdotes as modular units of meaning, see David Schaberg, A Patterned Past (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001), 163–90. For one proposed strategy to sort out textual parallels through isocolometrical analysis, see William G. Boltz, “Notes on the Textual Relation Between the ‘Kuo yü’ and the ‘Tso Chuan,’” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 53, no. 3 (1990): 491–502. See also William G. Boltz, “The Composite Nature of Early Chinese Texts,” in Text and Ritual in Early China, ed. Martin Kern (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005), 50–78.
24. See, for example, 12.3, an anecdote about Hui Shi drafting a set of laws for King Hui of Wei. Another version of this story appears in LSCQ 18.5/114/21–24. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 459–60. For a comparative analysis of the Huainanzi and Lüshi chunqiu versions, see Le Blanc 1985, 86–90.
As Le Blanc points out, the Lüshi chunqiu concludes the anecdote by emphasizing the importance of laws, whereas the Huainanzi ends by quoting Laozi’s famous dictum, “The more detailed the laws and edicts; the more thieves and robbers there are.”
25. Michael Loewe, ed., Early Chinese Texts, Early China Special Monograph, no. 2 (Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1993), 125. The Hanshi waizhuan cites the Laozi twice. See Lau, HNZ, 7.10 and 9.16.
26. Loewe, Early Chinese Texts, 125.
27. For parallel and near parallel anecdotes with chap. 12, compare HSWZ 3.21/20/27–3.21/21/2 and HNZ 12/113/22–26; HSWZ 3.30/23/14–20 and HNZ 12/119/14–20; HSWZ 5.6/35/26–5.6/36/3 and HNZ 12/110/1–8; HSWZ 6.15/48/5–9 and HNZ 12/111/9–13; HSWZ 7.10/51/30–10/52/5 and HNZ 12/110/10–15; HSWZ 7.12/52/16–21 and HNZ 12/113/28–12/114/3; and HSWZ 10.23/78/1–4 and HNZ 12/108/23–27. The Hanshi waizhuan also shares other anecdotes and traditional sayings found in chaps. 10, 11, 13, 14, 18, and 20 of the Huainanzi.
Grand Purity asked Inexhaustible, “Do you know the Way?”
Inexhaustible responded, “I don’t know it.”
[Grand Purity] then asked Non-action, “Do you know the Way?’
Non-action replied, “I know it.”
[Grand Purity said,] “Does this Way that you know have norms?”1
Non-action responded, “Yes, the Way that I know has norms.”
[Grand Purity] inquired, “What are the norms, then?”
Non-action responded, “The Way that I know
can be weak or strong;
it can be soft or hard;
it can be yin or yang;
it can be dark or bright;
it can embrace or contain Heaven and Earth;
it can respond to or await the Limitless.
These are the norms by which I know the Way.” [12/105/3–7]
Grand Purity then asked Non-beginning, “Earlier, I asked Inexhaustible about the Way and Inexhaustible replied, ‘I don’t know it.’ I then asked Non-action and Non-action responded, ‘I know it.’ So I asked him, ‘Does this Way that you know have norms?’ Non-action then responded, ‘Yes, the Way that I know has norms.’ When I asked him whether he could [name] the norms, he responded, ‘I know that the Way
can be weak or strong;
it can be soft or hard;
it can be yin or yang;
it can be dark or bright;
it can embrace or contain Heaven and Earth;
it can respond to or await the Limitless.
These are the norms by which I know the Way.’ This being so, between Inexhaustible’s not knowing and Non-action’s knowing, which is right and which is wrong?”
Non-beginning answered,
“Not knowing it is deep while knowing it is shallow;
not knowing it is internal while knowing it is external;
not knowing it is refined while knowing it is coarse.”
Grand Purity then gazed up at the heavens and said with a long sigh,
“Then is not knowing, in fact, knowing?
And is knowing, in fact, not knowing?
Who knows that knowing it is not knowing
and that not knowing it is knowing?”
Non-beginning responded,
“The Way cannot be heard, for what is heard is not the Way;
the Way cannot be seen, for what is seen is not the Way;
the Way cannot be spoken, for what is spoken is not the Way.
Who knows the formlessness of what gives form to form?2
Therefore the Laozi says:
“When all the world recognizes good as good,
there is ill.”3
Therefore
those who know do not speak;
those who speak do not know.4 [12/105/9–18]
The Duke of Bo asked Confucius: “Is it possible for people to share subtle words?”5 Confucius did not respond. The Duke of Bo asked again: “Isn’t it like throwing stones into the water?”
Confucius replied: “Skilled divers from Wu and Yue could retrieve them.”
“Then perhaps it is like throwing water into water?” the Duke of Bo asked.
Confucius replied: “When the waters of the Zi and Sheng rivers were blended together, Yi Ya tasted [the water] and recognized [which was which].”
The Duke of Bo responded: “Then is it not the case that people certainly cannot transmit subtle words?”
“Why consider it impossible?” asked Confucius. “[But it is possible] only for those who really know to what words refer. Now those who know to what words refer do not rely on words to speak. Fishermen get wet and hunters chase after their prey, but not because they like to do so. Therefore, the best words reject words [altogether], and the best acts are devoid of action. What [those of] shallow knowledge squabble over is inconsequential.” The Duke of Bo did not grasp Confucius’s meaning and consequently died in a bathhouse.6
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Words have an ancestor and affairs have a sovereign.
It is only because people lack this knowledge that they fail to understand me.”7
These words describe the Duke of Bo. [12/105/20–26]
Huizi drafted the state laws on behalf of King Hui [of Wei].8 When he had completed them, he showed them to the elders,9 all of whom praised them. He then submitted them to King Hui. King Hui was elated by them and showed them to Zhai Jian.10 Zhai Jian exclaimed, “Excellent.”
King Hui inquired, “Since they are excellent, can we implement them?”
Zhai Jian responded, “We cannot.”
King Hui then asked, “If they are excellent, why can we not implement them?”
Zhai Jian answered, “Now take those who haul heavy logs: those in front call,
‘Heave!’11 while those behind respond, ‘Ho!’ This is a chant to encourage the strength of those who haul heavy loads. Could it really be that they do not know either the melodies of Zheng and Wey or the [tune called] ‘Whirling Chu’? Although they know such melodies, they do not use them because they do not suit the circumstance as well as this chant does. Governing a state is a matter of ritual and not a matter of literary eloquence.”12 Therefore the Laozi says:
“The more detailed the laws and edicts,
the more thieves and robbers there are.”13
This is what is meant here. [12/106/1–6]
Tian Pian14 offered a persuasion on the techniques of the Way to the king of Qi, whereupon the king of Qi responded to Tian Pian: “What I possess is the state of Qi. The techniques of the Way are difficult to rely on to eradicate [its] troubles. I would much rather hear about governing the state of Qi.”
Tian Pian replied: “My words said nothing [about] governing, but they may be used to create governing. [My words] may be compared to trees in a forest. They are not lumber, but they may be used to create lumber. I implore Your Majesty to investigate what has been said and then extrapolate from that the means to govern Qi. Although my [persuasion] might not eradicate the troubles of Qi, it can alter and transform what lies between Heaven and Earth and what is within the six coordinates. How can it suffice [for Your Majesty] to ask only about the governance of Qi?”15
This is what Lao Dan referred to as
a shape without a shape [of its own],
a form without an object [of its own].16
What the king asked about was Qi, and Tian Pian made an analogy to lumber.
Now,
the lumber is not so important as the forest;
the forest is not so important as the rain;
the rain is not so important as yin and yang;
yin and yang are not so important as harmony;
and harmony is not so important as the Way. [12/106/8–13]
When the Duke of Bo won possession of the state of Jing [i.e., Chu], he could not [bring himself to] distribute among the people the grain [kept in] the storehouses. On the seventh day [after the conquest], Shi Qi17 entered [the capital] and said [to the Duke of Bo]: “You obtained this wealth through unrighteous means. Moreover, you could not [bring yourself to] share it. Calamity is sure to arrive. If you are incapable of giving [this wealth] to the people, it would be best to burn it so as not to give them cause to harm us.” The Duke of Bo did not heed his advice.
On the ninth day [after the conquest], the Duke of She18 entered [the capital]. He brought out the goods from the Supreme Storehouse in order to distribute them to the multitudes. He then removed the weapons from the Lofty Repository in order to distribute them to the common people. Thereafter he attacked the Duke of Bo, and on the nineteenth day [after the conquest] he captured him.
To desire the state when one does not yet possess it may be called the utmost avarice. To be incapable of acting on behalf of others, not to mention being incapable of acting on behalf of oneself, may be called utmost foolishness. How is the Duke of Bo’s stinginess any different from the cannibal owl’s love for its offspring?19
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Rather than holding it upright and filling it to the brim,
better to have stopped in time.20
Hammer it to a point,
and the sharpness cannot be preserved forever.”21 [12/106/15–20]
When Viscount Jian of Zhao selected Viscount Xiang as his successor, Dong Anyu22 asked: “Wu Xie is of humble origins; why did you select him as your successor?”
Viscount Jian replied: “It was on account of [the type of] person he is. He is someone capable of enduring humiliation for the sake of the altars of soil and grain.”
On another day Earl Zhi and Viscount Xiang were drinking wine together when Earl Zhi knocked Viscount Xiang on the head. The great ministers suggested that Earl Zhi should be executed for this, but Viscount Xiang replied: “When the former ruler appointed me, he said that I was a man who was capable of enduring humiliation for the sake of the altars of soil and grain. Did he say that I was a man capable of murdering another man?”
[Viscount Xiang] had been in office for ten months when Earl Zhi besieged him at Jinyang. Viscount Xiang dispatched a small force that attacked Earl Zhi and soundly defeated him. He split Earl Zhi’s skull23 and made a drinking vessel from it.
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Know the male
but keep to the role of the female
and be a ravine for the world.”24 [12/106/22–26]
Gaptooth asked Ragbag about the Way.
Ragbag replied:
“Straighten your body,
focus your gaze,
and Heaven’s Harmony will arrive.
Concentrate your perception,
straighten your posture,
and the spirit will come to take up its abode.25
Potency will beautify you,
and the Way will reside in you.
You will be naïve as a newborn calf who does not seek out the reason for it.”
Before Ragbag had finished speaking, Gaptooth fell into a deep sleep, having become a companion to the infinite. Ragbag broke out in song and went away singing:
“His form is like a withered carcass;
his mind is like dead ashes.
He authenticates his true knowledge
but does not rely on precedent to grasp it by himself.
Obscure and dim,
he has no mind with which to scheme.
What a man he is!”26
Therefore the Laozi says:
“When your discernment illuminates the four quarters,
can you do so without relying on knowledge?”27 [12/106/28–12/107/4]
Viscount Xiang of Zhao dispatched an attacking force against [the “barbarian” state of] Dee and defeated it. When the inhabitants of [the two cities of] Zuo and Zhong had been captured, a messenger arrived to report the victory to Viscount Xiang, who was just about to eat his meal. When Viscount Xiang heard the news, an anxious expression appeared on his face. His attendants asked: “Capturing two cities in one morning is a cause for celebration. Why, then, do you appear so anxious?”
Viscount Xiang replied: “The swelling of the Yangzi and Yellow rivers does not last more than three days; wild winds and violent rains do not last a morning;28 the sun at high noon lasts for less than a moment. Now the virtuous conduct of the Zhao clan has not yet amounted to anything, and yet in one morning two cities have been captured. Our demise is imminent!”
When Confucius heard about this, he said: “The Zhao clan will surely prosper!”
Anxiety leads to prosperity;
happiness leads to ruin.
Winning is not difficult, but preserving victory presents real challenges. The worthy ruler relies on his sense of anxiety to preserve victory, and so his good fortune extends to his descendants. The states of Qi, Chu, Wu and Yue all were victorious for a time, yet eventually their rulers were captured and ruined because they did not understand how to preserve victory. Only the ruler who possesses the Way can preserve victory. Confucius had enough strength to draw back the bolted gate of the capital, but he did not want to become known for his strength. Mozi engaged in defensive warfare that forced Gongshu Ban to submit to him, yet Mozi did not want to be known as a warrior. Those who are skilled at preserving victory consider their strength as weakness.29
Therefore the Laozi says:
“The Way is empty,
yet when you use it, you need not refill it.”30 [12/107/6–14]
Hui Ang31 had an audience with King Kang of Song.32 Stamping his feet and clearing his throat impatiently, King Kang replied hastily: “I am persuaded by courage and strength. I am not persuaded by Humaneness and Rightness. What could you possibly have to teach me?”
Hui Ang replied: “I possess a Way that goes to this point. It can cause people, however courageous, never to penetrate when they stab and, however strong, never to hit the mark when they strike. Could Your Majesty really not be interested in this?”
King Kang of Song replied: “Excellent! These are indeed matters that I want to hear about.”
Hui Ang continued: “Stabbing but not penetrating and striking but not hitting the mark is nevertheless still an insult. I possess a Way that goes to this [further point]. It can cause courageous men not to dare to stab you and strong men not to dare to strike you.
“Still, not daring to stab you and not daring to attack you is not the same as lacking the intention to do so. I possess a Way that goes to this [further point]. It can cause men to lack such intentions altogether.
“Still, lacking such intentions is not the same as wanting to love and benefit you. I possess a Way that goes to this [further point]. It can cause every grown man and woman in the world without fail to have it in their hearts to love you ardently and wish to benefit you. This is worthier than courage and strength and is the top of the pile of the four ways [I have just mentioned]. Could Your Majesty really not be interested in this?”
King Kang of Song replied: “These are indeed matters that I want to understand.”
Hui Ang responded: “Kong [i.e., Kong Qiu, Confucius] and Mo [i.e., Mo Di, Mozi] exemplify this way. Kong Qiu and Mo Di
possessed no territory yet were treated as rulers;
had no officials [in their service] yet were treated as chief ministers.
Without fail, every grown man and woman in the world craned their necks and stood on tiptoe,33 wanting to secure their safety and benefit. Now Your Majesty is a ruler of [a state possessing] ten thousand chariots. If you were to sincerely manifest the will [of such men], then everyone within the borders of your state would enjoy the benefits. In that case, [Your Majesty’s] worthiness would far exceed that of Kong or Mo.”
The king of Song had nothing to say in response. When Hui Ang departed, the king of Song commented to his attendants: “What eloquence! This guest has won me over with his persuasion!”34
Therefore the Laozi says:
“One who is fearless in being bold will die;
one who is fearless in being timid will live.”35
Looking at the matter from this perspective, great courage paradoxically consists of nothing other than timidity. [12/107/16–12/108/3]
In ancient times, Yao’s assistants numbered nine; those of Shun numbered seven; and those of King Wu numbered five. Yao, Shun, and Wu were not as capable as those nine, seven, and five assistants in any single task, and yet with hanging robes and folded hands, they achieved perfect merit because they excelled at availing themselves of the natural abilities of others.36 Thus, if a man tries to outrun a thoroughbred, he will not beat the thoroughbred. But if he relies on the use of a chariot, the thoroughbred will not be able to beat him.
In the northern regions there is an animal called the “stumbler.” It has forelegs that resemble those of a rat and hind legs that resemble those of a hare. When it runs it tumbles forward, and when it walks it falls backward, but it always picks out the sweet grasses to give to the [creature called the] “fabulous-big-and-small.” Whenever the “stumbler” encounters danger or harm, the “fabulous-big-and-small” invariably carries it on its back to safety. This exemplifies the principle of relying on one’s capabilities to supplement what is beyond one’s capabilities.37
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Those who carve wood in place of the master carpenter
rarely fail to hurt their hands.”38 [12/108/5–9]
Bo Yi39 offered a persuasion on the techniques of kingship to Lord Si of Wey.40 Lord Si replied: “I possess a state of [only] one thousand chariots. I wish to receive [the appropriate] instruction.”41 Bo Yi answered: “Wu Huo [could] lift a thousand jun, so he certainly could lift a single jin.”42
Du He43 offered a persuasion to Lord Zhaowen of Zhou44 on the means to pacify the world. Lord Zhaowen replied to Du He: “I would like to learn how to pacify [the state of] Zhou.”
Du He responded: “If what I say is unacceptable [i.e., incorrect], then you will not be able to pacify Zhou. If what I say is acceptable [i.e., correct], then Zhou will pacify itself. This is what is meant by the expression ‘Pacify it by not pacifying it.’”45
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Great handiwork does not involve cutting.46
Therefore, if you fully count [the pieces of] a carriage, there is no longer a carriage.”47 [12/108/11–15]
According to the laws of the state of Lu, if a native of Lu is captured by another Lord of the Land as a servant or a concubine, and if there is someone who is able to ransom [the captive], that person will be reimbursed from the state treasury. Zigong ransomed a native of Lu from a Lord of the Land but when [the ransomed party] returned to Lu, [Zigong] declined and did not accept reimbursement.
Confucius heard of the matter and said: “Si48 has committed an error! When sages initiate undertakings, they are able to shift with prevailing habits to change local customs. Their teachings and instructions can be applied by future generations. It is not the case that they suit their personal conduct alone.49 Now the wealthy of Lu are few, but the poor are numerous. Ransoming others and receiving recompense is not the most honorable practice, but if no reimbursement is received, no one will ever again ransom others, and henceforth the people of Lu might never again redeem others from the Lords of the Land.” It may indeed be said that Confucius understood how to transform others.50
Therefore the Laozi says:
“To notice the details is called discernment.”51 [12/108/17–21]
Marquis Wu of Wei asked Li Ke:52 “Why did the state of Wu perish?”
Li Ke responded: “Countless battles and countless victories.”
Marquis Wu retorted: “But countless battles and countless victories are the good fortune of the state and its ruling family. How could such things be the sole cause of Wu’s downfall?”
Li Ke replied:
“With countless battles, the populace grows exhausted;
with countless victories, the ruler grows arrogant.
Rare indeed is the state that does not perish when an arrogant ruler governs an exhausted populace!
Arrogance leads to recklessness, and recklessness depletes material resources.
Exhaustion leads to resentment, and resentment drives the people to their wits’ end.
Given that both superior and subordinate were depleted, the demise of Wu appears to have occurred rather late. This is why King Fuchai [of Wu] took his life at [the battle of] Gansui.”53
Therefore the Laozi says:
“To withdraw when merit is achieved and reputation established is the Way of Heaven.”54 [12/108/23–27]
Ning Qi hoped to seek office from Duke Huan of Qi, but being poverty-stricken he had no means to have himself recommended. Consequently he made his way to Qi by driving a cart [laden with goods] for a traveling merchant. When night descended, he took up lodging outside the city gate. [Just at that time] Duke Huan of Qi was traveling to the suburbs to welcome guests so that when night fell, he [ordered] the gate to be opened and the cart drivers removed from the road. His lighted torches filled the night sky, while those who followed him collected in a great throng.
[Meanwhile] Ning Qi sat under his cart, feeding his ox and gazing despondently at Duke Huan. Tapping on his ox’s horn he wailed out a tune composed in the shang key. When Duke Huan heard it, he clutched his charioteer’s hand and said: “How extraordinary! Surely the singer is no ordinary man!” [Duke Huan then] ordered a rear carriage to bring him along [with his entourage].
When Duke Huan returned to his court, his followers asked him what he wished to do. Duke Huan honored Ning Qi with a robe and cap and granted him an audience. During the audience, Ning Qi offered a persuasion for governing the world. Duke Huan was elated by the persuasion and was about to appoint Ning Qi to an official post when his ministers objected, saying: “Our guest is a person from Wey. Wey is not far from Qi. It would be best if you sent someone to inquire about him. If you find that Ning Qi is truly worthy, then it will not be too late to appoint him.”
“Not so,” replied Duke Huan. “If we inquire about him, I fear that we will discover some minor flaw. To dismiss a man’s great strengths on account of his minor flaws is precisely the reason why rulers lose the scholar-knights of the world.”
As a general rule, what is heard will always be verified. Once something is heard, there is no need to inquire further, for you have already connected with what caused it to be so. Moreover, it is certainly difficult for men to be perfect. You should simply evaluate and use their strengths. In accordance with this principle, appoint them to office. Duke Huan understood this.55
Therefore the Laozi says:
“The Way is great;
Heaven is great;
Earth is great;
and the king is also great.”
Within the realm, there are four things that are great and the king counts as one.56 These words mean that Duke Huan was able to embrace this principle. [12/109/1–10]
When the Great King Danfu57 resided in Bin, the Dee people attacked him. He offered them hides, silks, pearls, and jades, but they would not accept them and said: “What we, the Dee people, want is [your] land. We will not accept these material goods as a substitute.”
The Great King Danfu said [to his subjects]: “I cannot bear to reside with your elder brothers while leading your younger brothers to death, or to dwell with your fathers while causing your sons to die. You all [must] do your utmost to remain here. Does being my subject really differ from being the subject of the Dee people? Moreover, I have heard it said that you should not rely on the means by which you are nourished [i.e., the land] to harm those you nourish [i.e., a ruler’s subjects].” He left with his staff and whip, but his people led one another along and followed him. Subsequently, he reestablished his state at the foot of Mount Qi.58
It may be said of the Great King Danfu that he was able to preserve life.
When wealthy and eminent, he did not allow what nourished him to injure his person;
when impoverished and humble, he did not allow what brought him material benefit to burden his physical form.
Today, those who have received the rank and emoluments of their predecessor invariably consider losing them to be a serious matter. Life comes to us over a long period of time, yet we consider losing it a trivial matter. Is this not sheer folly?
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Those who value their person as if it were the world can be entrusted with the world.
Those who cherish their person as if it were the world can be given custody of the world.”59 [12/109/12–19]
Prince Mou of Zhongshan60 said to Zhanzi: “Although I dwell here secluded among the rivers and seas, my heart remains at the court of Wei. What can I do?”
“Emphasize life,” replied Zhanzi, “If you emphasize life, you will take material benefits lightly.”
“Although I understand this principle, I still cannot achieve self-mastery,” responded Prince Mou of Zhongshan.
Zhanzi continued: “If you cannot achieve self-mastery, you must simply follow [your inclinations]. If you follow [your inclinations], your spirit will be free from resentment. If you cannot achieve self-mastery and yet compel yourself not to follow [your inclinations], it may be said that you injure yourself on two accounts. Those who injure themselves on two accounts cannot be included among those who are long-lived.”61
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Knowing harmony is called constancy;
knowing constancy is called clarity.
Augmenting life is called auspiciousness.
The mind directing the qi is called compulsion.”62
For this reason,
“use its brilliance
and repeatedly return to its clarity.”63 [12/109/21–25]
King Zhuang of Chu inquired about Zhan He [i.e., Zhanzi]: “How should I bring order to my state?”
Zhan He replied: “I, [Zhan] He, know how to order my person but know nothing of ordering the state.”
The king of Chu responded: “I, the orphaned one, have inherited the shrines and temples of my ancestors and the altars to the soil and grain. I would like to learn how to preserve them.”
Zhan He replied:
“I have never heard of a ruler who brought order to his person yet found his state to be in disorder.
I have never heard of a ruler whose person was disordered yet found his state to be ordered.
Thus when the root of the matter rests with bringing order to your person, I would not presume to answer your query by speaking of the branches.”
The king of Chu exclaimed: “Excellent!”64
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Cultivate it in your person,
and your Potency will be genuine.”65 [12/109/27–30]
Duke Huan [of Qi] was reading in the upper part of his hall while Wheelwright Flat66 was hewing a wheel in the lower part. Setting aside his hammer and chisel, the wheelwright asked Duke Huan, “I venture to ask what books you are reading?”
“The books of the sages,” said the duke.
“Are the sages still alive?”
“They already are dead,” said the duke.
“Then what you are reading are merely the lees and dregs of the sages.”
Flushing in anger, Duke Huan replied, “How dare you, a wheelwright, presume to criticize the books I am reading? If you can explain yourself, all right. If you cannot explain yourself, you shall die.”
“Yes, I can explain. I will put it in terms of my occupation as a wheelwright,” said Wheelwright Flat. “If [the blows of the mallet] are too hard, [the chisel] will bite and not budge; if they are too gentle, [the chisel] will slide and not take hold. To make the chisel neither slide nor stick is something you can sense with your hand and feel with your heart.67 Then you can get it down to the utmost subtlety. But I have not been able to teach it to my son, and my son has not been able to learn it from me. That’s why I am an old man still hewing wheels after sixty years. Now what the sages have said contains some truth, but since they are dead and long gone, all that remains is the lees and dregs [of their teachings].”68 Therefore the Laozi says:
“The Way that can be spoken
is not the constant Way;
the Name that can be named
is not the constant Name.”69 [12/110/1–8]
Previously, when Sicheng Zihan acted as minister to the state of Song, he said to the lord of Song, “The danger or safety of this state and the orderliness or disorderliness of its people depend on how you execute rewards and punishments. Now the gifts of rank and reward are what the people love—these you should carry out personally. The punishments of execution and mutilation are what the people hate—may I ask that I administer them?”
The lord of Song responded: “Excellent! I will enjoy the peoples’ praises while you will suffer their resentments. This way I’ll be sure to know how to avoid being the laughingstock of the Lords of the Land.”
The lord of Song then carried out the rewards while Zihan [implemented] the punishments. When the people of the state came to understand that the regulations concerning executions and amputations rested solely with Zihan, the grand ministers of state treated him with affection, and the hundred surnames [i.e., the common people] feared him. Before a year had passed, Zihan had murdered the lord of Song and usurped his government.70 Therefore the Laozi says:
“The fish must not be allowed to leave the deep;
the efficacious instruments of state must not be revealed to anyone.”71 [12/110/10–15]
Royal Longevity was traveling with a bundle of books on his back when he bumped into Dignified Ascent in Zhou. Dignified Ascent remarked:
Affairs arise in response to alterations, and alterations are born of the times. Therefore those who understand timeliness are not constant in their actions.
Books are the product of speech, and speech is the product of the knowledgeable. [Therefore] those who understand speech do not hoard books.72
Upon hearing this, Royal Longevity made a bonfire of his books and danced about with joy.73 Therefore the Laozi says:
“An excess of words leads to countless impoverishments;
it cannot compare to preserving the center [i.e., the heart].74 [12/110/17–19]
Chief Minister Zipei75 invited King Zhuang [of Chu] to a drinking party, and King Zhuang accepted his invitation. Zipei made the necessary preparations for the drinking party at Qiang76 Terrace, but King Zhuang never arrived. The next morning Zipei arrived at the palace barefooted and bowed to King Zhuang. Facing north and standing at the front of his palace, Zipei addressed King Zhuang: “Earlier you agreed to come to my drinking party, but you never came. Was the reason that I committed some offense?”
King Zhuang replied: “I heard that you were preparing to fete me at Qiang Terrace. [Now,] Qiang Terrace
to the south overlooks Ke Mountain,
to the north approaches Fang Huang;
to the east lies the Yangzi River,
and to the west flows the Huai River.77
The joy they bring causes men to forget their mortality.78 A man of meager Potency like me cannot deal with such joy. I feared that if I tarried there, I would be unable to return.”
Therefore the Laozi says:
“If you do not look at what you desire,
you will make your heart free from turmoil.”79 [12/110/21–25]
Prince Chong’er of Jin was fleeing. When he passed through the state of Cao, the ruler of Cao failed to treat him according to the proper etiquette.80 Xi Fuji’s wife then said to Xi Fuji:81 “Our prince has failed to treat the prince of Jin with the proper etiquette. I have observed his followers. They all are worthy men. If they help him return to the state of Jin, he will certainly attack Cao. How could you fail to take the lead in augmenting his Potency?” Xi Fuji then provided Chong’er with a calabash of food to which he added a jade disk. Chong’er accepted the food but returned the jade disk. When he finally returned to his state, Chong’er raised troops to attack the state of Cao. He vanquished Cao but forbade his three armies from entering the territory of Xi Fuji.82
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Contorted, you will become whole;
bent, you will become upright.”83 [12/110/27–12/111/2]
The king of Yue, Goujian, battled with Wu but was not victorious. His capital city was demolished, and he was driven into exile. He was surrounded at Mount Kuaiji.
[Though] with indignant heart and rising gall,
with qi like a gushing spring,
his handpicked, well-trained armored troops
rushed into the conflagration as if [determined to] perish,
[defeated], Goujian requested that he serve as King [Fuchai] of Wu’s attendant and his wife serve as the king’s concubine. Armed with a halberd, Goujian became the king’s forward guard.84 In the end, Goujian took [the king of Wu] captive at Gansui.85
Therefore the Laozi says:
“The soft overcomes the hard;
the weak overcomes the strong.
Everyone in the world knows this,
but no one can practice it.”86
The king of Yue personally practiced such principles. Consequently he became a hegemon over the Central States. [12/111/4–7]
Viscount Jian of Zhao died and had not yet been buried when the people of Zhongmou shifted their allegiance to the state of Qi. When Viscount Jian of Zhao had been buried for five days, Viscount Xiang [his son] raised troops to attack and encircle them. The encirclement was not yet complete, when a one-hundred-foot87 section of the city wall suddenly crumbled. Viscount Xiang then beat the gong and withdrew his troops. An official of his army remonstrated with him, saying, “When you were punishing the crimes of Zhongmou, its city walls crumbled. This is a sign that Heaven supports us. Why, then, should we abandon the attack?”
Viscount Xiang replied, “I heard that Shuxiang88 once said: ‘A Superior Man does not impose on others when they profit, nor does he attack others in distress.’ Let the people of Zhongmou repair their walls. Only when the walls have been repaired, will we attack them.” When the people of Zhongmou heard of the viscount’s [sense of] justice, they asked to surrender.89
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Now,
it is because he alone does not contend
that no one can contend with him.”90 [12/111/9–13]
Duke Mu of Qin addressed Bo Le saying: “You are getting on in years. Is there anyone in your family who can take over for you and find me a good steed?”
Bo Le replied: “A good horse may be judged by his physique, countenance, sinews, and bones. But in judging the best horse in the world, it seems
as if it is not there at all, as if it has disappeared,
as if it had lost its singular identity.
A horse like that raises no dust and leaves no tracks. All my sons are lesser talents. They can judge a good horse, but they lack the talent to judge the best horse in the world. However, there is a man who is my porter and firewood gatherer who is called Nine-Cornered Hillock. In judging horses, he is not inferior to my abilities. I respectfully request that you grant him an audience.”
Duke Mu granted him an audience and commanded him to search out a fine steed. After three months Nine-Cornered Hillock returned and reported: “The horse has been located. It is in Shaqiu.”
Duke Mu replied: “What kind of horse is it?”
“It is a yellow mare,” answered Nine Cornered Hillock.
Thereupon Duke Mu sent men to Shaqiu to obtain the horse. The horse, however, turned out to be a black stallion. Duke Mu was quite displeased. Summoning Bo Le, he inquired of him saying: “What a loss! The man you sent to find me a good steed cannot distinguish the color of one coat from another nor a female from a male, what could he possibly know about horses?”
Bo Le let out a long sigh and replied: “It always comes to this! This is precisely why he surpasses me by a thousand or ten thousand fold and is infinite in his capabilities. What Hillock observes is the dynamism of Heaven.91
He recognizes the refined essence and discards the dross.
He focuses on the internal and disregards the external.
He looks at what is to be seen and does not look at what is not to be seen.
He scrutinizes what is to be scrutinized and disregards what is not to be scrutinized.
It appears that what he has judged is [a quality] more precious than just a horse.”
The horse arrived and ultimately proved to be an excellent horse.92
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Great straightness is as if bent;
great skill is as if clumsy.”93 [12/111/15–25]
When Wu Qi was acting as chief minister of the state of Chu, he traveled to the state of Wei and asked Qu Yijiu:94 “The king does not know how unworthy I am and has appointed me to be chief minister. Will you, sir, please test and evaluate my [plan of] action?”
Master Qu replied: “What do you plan to do?”
Wu Qi answered: “I plan to diminish the nobility of the state of Chu and equalize the system of official salaries, decreasing the salaries of those who receive too much and increasing the salaries of those who receive too little. I plan to train and drill the armored and foot soldiers so that when the opportune time arises, they will contend for advantage with [everyone in] the world.”
Master Qu responded: “I, Yijiu, have heard that in ancient times those who excelled at governing their states did not alter precedents nor change norms. Now you plan to diminish the nobility of the state of Chu and equalize the system of official salaries, decreasing the salaries of those who receive too much and increasing the salaries of those who receive too little. This is to alter precedents and change norms. If you do this, it will not bring benefit.
“I, Yijiu, have also heard it said: ‘Anger is contrary to Potency; weapons are ill-augured instruments; and fighting is something that human beings will always avoid.’ Now you secretly conspire to oppose Potency, are fond of using ill-augured instruments, and practice what others would avoid. This is the height of perversity! Moreover,
it is not proper for you to employ the troops of Lu to realize your ambitions in Qi, and yet you do so.
It is not proper for you to employ the troops of Wei to realize your ambitions in Qin, and yet you do so.
I have further heard that if you do not harm others, then you will not bring harm on yourself. I have certainly suspected that my king has repeatedly opposed the Way of Heaven and perverted the principles of humankind. Yet, until today he has avoided harm. Oh, he must have been waiting for you!”
Wu Qi responded in alarm: “Is it still possible to change?”
Master Qu replied: “When one has already committed the crime, it is impossible to change the outcome. It would be best if you loved with sincerity and acted with genuineness.”
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Blunt the sharpness;
untangle the knots;
soften the glare;
be as dust.”95 [12/112/1–11]
When the state of Jin attacked the state of Chu, [the Jin forces] advanced three stages without stopping.96 The grand ministers [of Chu] asked the king’s permission to counterattack. King Zhuang responded: “When the former lords ruled Chu, Jin did not attack Chu. It is only during my reign that Jin has attacked Chu. I am to blame for this. How could I [attach] this disgrace to my grand ministers?”
The grand ministers answered: “When the former ministers took up their posts, Jin did not attack Chu. It is only since we have served as ministers that Jin has attacked Chu. Your ministers are to blame for this. We implore Your Majesty to counterattack.” King Zhuang bowed his head and burst into tears, soaking his collar. When he raised his head, he saluted his grand ministers.
When the people of Jin heard of this incident, they said: “The ruler and his ministers vied to take responsibility for their mistakes. Moreover, the ruler of Chu humbled himself before his ministers. We could not possibly attack such a state.” That evening the Jin troops retreated and returned home.
Therefore the Laozi says:
“One who can accept the humiliation of his state
may be called the lord of the altars of soil and grain.”97 [12/112/13–17]
During the reign of Duke Jing of Song,98 when Mars was in [the lunar lodge] Heart,99 the duke became fearful and summoned Zi Wei100 to question him, saying: “Mars is in Heart. What does it mean?”
Zi Wei responded: “Mars corresponds to the Heavenly Executioner; [the lunar lodge] Heart corresponds to the territory of Song. Disaster awaits you. Nonetheless it is possible to shift the blame to the prime minister.”
The duke replied: “The prime minister is entrusted with governing the state. If the blame is shifted to him and he is put to death, it would be unlucky. I request to take the onus on myself.”
“You can shift the blame to the people,” Zi Wei stated.
The duke responded: “If the people die, for whom would I act as lord? It would be better if I were the only one to die.”
Zi Wei responded: “Then you can shift the blame to the harvest.”101
The duke retorted: “The harvest is the people’s life. If there were a famine due to the harvest, then the people would surely die. I am the people’s lord. If I wanted to kill my people in order to survive, who would consider me a true lord? My life has certainly reached its end. Zi Wei, speak no more.”
Zi Wei turned to go. Facing north102 he bowed twice and said: “I dare to congratulate you. Even though Heaven dwells on high, [Heaven] hears what lies below. You have spoken as a true lord on three occasions, so Heaven will certainly reward you three times. This evening Mars will surely travel through three lunar lodges,103 [signaling] that you will extend your life by twenty-one years.”
The duke responded: “How is it that you know this to be the case?”
Zi Wei replied: “You have spoken as a true lord on three occasions. Therefore, you will be rewarded three times. Mars will surely travel through three lunar lodges. Each lodge traverses seven stars. Each movement of Mars corresponds to one year. Three [lunar lodges through which Mars will move] times seven [stars for each lodge] equals twenty-one. Thus, I stated that you would extend your life by twenty-one years. I beg to be allowed to kneel at your throne and wait. If Mars does not shift its location, I request the death penalty.”
The duke responded, “It is allowed.”
That very night Mars did, in fact, pass through three lunar lodges.104
Therefore the Laozi says:
“One who can accept the misfortunes of his state
may be called a king of the world.”105 [12/112/19–12/113/3]
In former times, when Gongsun Long resided in Zhao, he said to one of his disciples, “If a person has no ability, I have no interest in keeping company with him.”
A guest, clad in coarse cloth with only a rope for a belt, received an audience with Gongsun Long and said: “I can shout.”
Gongsun Long turned to his disciples and asked: “Among my disciples is there already one who can shout?”
The disciples all replied, “There is not.”
Gongsun Long responded: “Register him as a disciple.”
Several days had passed when Gongsun Long was on his way to present a persuasion to the king of Yan. When they arrived at the bank of the [Yellow] River, a ferry rested on the opposite shore. He then directed the disciple who was good at shouting to call the ferry. When he did, the ferry promptly arrived.
Thus when sages dwell in the world, they do not disregard knights who possess specific talents.
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Among men to abandon no one,
among things to abandon no thing,
this is called embracing clarity.”106 [12/113/5–9]
[The Chu general] Zifa attacked and defeated the state of Cai. King Xuan of Chu107 [traveled] to the suburbs to welcome [Zifa when he returned]. He presented him with one hundred qing of land108 and enfeoffed him as “Holder of the Jade Baton.”109 Zifa, however, declined to accept [these honors], saying:
“Governing a state and setting it in order so that the Lords of the Land will come as guests [to offer their submission] is due to the Potency of the ruler.
Issuing commands and handing down orders so that, even before your troops assemble, the enemy is routed, is due to the awesomeness of the general.
Arraying your troops in battle order and achieving victory over the enemy is due to the strength of the common people.
Taking advantage of the people’s achievements and efforts to secure rank and emoluments for oneself is not the way of Humaneness and Rightness. Thus I declined to accept [the rewards offered me].”110
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Succeed but do not dwell in it—
it is only by not dwelling in it
that [success] is not erased.”111 [12/113/11–14]
When Duke Wen of Jin attacked the city of Yuan, he agreed with his grand ministers on [a period of] three days [to capture the city]. When three days passed and Yuan did not surrender, Duke Wen ordered a retreat. A military officer said: “Yuan is sure to surrender in another day or two.”
The ruler responded: “I did not realize that it would not be possible to defeat Yuan in three days and so agreed with the grand ministers on [a period of] three days to capture the city of Yuan. Now if we do not end this campaign, even though the designated time has elapsed, it would mean forfeiting my trustworthiness to obtain Yuan. I will not do it.”
When the people of Yuan heard about this, they said: “With a ruler like this, how could we refuse to surrender?” They promptly surrendered. When the people of Wen heard about this, they also asked to surrender.112
Therefore the Laozi says:
“How dim! How obscure!
Yet within it is the Quintessence.
This essence is profoundly genuine,
for what lies within is trustworthy.113
Therefore beautiful words can buy honor,
[but] beautiful deeds can raise a man above others.114 [12/113/16–20]
Gongyi Xiu,115 the prime minister of Lu, had an insatiable craving for fish. Although everyone in the state presented him with fish, Gongyi Xiu did not accept them. His disciple asked him about it, saying: “Master, you always crave fish. Why, then, do you never accept these gifts of fish?”
He responded: “It is because I always crave fish that I do not accept the fish. If I accept the fish and am thereby dismissed from my post as minister, although I always crave fish, I will not be able to provide myself with fish. If I do not accept the fish and avoid being dismissed from office, then I will be able to supply myself with fish for a long time to come.”
This is a case of discerning the difference between acting for others and acting for oneself.116
Therefore the Laozi says:
“[Sages] put themselves last and so come first,
treat themselves as extraneous and so are preserved.
Is it not because they are selfless
that they are able to accomplish their private ends?”117
Another [passage] states:
“Know contentment
and you will not be humiliated.”118 [12/113/22–26]
An elderly man named Hu Qiu said to Sunshu Ao: “There are three things people resent. Do you know what they are?”
Sunshu Ao responded: “What do you mean?”
Hu Qiu replied:
“If your rank is high, those of low rank will envy you;
if your post is great, the ruler will detest you;
if your salary is substantial, resentment will crop up everywhere.”
Sunshu Ao commented:
“The higher my rank, the humbler my ambitions;
the greater my post, the smaller my desires;
the more substantial my salary, the more widespread my charity.
If I rely on these things to avoid the three resentments, will that do?”119
Therefore the Laozi says:
“The superior must have the inferior as its root;
the high must have the low as its base.”120 [12/113/28–12/114/3]
The forger of battle hooks121 for the minister of war was already eighty years old but had not lost the sharp edge of his battle hooks. The minister of war asked him, “Is it just a matter of skill? Or do you possess the Way?”
He replied, “It is that I have something to which I hold exclusively. By the time I was twenty, I [already] liked to forge hooks. I did not look at anything else. If it was not a hook, I did not pay any attention to it.”
Thus using something must depend on not using something, and in this way its usefulness is maintained. This is even truer if there is nothing that one does not use. Which things, then, would not be equal [to all other things]?
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Those who manage their affairs according to the Way
identify with the Way.”122 [12/114/5–8]
King Wen tempered his Moral Potency and consolidated his government so that within three years, two-thirds of the world submitted to his rule. [The tyrant] Djou learned of this and grew fearful, saying: “Rising early and retiring late, I strive to compete with him and so exhaust my mind and weary my body. Yet if I relax my vigilance, I fear that he will attack me.”
Marquis Hu of Chong123 replied:
“Earl Chang of Zhou [i.e., King Wen] is humane and just and is good at strategizing;
his Heir Apparent, [Ji] Fa, is courageous and resolute and knows nothing of indecision;
and his younger son [Ji] Dan is reverent and frugal and understands timeliness.
If you allow them to go on as they have, then you will not be able to sustain the calamities they will bring, and if you relax your vigilance and pardon them, you will also surely suffer misfortune. Even though a hat may be worn out, the only place you can put it is on your head.124 I implore you to devise a plan before King Wen has consolidated his power.” Subsequently Qu Shang125 held King Wen at Youli.
After King Wen was captured, San Yisheng126 expended thousands of catties of gold to seek out and obtain the most precious items and rare forms of animals in the world [as ransom]: the fabulous zongyu tiger and jisi chicken, one hundred pieces of black jade, one hundred large cowry shells, a black panther, a yellow bear, a black moose, and one thousand mottled white tiger skins. He presented these gifts to Djou, relying on Fei Zhong127 to act as an intermediary. When Djou cast his eyes on them, he was elated and released King Wen, killing and sacrificing an ox and presenting it to him.
When King Wen returned to his state, [he made a show of changing his ways by] constructing gates carved in jade, building Ling Terrace, consorting with his concubines, and amusing himself with the music of the bronze drums, all the while waiting for Djou to slip up.
When Djou learned of King Wen’s behavior, he declared: “Earl Chang of Zhou has modified his ways and changed his behavior. My worries are over!” Subsequently Djou engaged in [such nefarious conduct as] creating the “roasting beam,”128 cutting out Bi Gan’s heart, slicing open the wombs of pregnant women, and executing those who dared to disagree with him. It was then that King Wen implemented his plan [and defeated Djou].
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Know honor
but accept humiliation
and be a valley to the world.”129 [12/114/10–18]
King Cheng130 questioned Yin Yi131 about governing. “What kind of virtuous conduct will inspire the people to feel affection for their ruler?” he asked.
Yin Yi replied: “Employ them according to the proper seasons. Treat them with respect and compliance.”
King Cheng inquired: “To what extent should one practice such things?”
Yin Yi responded: “Practice them as if you were facing a deep abyss or treading on thin ice.”132
King Cheng said: “How frightening to be a king!”
Yin Yi replied: “Those between Heaven and Earth and within the Four Seas who are good are loved by the people; those who are not good are despised by the people. In ancient times, the subjects of the Shang and Xia reversed their allegiances; they came to despise [the tyrants] Jie and Djou and submitted to the rulership of Kings Tang and Wu. The people of Susha all took it upon themselves to attack their lord and shift their allegiance to the Divine Farmer. Such things are well understood in our age. How could you not be frightened!”
Therefore the Laozi says:
“What others fear
you also must fear.”133 [12/114/20–24]
One of Robber Zhi’s followers asked him: “Do even thieves possess the Way?”
Robber Zhi replied: “Would it be fitting for a thief not to possess the Way? To surmise where the goods are hidden is sagacity, to enter first is courage, to leave last is Rightness, to share the spoils equitably is Humaneness, and to know what actions are [well] advised or ill advised is wisdom. There is no one in the world capable of becoming a great thief without completely mastering these five things. From this perspective, it is evident that even those who possess a heart bent on thievery must rely on the Way of the sage before realizing their intentions.”134
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Exterminate sagacity, abandon wisdom,
and the people will benefit a hundredfold.”135 [12/114/26–29]
Zifa, the general of the Chu army, was fond of seeking out knights skilled in the Way. A person from Chu who was an outstanding thief went to see Zifa and said: “I have heard that you are seeking out knights skilled in the Way. I am a petty thief of the Chu markets. I want to offer my talents and become one of your soldiers.”
Upon hearing these words, clothes unfastened and hat askew,136 Zifa rushed out to meet the man and pay him his respects. Zifa’s assistants remonstrated with him saying: “This thief is known to everyone. How can you pay him such respect?”
He responded: “This is not something that you can understand.”
Shortly thereafter, the state of Qi raised troops and attacked the state of Chu. Zifa led his troops to repulse Qi but three times retreated in defeat. The worthy and incorruptible ministers of Chu all made full use of their best plans and most sincere efforts to repulse Qi, and yet the Qi forces daily grew more powerful. The petty thief of the markets then presented himself and implored Zifa saying: “I request to serve you by practicing my meager skills.”
Zifa replied: “You may.” Without asking the thief to explain himself, Zifa sent him off.
The thief departed, and in the dark of the night stole the curtain belonging to the Qi general and presented it to Zifa. Zifa subsequently ordered it returned to the Qi general, saying: “When my troops were out gathering brush for their fire, they came upon your curtain, so I have directed them to return it to their owner.” The next evening, the thief once again made his way toward the Qi general, this time absconding with his pillow. Zifa again ordered someone to return it. The following evening, once again, the thief made his way to the Qi general, this time taking his hairpin. Once again Zifa had the item returned to him.
When the Qi troops learned of this, they were greatly alarmed. The general and his officers then took counsel together, saying: “If we do not depart today, I fear the Chu troops will take our heads!” The general commanded his army to turn around, and the army promptly departed. Thus, there are no petty skills and there are no insignificant abilities; it all depends on how the ruler uses them.
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Do not praise the person;
praise the substance of the person.”137 [12/115/1–10]
“I am making progress,” said Yan Hui.
“What do you mean?” asked Confucius.
“I have forgotten Rites and Music.”
“Not bad, but you still haven’t got it.”
Yan Hui saw Confucius again on another day and said: “I am making progress.”
“What do you mean?”
“I have forgotten Humaneness and Rightness.”
“Not bad, but you still haven’t got it.”
Yan Hui saw Confucius again on another day and said,
“I sit and forget.”
“What do you mean ‘sit and forget’?” Confucius asked with surprise.
“I slough off my limbs and trunk,” said Yan Hui, “dim my intelligence, depart from my form, leave knowledge behind, and immerse myself in the conduits of transformation. This is what I mean by ‘sit and forget.’”
“If you are immersed,” said Confucius, “then you have no preferences. If you are transformed, then you have no more constants. It is you who is really the worthy one! Please permit me to follow after you.”138
Therefore the Laozi says:
“When nourishing your ethereal soul and embracing the One—
can you not let them go?
In concentrating your qi and attaining softness,
can you be like an infant?”139 [12/115/12–17]
Duke Mu of Qin raised an army and was about to launch a surprise attack on the state of Zheng when Jian Shu140 said to him: “You cannot do that! I have heard that when one launches a surprise attack on a state,
chariots should go no farther than one hundred li
and foot soldiers no farther than thirty li,
for confined to these distances,
plans will not yet be leaked;
armored soldiers will not yet lose their acuity;
provisions will not yet be depleted;
and people will not yet give up in exhaustion.
This is because they reach the peak of their vigor and the pinnacle of their strength. This is the way to repulse the enemy and fill them with awe. Now if you send troops several thousand li and cross the territory of the Lords of the Land several times to launch a surprise attack on the state of Zheng, I doubt you will succeed. You should rethink your plans!”
Duke Mu did not heed Jian Shu’s advice. Jian Shu bid the army farewell, rending his garments and weeping [as if in mourning]. The army departed, passed Zhou, and proceeded eastward. A merchant of Zheng named Xian Gao, feigning that he was acting on the orders of the earl of Zheng, prepared twelve head of oxen to provide sustenance for the Qin army and played host to them [at a banquet]. The three generals of the Qin army were frightened and, speaking among themselves, said: “Even though we have traveled several thousand li to launch this surprise attack, the people of Zheng knew about us before we even arrived at our destination. They must already be fully prepared for us. We cannot possibly proceed with the attack.” The generals commanded their armies to turn around and left promptly.141
During this same time, Duke Wen of Jin died en route and had not yet been buried when Xian Zhen advised Duke Xiang,142 “In the past, when our former ruler communicated with Duke Mu, everyone in the world heeded it and all the Lords of the Land took note of it. Now our ruler has died and has not yet been buried. Duke Mu neither condoled us in mourning nor asked permission to have free passage [across our territory], considering that our ruler was dead and that our orphan [i.e., the newly enthroned heir] was weak. I ask that we attack him!” Duke Xiang assented. Xian Zhen143 led his troops to Mount Xian where he attacked the Qin army and defeated it soundly. He captured their three commanders and brought them back to Jin. When Duke Mu of Qin learned of the defeat, he clothed himself in mourning garb and paid a visit to the ancestral temple to announce the defeat to the multitudes of his ancestors.144
Therefore the Laozi says:
“To know that you do not know is best;
to not know but think you know is a disease.”145 [12/115/19–28]
The queen consort of the king of Qi died. The king wanted to appoint a new queen consort but had not yet decided who it would be, so he directed his ministers to deliberate the issue. The Duke of Xue,146 hoping to discover the king’s choice, presented him with ten pairs of earrings, one of which was especially beautiful. The next morning he asked about the whereabouts of the most beautiful pair of earrings and urged that the woman who now had them should be appointed queen consort. The king of Qi was delighted by this and thereafter respected and valued the Duke of Xue even more. Thus, if the intentions and desires of the lord are visible on the outside, he will fall subject to the control of his subjects.
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Block the openings,
shut the doors,
and all your life you will not labor.”147 [12/116/1–3]
When Lu Ao148 roamed around the Northern Sea, having passed through Great Yin,149 he entered Dark Gate and arrived at the top of Hidden Valley.150 There he saw a gentleman with deep-set eyes and abundant dark hair, an ample neck and hawklike shoulders, corpulent above and cadaverous below, who was spinning round and round as if welcoming the winds in dance. When [the man] turned around and saw Lu Ao, he slowly lowered his arms and ran away to hide himself in the shadow of a large rock. Lu Ao pursued him, and when his eyes once again fell on the gentleman, he found him perched on a tortoise shell eating a clam.
Lu Ao then addressed him, saying: “I have turned my back on my companions and left my associates to see all that lies beyond the realm of the six coordinates. There has never been a wanderer like me, don’t you think? When I was young I loved to wander, and when I grew to adulthood I never lost my love of wandering. I wandered to the farthest extremes of the four directions151 but had never seen northern Yin. Now, unexpectedly, I find a Son of Heaven in this place. Could we strike up a friendship?”
It appeared that the gentleman grinned and laughed, saying, “Oh, my! You are one of those folk from the central continent. It is not true that you have come all that far to get here. Here, too, we are illuminated by the sun and moon and blanketed by the arrayed stars. It is where the yin and yang circulate and where the four seasons emerge. Compared with the places that are nameless [and vast], where we are here is just like the front corners of a house. One such as I—
to the south, I wander to the wilderness of Wangliang [Penumbra];152
to the north, I rest in the countryside of Chenmu [Sunken Tomb];
to the west, I go as far as the hamlet of Yaoming [Deep Obscurity];
to the east, I close myself up within Hongmeng [Profound Mist].
“In such places,
no Earth lies below;
no Heaven spreads above.
You listen but do not hear;
you look but do not see.
Beyond that place is something rather like a cleansing, encircling stream. Beyond that, there are perhaps another thousand or ten thousand li, but I have not been able to go there.
“Now you, sir, have traveled here and announced that you have seen everything there is to see. Have you really come all that far? Nonetheless, stay if you would like; but I have already arranged to meet Vast Waters beyond the Nine Limits, so I cannot remain here for long.” Then it appeared that the gentleman lifted his arms, raised his body, and flew off into the clouds.
Lu Ao looked upward to gaze after him but did not see him. He then stopped his horse, his mind unsettled. Perplexed and at a loss, he said: “If I compare myself to this man, it will be like comparing a worm to a swan. All day long the worm crawls just to go no farther than a few inches, but it seems like a long way to him. How lamentable is that!”
Therefore the Zhuangzi says:
“A few years are not as good as many years;
small knowledge is not as good as great knowledge.
The morning mushroom knows nothing of dusk and dawn;
the cicada knows nothing of spring and fall.”153
That is, even clarity cannot discern everything. [12/116/5–19]
Mizi154 had governed Shanfu for three years when Wuma Qi155 changed his appearance by wearing tattered clothes and a short hemp jacket so that he could [secretly] observe what transformations had taken place there. He saw a night fisherman catch a fish and let it go. Wuma Qi asked him: “You sir, being a fisherman, want to catch fish. Why then do you catch them and let them go?”
The fisherman replied: “Mizi does not want us to catch small fish. Since all the fish I caught were small ones, I let them go.”
Wuma Qi returned home and reported his findings to Confucius: “Mizi is the most Morally Potent of all! He is able to inspire people to conduct themselves in the dark of the night as if they were facing a strict punishment for their actions. How is Master Mi able to achieve such things?”
Confucius replied: “I, Qiu, once asked him about governing. He replied, ‘Sincerity in this takes shape in that.’ Mizi must be practicing this technique.”156
Therefore the Laozi says:
“He discards that and takes this.”157 [12/116/21–28]
Penumbra asked Shadow:158 “Is the brilliance of the sunlight spirit illumination?”
“No, it is not,” replied Shadow.
“How do you know that?” queried Penumbra.
Shadow replied: “When the Fusang Tree falls into darkness,159 the sun illuminates the universe, the radiance of its light illuminating [all within] the Four Seas. But if you shut your doors and close your windows, it has no means to enter your home. If it were spirit illumination,
it would flow to the four [directions] as far as they reach,
and there would be nowhere to which it did not extend;
above, delimiting Heaven,
below, encircling Earth.
It would transform and nourish the myriad things, and yet it could not be construed as having any particular appearance. In the twinkling of an eye, it would embrace all that lies beyond the Four Seas. How could ‘the brilliance of the sunlight’ be sufficient to denote spirit illumination?”
Therefore the Laozi says:
“The softest thing in the world
rides roughshod over the hardest thing in the world.”160 [12/117/1–4]
Resplendent Light asked Nothing There, “Master, is there really something there, or is there really nothing there?” Nothing There did not respond. Not getting an answer to his question, Resplendent Light looked intently at the other’s sunken, hollow, appearance.
He looked for him but did not see his form,
listened for him but did not hear his voice,
groped for him but could not grasp him,
gazed after him but could not reach him.
“How superb!” said Resplendent Light. “Who could achieve this state? I am able to be without Something, but I am not yet able to be without Nothing. When it comes to being without Nothing, what then would one follow to arrive at this state?”161
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Nothing There enters where there is no space;
this is how I know that non-action brings benefit.”162 [12/117/6–10]
Preoccupied with thoughts of rebellion,163 Duke Sheng of Bo left the court and was standing alone when he picked up a riding crop upside down and pierced his chin. Even though his blood flowed all over the ground, he was not conscious of it. When a person from Zheng learned of this, he said: “If you forget your chin, what won’t you forget!”
That is, if your Quintessential Spirit overflows outside, your knowledge and forethought will waste away inside, and you will not be able to regulate your body in a measured fashion. For this reason, the more distant the location in which the spirit is employed, the closer will be the things that are lost.164
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Do not go out your door,
thereby know the whole world;
do not peer out your window,
thereby know the Way of Heaven.
The farther you go,
the less you know.”165
This is what is meant here. [12/117/12–15]
When the First Emperor of Qin166 conquered the world, he feared that he would not be able to defend it. Thus, he attacked the Rong [border tribes], repaired the Great Wall, constructed passes and bridges, erected barricades and barriers, equipped himself with post stations and charioteers, and dispatched troops to guard the borders of his empire. When, however, the house of Liu took possession of the world, it was as easy as turning a weight in the palm of your hand.
In ancient times, King Wu attacked and vanquished [tyrant] Djou at Muye. He then
erected a tumulus at the grave of Bi Gan,
hung [his] banner over the [palace] gate of Shang Rong,
erected a fence to protect the home of Jizi,
paid his respects at the ancestral temple of Cheng Tang,
distributed the grain in the Juqiao granary,
and disbursed the wealth in the Deer Pavilion.167
He destroyed the war drums and drumsticks.
He unbent his bows and cut their strings.
He moved out of his palace and lived exposed to the wilds to demonstrate that life would be peaceful and simple.
He lay down his waist sword and took up the breast tablet to demonstrate that he was free of enmity.
As a consequence of King Wu’s actions, the entire world sang his praises and rejoiced in his rule while the Lords of the Land came bearing gifts of silk and seeking audiences with him. [His dynasty endured] for thirty-four generations without interruption.
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Those good at shutting use no bolts,
yet what they shut cannot be opened;
those good at tying use no cords,
yet what they tie cannot be unfastened.”168 [12/117/17–21]
Yin Ru169 was studying charioteering, but three years passed and he had not yet mastered it. He was so troubled and grieved by this that when he slept, his thoughts often drifted to charioteering. Once in the middle of the night he dreamed that he received instruction in “Autumn Driving”170 from his teacher.
The next morning he visited his teacher, who looked at him and said: “It is not that I have been withholding my Way from you; it is just that I feared you were not capable of receiving my instruction. Today I will instruct you in ‘Autumn Driving.’”
Yin Ru turned around to take his leave; facing north he bowed twice and replied: “I have enjoyed Heaven’s good fortune. This past evening I already received such instruction in my dreams!”171
Therefore the Laozi says:
“I do my utmost to attain emptiness;
I hold firmly to stillness.
The ten thousand things act in succession,
and I observe their reversions.”172 [12/117/22–26]
In the days of old, Sunshu Ao thrice rose to the position of prime minister but felt no joy because of it, and thrice he left the office but felt no anxiety over it. The people of Wu wanted Jizi of Yanling to be their king, but he would not accept. Xu You was given the empire, but he would not accept it. Master Yan Ying made a covenant with Cui Shu, and even though he faced death, he did not seek to alter his obligations. In every case, these men possessed far-reaching understanding. Their Quintessential Spirit plumbed the distinction between death and life; how then could worldly things delude them?173
There was a person from Jing [i.e., Chu] named Ci Fei who obtained a precious sword at Gansui.174 On his way home, he crossed the Yangzi River. When he was in midstream, a massive wave arose, and two scaly dragons pressed in on his boat and coiled around it. Ci Fei asked the boatman: “When you encountered these dragons before, how did you survive?” The boatman responded: “I have never seen them before.” Thereupon Ci Fei laid bare his arms and drew his sword declaring: “A courageous knight can be persuaded by Humaneness and Rightness, but he cannot be intimidated by force.175 On behalf of this rotten flesh and putrid bones floating in the river, if I were to give up my sword to preserve myself whole, what more would I have to cherish?” Ci Fei then jumped into the river and beheaded the dragons. The passengers survived, and the waves subsided. The king of Jing rewarded Ci Fei by making him “Holder of the Jade Baton.”
When Confucius learned about Ci Fei’s exploits, he commented: “Excellent, indeed! ‘To not discard a sword on behalf of rotten flesh and putrid bones’—does not this say [it all] about Ci Fei?”
Therefore the Laozi says:
“Only those who do not act for the sake of life
are worthier than those who value life.”176 [12/117/28–12/118/8]
Chunyu Kun,177 a person from Qi, offered a persuasion to the king of Wei on [the merits of joining] the Vertical Alliance. The king of Wei found it convincing, so he gave him ten chariots and ordered him to proceed to Jing [Chu]. When Chunyu Kun was about to take his leave, he had second thoughts about the merits of joining the Vertical Alliance and so again offered a persuasion, this time regarding [the merits of joining] the Horizontal Alliance. Chunyu Kun then took his leave as before, but the king of Wei halted his expedition and distanced himself from Chunyu Kun. In [both] his failing to realize his ambitions concerning the Vertical Alliance and his being unable to complete the task [of persuading the king to join] the Horizontal Alliance, the reason was constant.
Now words have an ancestor, and affairs have a root. If you lose sight of them, even if you possess much skill and capability, it would be better if you possessed less. For this reason, when Chui is depicted on the Zhou tripods, he is shown chewing his fingers because the former kings hoped to illustrate that excessive skill should not be practiced.178
Therefore the Shenzi says: “A craftsman who knows how to make a door that can [only] stay open does not truly know about [making] doors. He must be able to make them close. Only then does he know how to [make] doors.”179 [12/118/10–15]
A Mohist named Tian Jiu180 wished to have an audience with King Hui of Qin. He readied his chariot and aligned his wheels, but after remaining in Qin for three years, he still had not seen the king. A certain retainer spoke to the king of Chu on Tian Jiu’s behalf, and consequently Tian Jiu [traveled to Chu and] had an audience with the king. The king of Chu was delighted with Tian Jiu, so he bestowed on him the tally [of the general of the army] and sent him off to Qin. When he arrived in Qin with his tally, he obtained an audience with King Hui of Qin and offered him a persuasion. When he left the king and was on his way to his lodging, Tian Jiu let out a long sigh and remarked to one of his followers: “I remained in Qin for three years and did not obtain an audience. I did not realize that the path to Qin would be through the state of Chu.”
There definitely are some things that are near but are put far away, and some things that are far away but are brought near.181 Thus, the movements of a great man cannot be marked out with [the straightness of] a marking cord; he arrives at his objective, that is all. This is what the Guanzi means when it says:
The flight of birds is like the level and marking cord.182 [12/118/17–21]
The waters of Feng River are a thousand ren183 deep, yet it takes in no dirt or dust. Toss a metal needle into the deep waters, and the needle will remain visible. It is not that the water is not deep; it is that the water is clear, so that fish, turtles, dragons, and snakes are not willing to make their home there. Similarly, the five grains will not grow on top of stones and boulders, and deer will not roam on bare mountains, for they have no place in which they can hide and find shelter.184
In ancient times Viscount Wen of Zhao185 asked Shuxiang,186 “[Among] the six [hereditary] generals of [the armies of] Jin,187 who will be the first to perish?”
Shuxiang replied: “[The generals of] the Zhonghang and Zhi [clans].”
Viscount Wen asked: “Why?”
Shuxiang answered: “In administering the affairs of government, they consider
cruelty to be scrutiny;
severity to be discernment;
treating their subordinates harshly to be loyalty [to their lord];
and devising numerous stratagems to be meritorious.
They may be compared to stretching hide. If you stretch it, the hide will grow larger but enlarging the hide is also the way to rupture it.”
Therefore the Laozi says:
“When the government is muddled,
the people are simple.
When the government is alert,
the people are cunning.188 [12/118/21–29]
Duke Jing [of Qi] said to the chief prognosticator: “What can you accomplish with your Way?”
He replied: “I can move the earth.”
When Yanzi went to have an audience with Duke Jing, the duke said to him: “I asked the chief prognosticator what he could accomplish with his Way. He replied that he could move the earth. Is it really possible to move the earth?”
Yanzi was silent and did not respond. After he left Duke Jing, he went to see the chief prognosticator and said to him: “Earlier I observed a comet between [the lunar lodges] Room and Heart. Is there about to be an earthquake?”
“There will be,” said the chief prognosticator.
After Yanzi left, the chief prognosticator had an audience with Duke Jing in which he said: “I cannot move the earth, but the earth will definitely move.”
When Tian Ziyang189 heard this, he commented: “When Yanzi chose to remain silent and not speak, it was because he did not want to see the chief prognosticator die. When Yanzi sought an interview with the chief prognosticator, it was because he feared that the duke would be deceived. It may be said of Yanzi that he was loyal toward his superiors and generous toward his subordinates.”190
Therefore the Laozi says:
“[The sage] is square edged but does not scrape,
has corners but does not jab.”191 [12/119/1–6]
Marquis Wen of Wei192 feasted his grand ministers at Quyang. When they had drunk enough wine to become inebriated, Marquis Wen sighed deeply and exclaimed: “I, alone, lack a minister like Yu Rang.”
Jian Zhong193 raised a cup and approached him saying: “Please, drink a cup as a forfeit.”
The lord responded: “Why?”
Jian Zhong answered: “I have learned that those who follow their true destinies as mothers and fathers know nothing of the filial son, while the ruler possessed of the Way knows nothing of the loyal minister. Besides, what became of Yu Rang’s ruler?”
Marquis Wen accepted the cup and drank it. When he had drained the goblet, he replied: “If one lacks ministers like Guan Zhong and Bao Shu,194 then one gets the meritorious service of a Yu Rang.”195
Therefore the Laozi says:
“When the state is confused and chaotic,
there are loyal ministers.”196 [12/119/8–12]
Master Kong197 was paying a visit to the temple of Duke Huan198 when he happened to catch sight of a vessel called a Warning Vessel.
“How wonderful to have caught sight of such a vessel!” Master Kong exclaimed in delight. He turned his head around toward his disciples and called out: “Disciples, fetch some water!”
When they brought the water, Master Kong poured it into the vessel. When the vessel was half full, it remained upright, but when Master Kong filled it completely, it toppled over on its side.
Suddenly Master Kong’s expression changed, and he exclaimed: “How splendid to grasp the significance of fullness.”
Standing at the master’s side, Zigong said: “Please, what does it mean ‘to grasp the significance of fullness’?”
“What increases will decrease,” replied Master Kong.
“What does that mean?” asked Zigong.
Master Kong replied:
“Things prosper then decline.
Joy reaches its utmost then becomes sorrow.
The sun reaches its apogee then shifts.
The moon reaches its fullness then begins to wane.
This is why
the perceptive and wise preserve themselves with stupidity;
the learned and eloquent preserve themselves with restraint;
the martial and courageous preserve themselves with timidity;
the wealthy and powerful preserve themselves with frugality;
and those whose Potency operates throughout the world preserve themselves with docility.
These five things are the means by which the former kings defended their empires without losing them. If you oppose these five things, you will always be endangered.”199
Therefore the Laozi says:
“If you submit to the Way,
you will not want to be full.
It is because he is not full
that he can be worn and yet newly made.”200 [12/119/14–20]
King Wu asked the Grand Duke: “If I attack [the tyrant] Djou, the world will consider that a subject has murdered his lord and a subordinate has attacked his superior. I fear that later generations will employ their troops incessantly and will struggle with one another unceasingly. What can I do about this?”
The Grand Duke replied: “The king’s question is excellent indeed! Those who have not yet caught their prey fear the wound will be too small. But once they have caught it, they fear the wound is so large as to spoil much of the meat. If the king persistently wants to hold onto the empire, then block up the peoples’ senses. Guide them all into useless occupations and pointless teachings. When they all rejoice in their respective callings and are at ease with their emotions, those who are bright and shining will lead those who are [still] dark and obscure.
Then, and only then, discard their helmets and adorn their heads with caps of duck feather; unfasten their waist swords; and direct them to carry breast tablets. Establish three years of mourning, directing the mourning clothes to be simple. Elevate and praise those who are modest and retiring so that the people will not compete with one another. Use wine and meat to communicate with them, the [music of] the mouth organ and the qin to amuse them, and ghosts and spirits to intimidate them.
[Next] employ sumptuous ornamentation and opaque ritual to obscure their inner substance. Enhance funerals and extend mourning periods to make their households sincere. With pearls for the mouths of the deceased, fish scales [of jade] for their clothing, and silken thread and cords bind their bodies, you will deplete their resources. With tombs that have been chiseled deep with ornamentation and tumuli that have been mounded high above the earth, you will use up their strength. When the families are impoverished and the clans have decreased, your worries and anxieties will be few. If you employ these methods to modify customary practices, then you will be able to maintain the empire without losing it.”
Therefore the Laozi says:
“After they are transformed, should they want to act,
I shall suppress them with the Nameless Uncarved Block.”201 [12/119/22–29]
Translated by Sarah A. Queen
1. Shu 
, more commonly “numbers,” but here clearly used in one of its secondary meanings, “norms.”
2. A version of this anecdote appears in ZZ 22/62/18–22.
3. Laozi 2.
4. Laozi 56.
5. Wei yan 
.
6. For parallels of this story, see LSCQ 18.3/111/16–21, as well as Liezi 8, “Shuofu,” and the “Weiyan” chapters of Wenzi. Compare the translation by Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 450, for LSCQ 18/3.4 and that by A. C. Graham, The Book of Lieh-tzŭ: A Classic of Tao (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 166–67. See Graham’s note: “The Duke of Pai was the grandson of King Ping of Ch’u (528–516 B.C.E.). After the execution of his father in Cheng, he urged the Prime Minister of Ch’u to make war on Cheng. Instead a Ch’u army was sent to help Cheng against an invasion by Chin. The Duke rebelled, killed the Prime Minister, but was himself killed in a bath-house” (167).
7. Laozi 70.
8. King Hui of Wei 
(also known as King Hui of Liang 
[r. 369–319 B.C.E.]) was the first ruler of Wei to assume the title of king. He moved the capital of Wei to Da Liang and oversaw the building of several large-scale public works. At the end of his long reign, after suffering successive defeats by powerful neighbors, he initiated a campaign to attract scholars and drew figures like Mencius to his court. See Zhang Shuangdi 1997, 2:1211n.1. This anecdote also appears in LSCQ 18, where King Hui is explicitly identified as the king of Wei. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 460.
9. Following the original text and rejecting Lau’s emendation, which changes xiansheng 
to minren 
, based on parallels with the Lüshi chunqiu.
10. Zhai Jian 
was a hereditary minister at the court of Wei during the Warring States period. His ancestor Zhai Huang had recruited many talented knights for Marquis Wen of Wei.
11. Literally, ye xu 
.
12. For another version of this story, see LSCQ 18.5/114/21–24; and Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 459–60. For a comparative analysis of the HNZ and LSCQ versions, see Le Blanc 1985, 86–90.
13. Laozi 57.
14. Tian Pian 
(also known as Tianzi 
and Chen 
Pian) was a philosopher and Qi native known for teaching the “arts of the Way.” He was ranked among the venerable masters of Jixia in the Qi capital of Linze during the Warring States period. A text bearing his name once circulated but exists now only as fragments.
15. A version of this story appears in LSCQ 17.8/107/23–26. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 435.
16. Laozi 14.
17. Shi Qi 
(d. 479 B.C.E.) was a knight of Qi who assisted the Duke of Bo in his rebellion against the throne. When the rebellion was put down, he was boiled alive as punishment.
18. The Duke of She 
(also known as Shen Zhuliang 
) was a grandee and vassal of Chu who led the forces that put down the rebellion of the Duke of Bo.
19. It is said that the xiao 
bird (generally taken to be a type of owl) loves her offspring, but because the mother bird teaches them to be fierce, the nestlings devour her when they mature. See also 1.14. In other words, the Duke of Bo loved wealth, but this love ultimately destroyed him. See Zhang Shuangdi 1997, 2:1215n.5. This story also occurs in LSCQ 25.4/163/24–28. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 635.
20. D. C. Lau explains: “This refers to a vessel which is said to have been in the temple of Zhou (or Lu). It stands in position when empty but overturns when full. The moral is that humility is a necessary virtue, especially for those in high position” (Tao Te Ching [Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1964], 65). For a story that revolves around the same type of vessel, see 12.55.
21. Laozi 9.
22. We follow Yu Dacheng in emending this name from Dong Jianyu (as given in the text but otherwise unknown) to Dong Anyu. See Lau, HNZ, 106n.4. Dong Anyu 
(d. 496) was a knight who served in the household of Viscount Jian. His prescient counsel drew the suspicion of Earl Zhi, who forced him to commit suicide. Dong Anyu figures in several anecdotes about Viscount Jian in the Lüshi chunqiu and other texts.
23. A version of this story appears in Shuo yuan, chap. 3, “Jian ben” (Establishing the Root); there the text reads “lacquered his skull” rather than “split his skull.” See Lu Yuanjun, Shuoyuan jinzhu jinyi (Taibei: Shangwu, 1967), 100–101. The story of Earl Zhi’s (
or 
) rise and fall is very famous, especially as a tale of strategic insight on the part of Viscount Xiang of Zhao. At a certain moment, Earl Zhi could easily have triumphed over Zhao, Hann, and Wei, but his own arrogance and presumption ultimately defeated him. Earl Zhi is a stock figure, and his story is retold many times down through the Han in such texts as the Zhanguoce, Hanfeizi, and Lüshi chunqiu, but the earliest known version appears in the final pages of the Zuozhuan. The greatest fund of “Earl Zhi stories” is likely the Zhanguoce, where he (listed in the index under Chih Po-yao or Earl Yao of Zhi) figures in chaps. 5, 75, 90, 97, 107, 158, 229, 292, 363, 461, 482, and 483 of James I. Crump, trans., Chan-kuo Ts ’e, rev. ed., Michigan Monographs in Chinese Studies, vol. 77 (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1996).
24. Laozi 28.
25. This line could also be rendered, “And spirits will come to take up their abode.”
26. This anecdote also appears in ZZ 22/60/31–22/61/2.
27. Laozi 10.
28. Supplying bu zhongchao 
, based on Zhang Shuangdi 1997, 2:1221n.5.
29. A near parallel of this story appears in LSCQ 15.1/80/19–15.1/81/6. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 341–42.
30. Laozi 4.
31. Hui Ang 
was a native of Song and a knight in the service of King Kang.
32. King Kang of Song 
(r. 328–286 B.C.E.), the last ruler of the state of Song, was comparable to the tyrant Jie for his avarice and profligacy.
33. That is, they looked for every opportunity to be helpful.
34. This story also appears in LSCQ 15.5/85/13–26. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 357–58.
35. Laozi 73.
36. A similar argument is made in 19.5.
37. This anecdote also appears in LSCQ 15.6/86/20–21; we follow Knoblock and Riegel’s 2000, 360, translations of the term qiong qiong ju xu 
as “fabulous-big-and-small” and jue 
as “stumbler.” Apparently, the jue has short forelegs and long hind legs, while the qiong qiong ju xu has long forelegs and short hind legs. The fabulous-big-and-small is said to have trouble with his sense of smell; thus the jue, although a stumbler, is able to use his capacities to help the qiong qiong ju xu and thereby augment those capacities he lacks. See Chen Yiping, Huiji ge jia xueshuo de juzhu: Huainanzi (Beijing: Zhongguo wenlian chuban gongsi, 1997), 559n.5.
38. Laozi 74.
39. Bo Yi 
, an official of Wey.
40. During the reign of Lord Si of Wey 
(r. 324–283 B.C.E.), Wey became an effective vassalage of Qin with little territory; thus his rank was reduced from “marquis” to “lord.”
41. That is, in techniques appropriate to the prince of a medium-size state, not to a great king.
42. A jun (
) is an ancient measure of weight equal to thirty jin (
), approximately sixteen pounds.
43. Du He 
was a native of Zhou who embarked on a career as a wandering persuader and strategist during the Warring States period. He figures in several anecdotes in the Zhanguoce.
44. Lord Zhaowen of Zhou 
was, according to Gao You, a ruler of East Zhou during the period of decline in which the Zhou royal domain broke into two competing courts, East and West. See Zhang Shuangdi 1997, 2:1230n.4.
45. See also LSCQ 26.2/167/20–23; and Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 649.
46. Laozi 28.
47. Laozi 39. Lau’s translation reads: “Hence the highest renown is without renown” (Tao Te Ching, 100). Based on the Mawangdui manuscript, Lau’s emendations seem to be erroneous, a conclusion that is further supported by the detailed discussion in Robert Henricks, trans., Lao-tzu: Te-Tao Ching: A New Translation Based on the Recently Discovered Ma-wang-tui Texts (New York: Ballantine Books, 1989), 100. We follow Henricks in our rendering of this line.
48. Another name for Zigong. See chap. 9, n. 9.
49. The main point in this passage, ascribed to Confucius, is that the Superior Man must not arbitrarily follow his own standards of morality but must take into account the customary practices of the populace at hand. Confucius does not approve of the practice of being given a cash reward for ransoming people, but that custom can be reformed only by first using it as the local populace does, not by disregarding it. Confucius expressly states: “When sages initiate undertakings, they are able to shift with prevailing habits to change local customs.” It is precisely their sensitivity to the particular circumstances on the ground or the local nuances of customary practice that enables sages to transform the common people through their virtuous conduct.
50. A version of this story appears in LSCQ 16.6/95/29–16.6/96/2. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000,394. This story is also alluded to in 11.2.
51. Laozi 52. Hanfeizi 21 links a different anecdote to this citation exemplifying the interchangeability of these stories as compact and portable ciphers of intellectual exchange. There the ability to “notice the details” enables the viscount of Ji to foretell impending catastrophe. See HFZ 21/44/5–8.
52. Marquis Wu of Wei 
(r. 396–371 B.C.E.), the second ruler of the independent state of Wei, expanded his state’s territories through a series of aggressive campaigns. Li Ke 
(also known as Li Kui 
[ca. 455–395 B.C.E.]) was a statesman and government reformer who served as prime minister of Wei under Marquis Wen. He is credited with inventing certain techniques of rule, such as using the sale and purchase of state grain reserves to stabilize prices. A text attributed to him once circulated but now exists only as fragments.
53. See 12.23. King Fuchai of the southeastern, non-Sinitic state of Wu was renowned for both his military prowess and his arrogance. In the battle of Gansui (473 B.C.E.), he was surrounded by an army of the neighboring state of Yue and committed suicide. He is mentioned several times in the Huainanzi, most fully in 15.25; see also 11.7 and 18.27. The exchange between Marquis Wu of Wei and Li Ke also appears in LSCQ 19.5./124/16–20. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 494. See also HSWZ 10.23/78/1–4.
54. Laozi 9.
55. LSCQ 19.8/128/10–17. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 507–8. For Ning Qi, see also 9.7, 10.94, 11.6, and 13.16.
56. Laozi 25.
57. Great King Danfu 
was an ancient ancestor of the Zhou royal house. He was awarded the title Great King posthumously after the Zhou ascended to the throne of the Son of Heaven.
58. The version of the Danfu story presented here is almost identical to that in ZZ 28/81/23–28. See Mair 1997, 285–86. Abbreviated versions appear in 14.14 and 20.9, and see also LSCQ 21.4/141/11–17; and Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 557–58.
59. Laozi 13.
60. Prince Mou of Zhongshan 
was a prince of Wei who was enfeoffed at Zhongshan after Wei destroyed that state. A text in four chapters attributed to him is recorded in the “Daoist” section of the Hanshu yiwenzhi.
61. See also ZZ 28/84/7–11; LSCQ 21.4./141/27–29; and Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 558–59.
62. Laozi 55. Presumably the text argues here that one should neither try to extend one’s natural life span nor use the mind to direct the vital energy. One values the preservation of life but not longevity; one relies on emptiness and nothingness, rather than the mind, to direct the vital energy.
63. Laozi 52.
64. For a variant of this story, see LSCQ 17.8/107/18–21; and Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 435.
65. Laozi 54.
66. Bian 
.
67. Our translation of these challenging lines follows Burton Watson, The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 152–53.
68. For the Zhuangzi variant of this parable, see ZZ 13/37/10–13. For the Hanshi waizhuan version of this story, see HSWZ 5.6/35/26–5.6/36/3.
69. Laozi 1.
70. This story also appears in HSWZ 7, 10/51/30–10/52/5.
71. Laozi 36. Hanfeizi 21 explains these lines:
When political purchase is weighty, it constitutes the “deep abyss” of the ruler. To shepherd the people, your political purchase must be weightier than that which rests with the ministers. If it is lost, it cannot be regained. When Duke Jian lost it to Tian Cheng and the Duke of Jin lost it to the six ministers, their states were destroyed and their lives lost. Thus “fish must not be allowed to leave the deep.” Rewards and punishments are the efficacious instruments of state. If they rest with the ruler, he controls the ministers; if they rest with the ministers, they defeat the ruler. If the ruler reveals his rewards [to his ministers], the ministers will disparage them as acts of virtue; if the ruler reveals his punishments [to his ministers], the ministers will exaggerate them as acts of authority. If the ruler exhibits his rewards, the ministers will make use of his political purchase; if the ruler reveals his punishments, the ministers will avail themselves of his authority. (HFZ 21/42/31–21/43/4)
The “Inner Collection of Discourses, Lower Section” (Nei zhu shuo xia 
) also comments on these lines in a somewhat similar fashion. See HFZ 31/72/1–4.
72. This line has generated some debate over the years. Lau proposes emending it by supplying the negative bu before cang shu, yielding the reading 
,
. He follows the near parallel from the “Yu Lao” chapter of Hanfeizi:
Royal Longevity was traveling with a bundle of books on his back when he bumped into Dignified Ascent in Zhou. Dignified Ascent remarked: “Affairs are [what one] does, and [what one does] is born of the times. [Thus] the times have no constant affairs. Books are [what one] says. [What one] says is born of knowledge. Thus one who knows does not hoard books. Why then do you make an exception by carrying books on your back?” Upon hearing this, Royal Longevity made a bonfire of his books and danced with joy. Thus, those who are knowledgeable do not rely upon spoken communication to teach; those who are intelligent do not rely upon hoarded books to learn. Such a principle, our present age has passed by but Royal Longevity returned to it. This is to learn not to learn. Thus it is said: “Learn not to learn and return to what the multitudes pass by.” (HFZ 21/44/18–21)
In his emendation and reading of this passage, Rudolph Wagner argues that Lau is mistaken in following the Hanfeizi text and supplying the negative. He follows the Wenzi, in which no negative appears, and proposes leaving the line as is: 
.
: “Books are the product of speech and since speech is the product of the knowledgeable, those who are knowledgeable hoard books” (Language, Ontology, and Political Philosophy in China [Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007], 35–36).
Finally, Zhang Shuangdi bases his emendations on citations of the Hanfeizi preserved in various encyclopedias. He appears to have dug the deepest into this problem, and accordingly we follow Zhang Shuangdi, who proposes 
. 
,
: “Books are the product of speech and speech is the product of the knowledgeable. Those who understand speech do not hoard books” (1997, 2:1249n.2).
73. Books at the time were written on wooden or bamboo strips and so burned readily.
74. Laozi 5.
75. Chief Minister Zipei 
. According to Yu Dacheng, this figure is Chief Minister Zixia 
or Yang Gai 
, who is recorded in the Zuozhuan, Zhao 19, as having served as chief minister to King Zhuang of Chu. See Lau, HNZ, 110n.8.
76. Lau (HNZ 12/110/21) supplied the graphs jingtai 
here, but it should read Qiangtai 
based on the several references to this terrace in the following passage.
77. Zuo 
(left) corresponds to the east and you 
(right) to the west because the monarch faces south.
78. Wang si 
; an alternative reading has wang gui 
, “forget to return home.”
79. Laozi 3.
80. The ruler wanted Chong’er to go fishing naked so that he could see his joined ribs, a deformity for which he was well known. The story is recounted in 18.18 and mentioned again in 20.37.
81. Xi Fuji was a minister and fief holder in the state of Cao in the seventh century B.C.E. See Zuozhuan, Xi 23; and 11.6 and 18.18.
82. A rather different version of this story appears in HFZ 21.
83. Laozi 22.
84. Literally, “one who marches ahead of the horse and chariot of the king.”
85. Hanfeizi 21 also refers to this story, but in a much abbreviated manner. See HFZ 21/44/10–13.
86. Laozi 78.
87. Ten zhang 
.
88. Shuxiang 
was the nickname of Yangshe Xi 
, a grand officer of the state of Jin during the Spring and Autumn period who was known for his worthiness and ability. For references to additional anecdotes in which he appears, see Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 798.
89. A variant of this anecdote appears in LSCQ 19.8/128/10–17. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 507–8. See also HSWZ 6.15/48/5–9.
90. Laozi 22.
91. Tianji 
.
92. Literally, “a ten thousand–li horse.” A version of this story appears in Liezi. See LieZ 8/49/1–11. Bo Le is mentioned twice in Zhuangzi 9 in different contexts. See ZZ 9/23/23 and 9/24/7.
93. Laozi 45.
94. Qu Yijiu 
was a grandee of Chu who had been exiled to Wei.
95. Laozi 4.
96. A “stage,” she 
, is a day’s march, equal to thirty or thirty-five li.
97. Laozi 78. A state could be said to exist only as long as its altars of soil and grain remained intact and functioning; thus it was the ruler’s responsibility to protect them at all costs.
98. Duke Jing of Song 
ruled from 517 to 452 B.C.E.
99. For the lunar lodges (xiu 
; here called “stages,” she), see chap. 3 and app. B.
100. Zi Wei 
, court astronomer of Song, was renowned for his skill at divination. He was granted the surname Zi (that of the ducal house) in reward for his services.
101. Sui 
. The meaning of Zi Wei’s suggestion and Duke Jing’s response depends on a pun. In the context of this astrological conversation, Zi Wei might be suggesting that the duke shift the blame to the planet Jupiter, called sui xing (year star); Jupiter was regarded as having a powerful influence on the fate of states. But sui means “harvest” as well as “year,” and Duke Jing elects to understand sui here as meaning not sui xing, Jupiter, but “harvest,” which allows him to reply to Zi Wei’s suggestion in suitably moralistic terms.
102. That is, turning toward the ruler, whose throne faces south.
103. A shift of a planet through three lunar lodges in one night is not physically possible; however, it would be possible to emulate such a shift on the cosmograph (shi 
), allowing the astrological consequences of the shift to be demonstrated.
104. This story also appears in LSCQ 6.4/31/20–6.4/32/4. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 165–66.
105. Laozi 78.
106. This citation of Laozi 27 differs from the Wang Bi and Heshanggong recensions. It is shorter than the other versions but carries the same general message. Lau’s translation of Wang Bi’s recension of this passage reads: “Therefore the sage always excels in saving people, and so abandons no one; always excels in saving things, and so abandons nothing. This is called following one’s discernment” (Tao Te Ching, 84).
107. King Xuan of Chu 
(r. 369–340 B.C.E.) presided over a period of declining power for his state.
108. One qing 
equals a hundred mu 
. See app. B.
109. We follow Knoblock and Riegel’s translation of the title zhi gui in LSCQ 20/3.2. Charles O. Hucker renders the title as “Baton Holder,” in A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1985), 1017.
110. The story of Zifa 
is reminiscent of the story of Jiezhi Tui 
(Zuozhuan, Xi 24.2), who refused all rewards on the grounds that the achievement was really Heaven’s doing.
111. Laozi 2.
112. See also LSCQ 19.6/126/3–8; and Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 499–500.
113. Laozi 21.
114. Laozi 62. Note the linking of the two Laozi passages here with the graph gu 
(therefore).
115. Gongyi Xiu 
, prime minister under Duke Mu of Lu (r. 407–376 B.C.E.), enjoyed a reputation for frugality and incorruptibility.
116. For another account of this story, see HSWZ 3.21/20/27–3.21/21/2.
117. Laozi 7.
118. Laozi 44.
119. See also HSWZ 7.12/52/16–21.
120. Laozi 39.
121. The word gou 
in this context refers to a kind of double-edged, slightly curved, sicklelike weapon. For an illustration, see Meng Jianmin and Zhang Lin, Awakened: Qin ’s Terra-Cotta Army (Xi’an: Shaanxi Travel & Tourism Press, 2001), 113.
122. Laozi 23.
123. Marquis Hu of Chong was an adviser to King Djou, the tyrannical last ruler of Shang. He appears in 10.59 as “Marquis Chong.”
124. This recalls a proverb of the era: “Although a hat is old, it is certainly placed on the head [i.e., in a position of honor]; although a pair of shoes is new, it is certainly worn on the feet [i.e., in an inferior position]” (quoted from a court debate recounted in Shiji 121/3122–23, in Sarah A. Queen, From Chronicle to Canon [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996], 18).
125. Qu Shang 
was another minister of the tyrant Djou.
126. San Yishing 
was a worthy who entered the service of King Wen on hearing the report of his virtue.
127. Fei Zhong 
was a sycophantic minister of Djou credited with exacerbating his ruler’s flaws.
128. This is a famously cruel punishment, also mentioned in 2.13, 11.1, 15.2, and 21.4.
129. Laozi 28.
130. King Cheng 
, the third ruler of the Zhou dynasty, was the son of King Wu and ward of the Duke of Zhou.
131. Yin Yi 
(also known as Scribe 
Yi), the grand historian of the Zhou court, was an astronomer and a diviner of renowned skill. A text bearing his name was listed in the “Mohist” section of the Hanshu yiwenzhi but now exists only as fragments.
132. Odes 195.
133. Laozi 20.
134. This story also appears in LSCQ 11.4/55/25–11.4/56/1 and ZZ 10/24/27–10/25/3. For other translations, see Riegel and Knoblock 2000, 251; and Mair 1997, 85.
135. Laozi 19.
136. That is, ignoring all the norms of propriety. Zifa is so overwhelmed by his guest’s significance that he “forgets his manners.” Compare Mencius (4B.29), who taught that a gentleman should never leave his house, no matter what the provocation or emergency, unless his hair was properly arranged and his hat strings tied.
137. Laozi 27.
138. This anecdote also appears in ZZ 6/19/17–20.
139. Laozi 10. For the hun “ethereal soul,” see 7.7.
140. Jian Shu 
was a grandee of the Qin court.
141. A briefer version of this story appears in 13.11 and another version in 18.12; Xian Gao is mentioned again in 20.34. See also LSCQ 16.4/93/20–16.4/94/11.
142. Duke Xiang of Jin 
(r. 627–621) was the successor of Duke Wen.
143. Xian Zhen 
(d. 627) was a high minister of the Jin court, commander of the Army of the Center.
144. This anecdote first appears in the Zuozhuan, Xi 33. A longer version appears in LSCQ 16.4/93/20–16.4/94/11. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 385–89.
145. Laozi 71.
146. The Duke of Xue 
(also known as Tian Ying 
and Lord Jingguo 
) was a scion of the Qi royal house during the Warring States period and the father of Lord Mengchang. He served as prime minister under King Xuan (r. 319–301 B.C.E.).
147. Laozi 52.
148. Lu Ao was a famous (but possibly legendary) erudite of the time of Qin Shihuangdi, late third century B.C.E.
149. A reference to the darkness, damp, and cold (all yin qualities) of the northern regions. At its most extreme, north could be regarded as entirely yin, beyond the influence of yang.
150. Although Lau does not emend the text here, he does suggest two possible emendations in his notes to this passage. We follow emendation A. See Lau, HNZ, 116n.1. Menggu, the “Hidden Valley” or “Vale of Obscurity,” also is found in 3.25, as part of a passage describing the sun’s path across the sky.
151. For the “extremes of the four directions,” see 4.1 and 4.2.
152. The “Wangliang” of this passage appears to be a nonstandard graphic loanword for “Wangliang” (Penumbra [see 12.44]), and we translate it accordingly.
153. ZZ 1/1/19.
154. Mizi 
(also known as Mi Buqi 
and Zijian 
[b. 521 B.C.E.]) was a disciple of Confucius.
155. Wuma Qi 
(also known as Wuma Shi 
) was a native of Lu and a disciple of Confucius.
156. This parable appears as part of a longer story in LSCQ 18/8.2. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 471.
157. Laozi 72.
158. Penumbra and Shadow appear as characters in Zhuangzi 2, but in the context of quite a different anecdote.
159. The Fusang Tree falls into darkness when the sun crow takes off from its branches to begin its daily journey across the sky.
160. Laozi 43.
161. This anecdote also appears in Zhuangzi, chap. 22. See ZZ 22/63/1–3; and Mair 1997, 210. It is also quoted in an abbreviated version in 2.1.
162. Laozi 43.
163. Duke Sheng was said to be consumed by a desire to avenge the murder of his father by the state of Zheng. Hence the comment of the “person from Zheng” is an expression of apprehension.
164. This anecdote also appears in Hanfeizi 21. See HFZ 21/44/18–21.
165. Laozi 47. This line is also quoted in 7.4.
166. The First Emperor of Qin 
(also known as Zhao Zheng 
and King Zheng of Qin [259–210 B.C.E., r. 221–210 B.C.E.]) conquered the Warring States and founded the Qin dynasty (221–206 B.C.E.). He created the title of emperor and thus is known as the first ruler of China’s imperial period. His reign is chronicled in Shiji 6.
167. All the actions of King Wu illustrate the ways in which he reversed the course of rulership adopted by Djou Xin, the last ruler of the Shang. According to Chinese tradition, the tyrant-king Djou Xin cut out the heart of Bi Gan. Shang Rong was supposedly prime minister under King Djou. Jizi was the uncle of King Djou and feigned madness to avoid being associated with his nephew’s actions. Cheng Tang was the virtuous founder of the Shang dynasty. The Juqiao Granary and Deer Pavilion were places where King Djou stored his grain and money.
168. Laozi 27.
169. Yin Ru 
was a famous charioteer of the Spring and Autumn period.
170. This was the name of a special technique of charioteering.
171. A version of this story appears in LSCQ 24.5/158/24–29. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 619.
172. Laozi 75.
173. For parallels with this section, see LSCQ 20.3/131/1–5; and Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 518.
174. Presumably as a reward or as plunder from that famous battlefield; see 12.13. The story of Ci Fei 
is mentioned in 13.21 and 18.25, and a version appears in LSCQ 20.3/131/1–5.
175. Emending 
to 
. The implication is that the two dragons were trying to steal Ci Fei’s rare and valuable sword; he refused to give it up without a fight.
176. Laozi 75.
177. Chunyu Kun 
, a native of Qi, was a scholar who served at the Qi court during the Warring States period and was ranked among the venerable masters of Jixia. He wrote a text, the Wang du ji 
, which has not survived.
178. The story of Chunyu Kun also appears in LSCQ 18/4.6. See Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 455–56. The image of Chui portrayed as biting his fingers also appears in 8.5.
179. This incomplete citation is from a lost passage of the Shenzi. Although Lau does not emend the main text here, we follow his suggested possible emendations at HNZ 12/118/14nn.2, 3. See also Zhang Shuangdi 1997, 2:1315n.8.
180. Tian Jiu 
(also known as Tian Qiu 
) was a native of Qi and a latter-day disciple of Mozi. A text bearing his name, the Tian Qiuzi, once circulated, but now exists only as fragments.
181. For parallels, see LSCQ 14.3/72/25–14.3/73/4; and Knoblock and Riegel 2000, 313.
182. The translation of this passage follows Rickett 1985, 203.
183. Some commentators emend “thousand” to “ten,” which yields a more plausible picture of the river’s depth as eighty feet rather than eight thousand feet.
184. Although Lau (HNZ 12/118/21–24) attaches this paragraph to the end of 12.51, we follow the majority of Chinese and Japanese commentators, who include it at the beginning of the current passage. The paragraph, however, does not seem to fit either of the two passages very well.
185. Viscount Wen of Zhao 
(also known as Zhao Wu 
), head of the Zhao clan and minister of Jin during the reigns of Dukes Dao (r. 572–558 B.C.E.) and Ping (r. 557–532 B.C.E.), was credited with helping revive the prosperity and power of Jin.
186. Shuxiang 
(also known as Yangshe Xi 
) was an influential grandee and minister of Jin who served in several capacities at the Jin court and whose ideas helped shape its policies.
187. Jin was unique among Spring and Autumn states in organizing its military forces into Six Armies instead of the customary three. As in many other states, in Jin the command of each of the armies was the hereditary privilege of a particular ministerial clan. In effect, the “Six Generals” is an alternative designation for the “Six Counselors” (or “Six Excellencies,” liu qing 
) of the Zhonghang, Fan, Zhi, Zhao, Hann, and Wei clans. The term “general” here thus denotes a hereditary privilege or title held by an aristocratic clan rather than its Warring States period meaning of the professional rank of an individual.
188. Laozi 58.
189. Tian Ziyang 
was a minister of Qi.
190. This story also appears in Yanzi chunqiu (Master Yan’s Spring and Autumn).
191. Laozi 58.
192. Marquis Wen of Wei 
(r. 446–396 B.C.E.), the first ruler of the independent state of Wei, was renowned for undertaking vigorous reforms and attracting able knights to his court.
193. Jian Zhong 
was a minister of Wei.
194. Bao Shu 
(also known as Bao Shuya 
) was an adviser to Duke Huan of Qi who convinced him to employ Guan Zhong, even though the latter had served the duke’s brother in the struggle over his succession.
195. Yu Rang 
appears in Shiji 86:2519–2522. His story is told in the “Book of Zhao” of the Zhanguoce, chap. 232 in Crump, Chan-kuo Ts ’e, 279–81.
196. Laozi 18.
197. That is, Confucius.
198. Duke Huan 
was the ruler of Lu from 711 to 694 B.C.E.
199. For a different version of this story, see HSWZ 3.30/23/14–20.
200. Laozi 15; Lau, Tao Te Ching, 71. Lau notes that the negative bu must have crept into the text by mistake.
201. Laozi 38.