Liam Lynch became a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood late in 1918 when he formed a circle in Fermoy. The following year he gathered up some threads of the organisation and was elected as its centre.
The Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) was a secret oath-bound society founded in 1858 when John O’Mahony and Michael Doheny, acting on behalf of a group of exiled young Irelanders in the United States sent Owen Considine to James Stephens in Ireland with proposals for the foundation of the organisation, and promises of support from America.1
John O’Mahony had been born near Liam’s homeplace, and Liam had studied his activities from an early age. The seven signatories of the proclamation of the Republic at Easter 1916 were the members of the IRB military council. (The constitution provided for the establishment of a military council subordinate to the supreme council.) The executions after Easter Week 1916 almost wiped out the supreme council. However in the autumn of 1917 the council was regularly constituted with Seán McGarry as president, Michael Collins as secretary and Diarmuid Lynch as treasurer. Even after the reconstitution of the supreme council no active steps were implemented to revitalise the organisation, mainly because De Valera and Brugha had come to the conclusion that there was no longer a necessity for the continuance of a secret organisation as they felt the future of the national struggle for independence could now be staked upon open military and political organisations. Michael Collins, however, believed the continued existence of the secret organisation was essential in achieving a Republic. In this he was supported by members like Liam Lynch.
The south Munster division of the IRB consisted of the counties of Cork, Kerry and Waterford. The supreme council requested Lynch to act as divisional officer in March 1921 to replace Tom Hales who had been arrested.2Lynch agreed, thus he automatically gained a seat on the supreme council – a body which regarded itself as the guardian of Republican policy. This event took place shortly before the enlarged formation of the First Southern Division of the IRA of which he was given leadership. Between March and December 1921 the South Munster Division of the IRB, under his direction, had been re-organised, and its membership increased.
When the Articles of Agreement for the treaty were signed in London the organisation was galvanised into activity. The IRB would have to take a stand. The supreme council met following the signing, and issued a note to all divisions around the country:
The Organisation
The Peace Treaty
The Supreme Council having due regard to the Constitution of the Organisation, has decided that the present Peace Treaty between Ireland and Great Britain should be ratified. Members of the Organisation, however, who have to take public action as representatives are given freedom of action in the matter.3
This meeting, held on the night of 10 December 1921, was Liam’s first as a member of the supreme council. Two letters record his reaction. The next day he wrote to Florence O’Donoghue:
The situation is that I stood alone at the meeting I attended, and our Division seemingly stands alone in the army. GHQ staff and several others who have done actual army work are for the Treaty ... My belief is that the Treaty will be carried by a majority of the Dáil. The position I have taken up I mean to stand by, even if the whole division turn it down. On the other hand I do not recommend immediate war as our front is broken – which our leaders are responsible for ...4
Referring to Michael Collins, he wrote, ‘I admire Mick as a soldier and a man. Thank God all parties can agree to differ.’5
This letter to Florence O’Donoghue and the following letter he wrote to his brother Fr Tom express his foremost ideal that his initial goal was an Irish Republic. The content of these letters should be borne in mind as one views the turn which events began to take over the year ahead. Because of his generosity of spirit he appears to have over-estimated this quality in others:
First of all I must assure you that my attitude is now as always, to fight on for the recognition of the Republic. Even if I were to stand alone I will not voluntarily accept being part of the British Empire.
Whatever will happen here in this week of destiny we must and will show a united front. Thank God that we can agree to differ. Minority of the Dáil will stand by majority no matter what side, the same will apply to the army. Therefore there will be no disunity as in the past.
It is only natural that in such a big issue there would be a difference of opinion ... All my Division hold the one view, and that strongly too. Several other southern areas, I know already, are with us in this view. If the government accept the Treaty we shall not, but strike for final victory at most favourable opportunity.
There is no allegiance asked to the British Empire, only to be faithful to it. At all times of course, we give allegiance to the Irish Constitution ... The Governor-General would be of our own choice say for instance Count Plunkett, and he certainly, as only a figurehead would not be much of a connection for king ...
Even if we must temporarily accept the Treaty there is scarcely another leap to freedom ...
Speeches and fine talk do not go far these days. We have already too much gas, what we want is a definite line of action ...
Sorry I must agree to differ with Collins – that does not make us worse friends ...6
Dáil deputies who were members of the supreme council were free to vote for or against the treaty, but those who were against ratification were put in the position of acting in opposition to the wishes of the council.
The South Munster Division received the decision taken by the Dáil with amazement as well as anger. At the autumn elections before the opening of the London negotiations, Michael Collins had come to Cork and presided at the divisional meeting when Liam Lynch was elected divisional centre officer. The men who met in O’Briens, Parnell Place, were representative of the mind and spirit of both organisations in the area. Michael Collins spoke to Liam and some other officers just before the meeting and he gave, in general terms, the first indication that some modification of the full Republican demand might have to be made in the London negotiations if a settlement was to be reached. Lynch asked Collins not to repeat this at the meeting or else it would ‘blow up’.7He did, however, state that the officers had fully earned the right to be consulted before any final decision was reached on whatever terms of settlement were proposed by the British, and, as far as he was concerned, he would do his best to see that it was carried out.8Everybody was satisfied. However no further communication reached them until the supreme council’s decision (Michael Collins was chairman) was issued to division and country centres on 12 December after the treaty had been signed.
The day the council’s decision was made Cork district board met and called for ‘the rejection of the Treaty proposal being submitted to Dáil Éireann as being utterly at variance with the principles of the IRB and treason to the Republic established in 1916.’9
Liam, in a letter to his brother, explained, ‘my attitude is now as always to fight on for the recognition of the Republic ... At all times we give allegiance to the Irish constitution … we can scarcely realise what a fine country Ireland will be when freedom comes ...’10
On 7 January 1922 the Cork county centre IRB reported to Lynch that the entire membership of the organisation in the city and county was unanimously opposed to acceptance of the treaty proposals. Similar reports from the county organisations of Kerry and Waterford arrived soon afterwards. On 12 January the supreme council issued a statement to its IRB members which suggested that no action for or against the present peace treaty be taken by the organisation as such, so that the final attainment of ‘A Free Independent Republican Government in Ireland’ could be achieved; but the council also issued a statement to Dáil Éireann members wherein it suggested that ‘the present Peace Treaty between Ireland and Great Britain should be ratified. Members of the organisation, however, who have to take public action as representatives are given freedom of action in the matter ...’
The document, which appeared to give other members freedom of choice, split the organisation. All the south Munster division rejected it. Lynch saw a conflict and a rejection of all he had fought for; he believed that, in making this decision, the supreme council ignored the fact that the whole national position had been changed. With a passionate intensity he resented the fact that any group of new, though chosen, leaders would attempt to destroy what they had sworn to uphold in the declaration of the Republic in 1916, and also by the solemn ratification of it by the people at two subsequent general elections. ‘The people have been stampeded, owing to war-weariness and threat of extermination by the enemy. In cooler moments, they will keenly realise that indescribable spirit of nationality and again stand up with their heads high,’ he wrote to his brother.11A crisis was imminent. Not alone was there conflict within the supreme council of the IRB, there was also conflict within the cabinet.
President de Valera and Cathal Brugha, minister for defence, wished to strengthen the constitutional position by a more explicit expression of the absolute subordination of the army to the government, a situation which existed nominally since March. Liam Lynch however regarded absolute cabinet control of the army with considerable misgivings. He feared that whatever military strength existed in the nation would be reduced to near impotence by British government control.
Dáil Éireann which debated the treaty had resumed its sitting after the Christmas recess on 3 January 1922. Liam Deasy records that Florrie O’Donoghue, Liam Lynch and himself had been invited to sit in on public debates which were held in Dublin ‘... day after sad day we had our first political experience which was unforgettable and most distressing. We had to listen to men who a few short months before were fighting as comrades side by side now indulging in bitter recrimination, rancour, invective, charges and counter-charges. Gone was the old chivalry ... This meant that many of our dreams and hopes for Ireland’s freedom were being shattered.’12
1 Luby papers, National Library, MS 331.
2 Tom Hales and Pat Harte were tortured by the Essex squad having their fingernails pulled off and they were dragged for several miles after a lorry. Hales was kept in jail until after the treaty was signed. Harte went insane, was confined to an asylum and died a few years later.
3 S.C. 12/12/1921, The Organisation – Peace Treaty.
4 Florence O’Donoghue, No Other Law, p. 190.
5 Letter to his brother Tom, 12/12/1921 (Lynch private family papers).
6 Ibid., 12/12/1921 (Lynch private family papers).
7 Liam Deasy, Brother against Brother, p. 95. (Liam Deasy said subsequently that it would have been better if Liam Lynch had allowed Collins to state the true position to the meeting.)
8 Florence O’Donoghue, No Other Law, p. 192; also see Liam Deasy, Brother against Brother, p. 95.
9 Florence O’Donoghue, No Other Law, p. 192.
10 Letter to his brother Tom, 12/12/1921 (Lynch private family papers).
11 Letter to his brother Tom, 16/1/1922 (Lynch private family papers).
12 Liam Deasy author interview, 5/12/1972; Liam Deasy private papers.