Sources of Chinese Tradition: Volume 2: From 1600 Through the Twentieth Century, Second Edition

In the writings of Lin Zexu and Wei Yuan we have seen the impact of the West on two men who exemplified the finest traditions of Chinese statecraft and Confucian scholarship—representatives of that elite group that had served for centuries as the custodians of the Chinese government and of Confucian values in thought and scholarship. On another level of society, in these years just after China’s defeat in the Opium War, there are signs of an even more powerful and striking reaction to the West in the great Taiping Rebellion, a mass movement so remarkable that it has continued to excite and perplex historians in recent years almost as much as it did Chinese and Western observers in the mid-nineteenth century. If on closer acquaintance this popular uprising has seemed to reflect less of Western influence than of native traditions and internal unrest, it remains a fascinating example of the interplay between Chinese and Western ideas in a historical event of the first magnitude.

Hong Xiuquan (1813–1864), the leader of this rebellion that swept up like a whirlwind from the southernmost regions of China, was the son of a peasant family belonging to the Hakka minority group and living not far from Guangzhou. Hong had enough promise as a student that his family joined together in providing him with an education and sending him on to take the provincial civil service examinations. Though repeatedly unsuccessful, on one of these visits to Guangzhou (1836) Hong heard a Christian missionary preach and picked up some religious tracts. When he failed again at the examinations the following year, he seems to have suffered a nervous collapse and during his illness to have had certain visions. In one of them a fatherly old man appeared to him and complained that men, instead of worshiping him, were serving demons. In another, Confucius was scolded for his faithlessness and repented his ways. In still another, a middle-aged man appeared and instructed Hong in the slaying of demons. These apparitions he later understood as signifying that God the Heavenly Father (whom he identified with the Lord-on-High, Shangdi, of ancient Chinese tradition) and Jesus Christ, his Elder Brother, had commissioned him as the Younger Brother to stamp out demon worship. To some Hong might have appeared to be the victim of his own fevered imaginings, but others were impressed by his quiet earnestness and deep sense of conviction. Perhaps most significant from the Chinese point of view was his ability to persuade members of his own family of the rightness of the cause.

These ideas continued to ferment in Hong’s mind, yet it was not until seven years later that he took the trouble to read more carefully the tracts given him in Guangzhou, containing translations and summaries from the Bible and sermons on scriptural texts. Later still, he spent two months studying in Guangzhou with the Reverend Issachar J. Roberts, an American Southern Baptist missionary, whose fundamentalist teachings provided Hong with what limited knowledge he gained of Christianity. In the meantime, Hong, who earned a livelihood teaching in village schools, had been joined by some of his relatives in idol-breaking missions that aroused local feelings and the displeasure of the authorities. Forced to shift their activities westward, these prophets without honor in their own country met with a far better reception among the Hakkas of Guangxi. By the late 1840s Hong found himself the leader of a growing band known as the God Worshipers. Here, too, however, the iconoclasm and strange teachings of the God Worshipers provoked official intervention and attempts at suppression.

It seems that in the mind of Hong the Manchu regime became identified quite early with the demonic forces that had to be destroyed in order to establish the Kingdom of Heaven on earth. But it was more than Hong’s iconoclasm that led this new religious movement increasingly to take on a political and military aspect. Famine and economic depression in the late 1840s, burdensome taxation, the decline in dynastic prestige as a result of the defeat at the hands of the British, and the consequent impairment of governmental functions, especially in the more remote regions like Guangxi, contributed to a situation in which the survival of any group depended upon its ability to defend and provide for itself in the midst of confusion and lawlessness. The God Worshipers were only one such group, but they proved better organized and possessed of a greater sense of purpose than most. Under pressure of constant official harassment, Hong and his closest collaborators finally worked out a plan for full-fledged revolt. In effect, it put the God Worshipers on a total-war footing. A military organization was created that would mobilize all of the resources of the community for prosecution of the war effort. Personal property had to be turned over to a communal treasury (the “Sacred Treasury”), religious observances were strictly enforced, and a detailed code of military discipline and ethical conduct was established, with heavy penalties for any violations.

Systematically the leaders of the uprising set about consolidating their forces, making weapons, indoctrinating their followers, and training the militia. By December of 1850 the new army was able successfully to withstand a full assault by government troops, and in the flush of this first victory Hong formally proclaimed, at the start of the new year, his rebel regime, the Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace (Taiping Tianguo). He himself assumed the title of Heavenly King, and others of the leaders, including several with military and organizational talents probably superior to those of Hong, were ranked as subordinate kings or princes.

The name of the new regime suggests that it was meant to fulfill the highest ideals of the Chinese political tradition (Taiping, or “Great Peace,” designated a period of perfect peace and order invoked by earlier reformers and millenarian movements), along with the realization of a Kingdom of Heaven in which all worshiped the one True God. It was thus to be a theocratic state with military, religious, and political authority concentrated in a single hierarchy. Such an all-embracing, monolithic structure was congenial enough to the Chinese political scene and particularly suited the requirements of a revolutionary situation. As a political venture the Taiping movement appealed to anti-Manchu, ethnocentric sentiments. As a program of economic reform, it was meant to attract the overburdened and the destitute, particularly among the peasants. As a new community—indeed a great family in which all the members were “brothers” and “sisters”—it had an appeal to rich and poor alike who suffered from the social dislocation and insecurity of the times. The Taiping cause, in other words, became a rallying point for many elements that traditionally have attached themselves to a new dynastic movement.

Even in the powerful appeal of its religious mystique the Taiping Rebellion had something in common with peasant uprisings and dynastic revolutions in the past. Where it differed, however, was in the intensity and sectarian fanaticism with which Taiping religious teachings were insisted upon. Great importance was attached to the indoctrination of new recruits. Moreover, the extraordinary discipline of the Taiping armies, the heroism of many in battle, and their readiness to meet death—for which there could be no earthly reward—all suggest that this motley assemblage of malcontents and misfits, missionaries and messiahs was inspired by a deep sense of religious purpose.

From the military standpoint the rebellion enjoyed startling success in its early years. It had the advantage of tight organization, firm discipline, talented commanders, and a high degree of mobility that derived from the cutting of all personal ties to home and property. Nevertheless, if Taiping progress northward was devastatingly swift, through Hunan to the central Yangzi valley and thence eastward to Nanjing, this rapid advance came about only by the adoption of a strategy that had its own limitations—notably the bypassing of large centers of resistance. The Taipings concerned themselves little with organizing the countryside as they passed through. No permanent envelopment of these bypassed strongholds and eventual reduction of them was seriously attempted. Local opposition and temporary setbacks, instead of suggesting the need for caution and consolidation, were interpreted as signs from God that they should push on in other directions toward new and greater triumphs. The chief military commander, Yang Xiuqing, who had the title of Eastern King, frequently claimed direct revelation from God the Father in support of his strategic moves, and Taiping accounts of the campaign make it appear that the triumphal course of the rebellion reflects the direct intervention of God in history through the instrumentality of chosen deputies like Hong and Yang.

Once established in their capital of Nanjing, occupied in March 1853 and renamed “Heavenly Capital” (Tianjing), the Taipings sent out an expedition to take Beijing. The effort again made striking gains initially but was eventually slowed, isolated, and defeated. A similar expedition to the West was more successful in enlarging the area under Taiping control, but for the most part the new regime found itself engaged in a protracted struggle to maintain its position in the lower Yangzi valley, a rich and populous region that posed formidable problems of defense and administration. For ten years the fortunes of war waxed and waned, with the exploits of some Taiping commanders resulting in heavy defeats for imperial armies, while, on the other hand, increasing pressure was exerted against them by the reorganized and revitalized forces of regional Han Chinese leaders loyal to the Manchu cause—leaders such as Zeng Guofan, Zuo Zongtang, and Li Hongzhang, who were to play a dominant role in the subsequent history of the dynasty.

A significant loss for the Taipings was their failure to enlist the support of the West. There was early sympathy for the rebel cause on the part of some Westerners in the treaty ports, based on a favorable impression of Taiping morale and discipline, as well as the hope that the Taiping religion might prove to be genuinely Christian. Contacts with the leaders of the revolt soon disillusioned and alienated them, however. The fanaticism, ignorance, and arrogant pretensions of the revolutionaries to a special divine commission, to which even foreigners must submit, quickly dispelled any illusions that the Taipings would be easier for the Western powers to deal with than the Manchus. Subsequently, Taiping moves threatening Shanghai brought the active intervention of the West against them.

A far more serious weakness of the movement was internal—a failure in political leadership. The Taiping “kings” paid little attention to systematic organization of the countryside, preferring to establish themselves in the larger towns and cities. Moreover, educated men with experience in civil administration, whose services might have been highly useful, were repelled by the Taipings’ uncouthness, their superstitious adherence to a “foreign” faith, and their apparent repudiation of Confucianism. A civil service examination based on official Taiping literature did little to remedy the lack of trained personnel. Increasingly, too, the cohesion and capacities of the Taiping leadership were severely strained. After the capture of Nanjing, Hong steadily withdrew from active direction of affairs and assumed a role reminiscent of the Daoist sage emperor who ruled by his magic potency—in this case his divine virtue. Yet, in fact, Hong’s whole personality disintegrated rapidly, as he devoted himself more and more to the pleasures of the palace. There, in violation of the strict sexual morality and monogamy enjoined upon the Taipings, the Heavenly King kept a virtual harem.

In the meantime, the Eastern King, Yang Xiuqing, steadily arrogated greater powers to himself and even aspired to the imperial dignity before he lost his life in the first of a series of bloodbaths that deprived the regime of several top leaders and many of their adherents. Thereafter, Hong tended to place his own relatives in key positions, being more concerned about trustworthiness than ability. One such relative was Hong Ren’gan, prime minister in the last years of the regime, who had far more acquaintance with Christianity and the West than the other “kings” but who proved unable to effectuate any of his plans for the reorganization of the regime along more Western lines.

One of the great ironies of the Taiping Rebellion was revealed at the time of its final collapse in the summer of 1864. Nanjing had been in danger for months when Li Xiucheng, an able general whose military successes had not turned his head from a devoted loyalty to Hong, advised abandonment of the capital and escape to the south. The Heavenly King chose to remain, insisting that God would protect and provide for the Taipings. Yet by June 1864 Hong had himself despaired of his cause, apparently taken poison, and died; his body was found later, draped in imperial yellow, in a sewer under the palace. Hong’s faithful followers held out another month in the midst of the worst privation and suffering, and when finally overwhelmed by the Manchu forces, gave up their lives in a great slaughter rather than submit. Zeng Guofan, leader of the victorious armies, is the authority for the statement that not one surrendered.

In the religious faith of the Taiping movement, the most distinguishing feature was its monotheism. In the past, China had not lacked for popular religious movements, nor had the imperial court been without its own cult linking dynastic rule to the authority of Heaven. But it was Hong who first proclaimed a belief in one God who was the Father of all, a God who was at once accessible to the prayers of the individual and actively concerned with the governing of the world. In Taiping documents, as will be seen from the selections that follow, this point is particularly stressed: whereas the old cult of Heaven was, ritualistically, a one-family affair, jealously guarded by the ruling house, the True God of the Taipings was the ruler, father, and friend of all. His direct accessibility to men, however, proved both a boon and a bane to the Taipings. For if this conception stimulated a genuine piety in many, it also provided a dangerous weapon to a few of their leaders who claimed divine inspiration for their actions and God’s sanction for their own ambitions.

Western influence can be seen in some of the practices adopted by the Taipings, such as a calendar with a seven-day week and observance of the sabbath. It may have been responsible in part also for the greater equality accorded to women, the condemnation of polygamy and adultery, and the bans on slavery, foot binding, gambling, wine, and tobacco. The coincidence, however, of a straitlaced Protestant fundamentalism and a degree of native puritanism among the Chinese peasantry (the latter reflected also in the avowedly anti-Christian Communist movement of the mid-twentieth century) suggests that convergence more than simple external influence is at work here.

The peasant Chinese who so largely made up the forces of Hong Xiuquan were already deeply imbued with ethical and religious traditions rooted in the past. Moreover, the Taipings were compelled, in spite of their early hostility to Confucianism, to compromise with many of its customs and values or—more likely—unconsciously to accept them without sensing any incompatibility between traditional ethics and the new faith. Such accommodations, nonetheless, proved insufficient to bridge the gap between Taiping ideology and the Chinese tradition or to equip the revolutionary leadership for the stupendous task of ruling a mature and complex society. In the end it was the defenders of tradition and those schooled in Chinese statecraft who emerged victorious to guide China’s destinies for another half-century.

This text, officially promulgated by the Taipings in 1852, was probably written several years earlier to serve as a basic statement of the God Worshipers’ creed and religious practice when they were first organized. It bespeaks a simple and unpretentious faith, constantly reiterating the hope of Heaven and fear of hell. Much of it is devoted to forms that are to be used in the saying of prayers, grace at meals, and so on, and to an explanation of the Ten Commandments. In the last category we find provisions for segregation of the sexes and prohibitions against opium smoking and gambling.

When a translation of this work by W. H. Medhurst appeared in the English-language North China Herald on May 14, 1853, the editor commented: “We cannot help thinking that this is a most extraordinary document, and can see in it little to object against. Two things strike us on reading it carefully through: the one is that with the exception of occasional references to redemption by Christ and apparent extracts from the Lord’s Prayer, the ideas seem to be generally taken from the Old Testament, with little or nothing from the New; the other is that it appears to be mainly a compilation drawn up by the rebels themselves, for if a Christian missionary had had anything to do with it, he certainly would not have directed the offering up of animals, wine, tea, and rice even though these offerings were presented to the Great God. As it is, we repeat it is a most extraordinary production, and were the rebels to act up to everything therein contained, they would be the most gentle and moral set of rebels we ever met with.”

The translation given here is adapted and revised from that of Medhurst as emended on the basis of other early editions of the text by members of the Modern Chinese History Project, Far Eastern and Russian Institute, University of Washington, as a part of The Taiping Rebellion: History and Documents, by Franz Michael, published in 1971.

Who in this mortal world has not offended against the Heavenly Commandments? If one was not aware of his offense in former times, he can still be excused; now, however, as the Lord God has already issued a gracious proclamation, henceforth whoever knows how to repent of his sins in the presence of the Lord God, not to worship false spirits, not to practice perverse things, and not to transgress the Heavenly Commandments, shall be permitted to ascend to Heaven and to enjoy dignity and honor without end. Whoever does not know how to repent of his sins . . . will most certainly be punished by being sent down to hell to suffer bitterness, and for thousands and myriads of years to suffer sorrow and pain without end. Which is gain and which is loss, we ask you to think over. Our brothers and sisters throughout the mortal world, ought not all of you to awaken from your lethargy? If, however, you continue unroused, then are you truly base-born, truly deluded by the devil, and truly is there bliss that you do not know how to enjoy. [1a]

Now, those whose minds have been deluded by the demons always say that only the monarch can worship the Lord God. However, the Lord God is the universal Father of all in the mortal world. Monarchs are his able children, the good his filial children, the commoners his ignorant children, and the violent and oppressive his disobedient children. If you say that monarchs alone can worship the Lord God, we beg to ask you, as for the parents of a family, is it only the eldest son who can be filial and obedient to his parents?

Again it has been falsely said that to worship the Great God is to follow barbarians’ ways. They do not know that in the ancient world monarchs and subjects alike all worshiped the Lord God. As for the great Way of worshiping the Lord God, from the very beginning, when the Lord God created in six days Heaven and earth, mountains and seas, man and things, both China and the barbarian nations walked together in the great Way; however, the various barbarian countries of the West have continued to the end in the great Way. China also walked in the great Way, but within the most recent one or two thousand years, China has erroneously followed the devil’s path, thus being captured by the demon of hell. Now, therefore, the Lord God, out of compassion for humanity, has extended his capable hand to save the people of the world, deliver them from the devil’s grasp, and lead them out to walk again in the original great Way. [1a—b]

Let the suppliant kneel down in the sight of Heaven and pray to the Lord God to forgive his sins. He may use a written form of prayer, and when the prayer is over, he may either take a basin of water and wash his whole body clean, or he may perform his ablutions in the river, which will be still better. After repenting his sins, let him morning and evening worship the Lord God, beseeching that the Lord God look after him, and grant him His Holy Spirit to transform his heart. When taking his meals, he should give thanks to God, and every seventh day worship and praise God for His grace and virtue. Let him also constantly obey the ten Heavenly Commandments. Do not on any account let him worship all the false spirits that are in the world, still less let him do any of the corrupt things of the world. In this manner, the people may become the sons and daughters of the Lord God. While in the world the Lord God will look after them, and after ascending to Heaven the Lord God will graciously love them, and in high Heaven they will eternally enjoy bliss. [2a—b]

This official text, first published in 1851, offers simple and concise formulations—easily put to memory—of basic religious and moral principles that the Taiping leaders wished to inculcate in their followers. Although opposed to Confucianism insofar as it was identified with the established regime or took on the appearance of a religious cult, the Taipings accepted much that is readily recognizable as Confucian in social and political ethics.

The Lord God-on-High, the divine Being

Is respectfully worshiped in all countries.

Men and women throughout the world,

Pay homage to Him morning and evening.

All that we see, above and below,

Basks in the Lord’s favor.

In the beginning it took only six days

For the creation of all things to be completed.

Is there anyone, circumcised or uncircumcised,

Not created by God?

Give thanks [to Him] for the Heavenly favor

That you may obtain everlasting glory.

Jesus was a Crown Prince,

Whom God sent to earth in ancient times.

He sacrificed His life for the sins of men,

Being the first to offer meritorious service.

It was hard to bear the Cross;

Grieving clouds darkened the sun.

The noble Prince from Heaven,

Died for you—men and women.

Having returned to Heaven after His resurrection,

In His glory, He holds all power.

Upon Him we are to rely—

Be saved and enter Paradise!

[Just as] the storing up of grain provides against starvation,

[So] the raising up of children provides against old age.

He who is filial to his parents will have filial sons.

Thus, mysteriously, is recompense made.

You should ask yourself,

How you were able to grow up.³

Respect the teaching of the Fifth Heavenly Commandment;

Honor and wealth will shower down on you from the Heavenly Court.

There follow similar maxims for eleven other family relationships from mother and son to older and younger sister-in-law, as well as injunctions with regard to sexual chastity and fidelity and disciplining of the senses. For the most part these are of a traditional Chinese character, and largely Confucian, like the verses above. Finally the primer concludes with the following:

The following selection is taken from The Land System of the Heavenly Kingdom (Tianchao tianmu zhidu), which was included in the list of official Taiping publications promulgated in 1853. Its precise authorship is uncertain, and there is no evidence of a serious attempt having been made to put this system into effect in Taiping-controlled areas. Nevertheless, as a statement of Taiping aims, the document carried with it all the weight of Hong Xiuquan’s authority and that of the Eastern King, Yang Xiuqing, then at the height of his power. It reflects one of the chief appeals that the movement made to the Chinese peasantry.

The plan set forth here amounts to a blueprint for the total organization of society, and especially of its human resources. If its initial concern is with the land problem, as the title indicates, it quickly moves on to other spheres of human activity and brings them under a single pattern of control. The basic organization is military in nature, reminiscent of the farmer-soldier militia of earlier dynasties. In its economic egalitarianism, totalitarian communism, authoritarian hierarchy, and messianic zeal, this Taiping manifesto foreshadows aspects of the Chinese Communist movement of the twentieth century, while at the same time it echoes reformers and rebels of the past. Most typically it recalls the fondness of earlier Chinese thinkers for a neat, symmetrical system embodying the supreme values of Chinese thought: order, balance, and harmony.

Nevertheless, we can appreciate how conservative Confucians would have recoiled at the thought of so much economic regimentation. Zeng Guofan, leader in the struggle against the Taipings, commented, “The farmer cannot till his own land and [simply] pay taxes on it; the land is all considered to be the land of the Heavenly King [and all produce goes directly to the communal treasury]. The merchant cannot engage in trade for himself and profit thereby; all goods are considered to be the goods of the Heavenly King.”

The organizational note is struck at the outset with an explanation of the system of army districts and military administration (omitted here). We reproduce below only the basic economic program.

All officials who have rendered meritorious service are to receive hereditary stipends from the court. For the later adherents to the Taiping cause, every family in each military district (jun) is to provide one man to serve as a militia man. During an emergency they are to fight under the command of their officers to destroy the enemy and to suppress bandits. In peacetime they are to engage in agriculture under the direction of their officers, tilling the land and providing support for their superiors.

The classification of the land into nine grades that follows is based on that found in the “Tribute of Yu” section of the Classic of Documents (Shujing); the general method of land allocation follows the principle set forth in the Rites of Zhou, Di guan, xia, SBBY 4: 24.

The distribution of all land is to be based on the number of persons in each family, regardless of sex. A large family is entitled to more land, a small one to less. The land distributed should not be all of one grade but mixed. Thus for a family of six, for instance, three are to have fertile land and three barren land—half and half of each.

All the land in the country is to be cultivated by the whole population together. If there is an insufficiency [of land] in this place, move some of the people to another place. If there is an insufficiency in another place, move them to this one. All lands in the country are also to be mutually supporting with respect to abundance and scarcity. If this place has a drought, then draw upon the abundant harvest elsewhere in order to relieve the distress here. If there is a drought there, draw upon the abundant harvest here in order to relieve the distress there. Thus all the people of the country may enjoy the great blessings of the Heavenly Father, Supreme Ruler and Lord God-on-High. The land is for all to till, the food for all to eat, the clothes for all to wear, and money for all to spend. Inequality shall exist nowhere; none shall suffer from hunger or cold. . . .

Mulberry trees are to be planted along the walls [of villages] throughout the country. All women are required to grow silkworms, to do weaving, and to make clothes. Every family of the country is required to raise five hens and two hogs, in keeping with the proper breeding seasons.⁵

During the harvest season, the Group Officer⁶ should direct [the grain collection by] the sergeants. Deducting the amount needed to feed the twenty-five families until next harvest season, he should collect the rest of the produce for storage in state granaries. The same method of collection is applicable to other kinds of products, such as barley, beans, ramie fiber, cotton clothes, silk, domestic animals, silver and copper cash, and so on, for all people under Heaven are of one family belonging to the Heavenly Father, the Supreme Ruler, the Lord God-on-High. Nobody should keep private property. All things should be presented to the Supreme Ruler, so that He will be enabled to make use of them and distribute them equally to all members of his great world-family. Thus all will be sufficiently fed and clothed. . . .

The Group Officer must keep a record of the amount of grain and cash he has collected and report them to the Treasurers and Receiving and Disbursing Tellers. A state treasury and a church are to be established among every twenty-five families, under the direct administration of the Group Officer. All expenditures of the twenty-five families for weddings, births, or other festival occasions are to be paid for out of the state treasury. But there is to be a fixed limit; not a penny is to be spent beyond that. . . . Thus, throughout the land in the contracting of marriages, wealth need be no consideration.

In the twenty-five family units pottery-making, metalworking, carpentry, masonry, and other such skilled work should be performed by the sergeants and militiamen in the off-seasons from farming and military service.

In conducting the different kinds of festival ceremonies for the twenty-five families under his administration, the Group Officer should hold religious services to pray to the Heavenly Father, the Supreme Ruler and Lord God-on-High. All the bad customs of the past must be completely abolished.

This official work, dated 1854, was written after the Taipings had established their capital at Nanjing and the first flush of victory had given way to a seeming letdown in morale, discipline, and zeal for the cause. It served to restate the religious creed of the Taipings and emphasize those qualities—self-sacrifice, loyalty, and solidarity—that had contributed to their amazing successes. The appeal throughout is to a dedicated and crusading military elite.

Another important purpose of the book was to enhance and consolidate the position of the Taiping leadership, especially that of the Eastern King, Yang Xiuqing, who was virtual prime minister of the regime and the one who inspired the writing of this document. We see here in a strange new garb the old conception of the ruler as commissioned with divine powers to unite the world and establish peace. Both Hong and Yang are thus represented as in some degree sharing the role of Jesus Christ as saviors of the world. Since it would not have done for any of the “kings” to engage openly in such self-glorification, nominal authorship is attributed to the “marquises” and “chancellors” who constituted the next-highest ranks in the Taiping hierarchy.

Extant editions of the text appear to date from about 1858, by which time rivalries and mistrust had split the leadership, Yang had been assassinated, and his assassin, the Northern King, murdered by Hong. Though there are many direct and indirect evidences of dissension, the text has not been amended or adjusted to these later developments except to strip the Northern King of his rank.

The translation here has been adapted from that of C. T. Hu for the documentary history of the Taiping Rebellion prepared by the Modern Chinese History Project of the Far Eastern and Russian Institute, University of Washington.

We marquises and chancellors hold that our brothers and sisters have been blessed by the Heavenly Father and the Heavenly Elder Brother, who saved the ensnared and drowning and awakened the deluded; they have cast off worldly sentiments and now follow the true Way. They cross mountains and wade rivers, not even ten thousand li being too far for them to come, to uphold together the true Sovereign. Armed and bearing shield and spear, they carry righteous banners that rise colorfully. Husband and wife, men and women, express common indignation and lead the advance. It can be said that they are determined to uphold Heaven and to requite the nation with loyalty. [a–b]

In the ten thousand nations of the world everyone is given life, nourished, protected, and blessed by the Heavenly Father, the Supreme Ruler and Lord God-on-High. Thus the Heavenly Father, the Supreme Ruler and Lord God-on-High, is the universal father of man in all the ten thousand nations of the world. There is no man who should not be grateful, there is no man who should not reverently worship Him. . . . [4a–5a]

There follow citations from the Confucian classics referring to the Lord-on-High (Shangdi), which are taken here as showing that God was known to and worshiped by the ancient Chinese. Subsequently, however, various forms of idolatry arose.

However, worldly customs daily degenerated. There were even those who likened themselves to rulers, and, being deluded in heart and nature, arrogant yet at fault, and falsely self-exalted, forbade the prime minister and those below to sacrifice to Heaven. Then [these men] competed in establishing false gods and worshiping them, thus opening up the ways of the devilish demons. The people of the world all followed in like fashion, and this became firmly fixed in their minds. Thereupon, after a considerable time, they did not know their own errors. Hence the Heavenly Father, the Lord God, in view of mortal man’s serious crime of disobedience, at his first anger, sent down forty days and forty nights of heavy rain, the vast waters spreading in all directions and drowning mortal man. Only Noah and his family had unceasingly worshiped the Heavenly Father, the Supreme Ruler and Lord God-on-High; therefore, relying on the Heavenly grace, they were fortunate and they alone were preserved. In this, the first instance of the Heavenly Father’s great anger, was the great proof of his great powers displayed.

After the Flood, the devilish king of Egypt, whose ambition was mediocrity and who was possessed by the demons, envied the Israelites in their worship of God and bitterly persecuted them. Therefore, the Heavenly Father in his great anger led the Israelites out of Egypt. In this, the second instance of the Heavenly Father’s great anger, was the great proof of his great powers displayed.

However, the rulers and people of that time still had not completely forgotten the Heavenly grace. But since the emergence of Daoism in the [Chinese] Qin [dynasty] and the welcoming of Buddhism in the Han [dynasty], the delusion of man by the demons has day by day increased, and all men have forgotten the grace and virtue of the Heavenly Father. . . . The Heavenly Father once again became greatly angered; yet if he were to annihilate them completely, he could not bear it in his heart; if he were to tolerate them, it would not be consonant with righteousness. At that time, the elder son of the Heavenly Father, the Heavenly Elder Brother Jesus, shouldered the great burden and willingly offered to sacrifice his life to redeem the sins of the men of the world. . . .

Let us ask your elder and younger brothers: formerly the people sacrificed only to the demons; they worshiped the demons and appealed to the demons only because they desired the demons to protect them. Yet how could they think that the demons could really protect them? . . . To worship them is of no avail. However, the men of the world sank even deeper, not knowing how to awaken themselves. Therefore, the Heavenly Father again became angry.

In the dingyou year [1837], our Heavenly Father displayed the heavenly grace and dispatched angels to summon the Heavenly King up to Heaven. There He clearly pointed out the demons’ perversities and their deluding of the world. He also invested the Heavenly King with a seal and a sword; He ordered the Savior, the Heavenly Elder Brother, Jesus, to take command of the Heavenly soldiers and Heavenly generals and to aid the Heavenly King, and to attack and conquer from Heaven earthward, layer by layer, the innumerable demons. After their victory they returned to Heaven and the Heavenly Father, greatly pleased, sent the Heavenly King down upon the earth to become the true Taiping Sovereign of the ten thousand nations of the world and to save the people of the world. He also bade him not to be fearful and to effect these matters courageously, for whenever difficulties appeared, the Heavenly Father would assume direction and the Heavenly Elder Brother would shoulder the burden. [8a–9a]

Several instances are then given of the way in which God’s power was manifested in the triumphant campaigns of the Taiping forces and of how His will was made known to them. After describing their progress from Guangxi through Hunan to Wuchang on the Yangzi, the account tells of their drive down the river to Nanjing.

From Wuchang to Jinling [Nanjing] the land extends as far as a thousand li; how strategic and important are the passes and river crossings, and how strong and firm are the cities and moats! To attack and capture the cities seemed difficult; even if victory could have been secured, it appeared that it would take a very long time. Yet in not more than one month’s time, we had followed the stream eastward from Wuchang, passing Jiangxi, crossing Anhui, and pushing directly up to Jinling, without the least resistance. After reaching this provincial capital, we found the height and thickness of the city walls and the vastness of the land to be indeed twice that of other provincial cities; to attack it seemed far more difficult. Who would have known that within ten days one single effort would bring success? Jinling was captured with our hands hanging at our sides. Had it not been for our Heavenly Father’s power, how could things have been so quick and easy? From this we can again see the Heavenly Father’s power to predetermine things. [12b–14a]

There follow accounts of the individual Taiping leaders showing how each triumphed over adversities and suffered great hardships in order to advance the cause.

Even the Eastern King in his holiness and the several kings in their eminence had to undergo cleansing and polishing and repeatedly demonstrate great fortitude before they could enjoy true happiness. How much more must we elder and younger brothers preserve our fortitude in order that we may seek abundant blessings. . . .

Recollecting the past, from the righteous uprising in Jintian to the capture of Jinling, we have received great mercy from our Heavenly Father and Heavenly Elderly Brother; we have established our Heavenly capital and in a few years we have been able to enjoy the great happiness of our Heavenly Father. All this has been due to the work of our Heavenly Father and our Heavenly Elder Brother, who alone can bring such speedy results. Hence, if, with additional efforts toward improvement and perfection, we, with united hearts, combine our strength for the immediate extermination of the demons, our Heavenly Father will display his great powers and instantaneously the seas and lands will be cleared and the hills and rivers united under one command. Then our younger brothers and sisters will be reunited with their families, and blood relations will again be together. How fortunate that will be! [19a–b]

There follows a long section dealing with disobedient and traitorous officers who serve as object lessons of the futility of deserting or betraying the Taiping cause. It is shown how God, who knows and sees all, revealed their wicked designs to the Taiping leaders. Thus their cowardice and self-seeking brought them only the most severe punishment.

We brothers and sisters, enjoying today the greatest mercy of our Heavenly Father, have become as one family and are able to enjoy true blessings; each of us must always be thankful. Speaking in terms of our ordinary human feelings, it is true that each has his own parents and there must be a distinction in family names; it is also true that as each has his own household, there must be a distinction between this boundary and that boundary. Yet we must know that the ten thousand names derive from the one name, and the one name from one ancestor. Thus our origins are not different. Since our Heavenly Father gave us birth and nourishment, we are of one form though of separate bodies, and we breathe the same air though in different places. This is why we say, “All are brothers within the four seas.”⁷ Now, basking in the profound mercy of Heaven, we are of one family. . . .

We brothers, our minds having been awakened by our Heavenly Father, joined the camp in the earlier days to support our Sovereign, many bringing parents, wives, uncles, brothers, and whole families. It is a matter of course that we should attend to our parents and look after our wives and children, but when one first creates a new rule, the state must come first and the family last, public interests first and private interests last. Moreover, as it is advisable to avoid suspicion [of improper conduct] between the inner [female] and the outer [male] and to distinguish between male and female, so men must have male quarters and women must have female quarters; only thus can we be dignified and avoid confusion. There must be no common mixing of the male and female groups, which would cause debauchery and violation of Heaven’s commandments. Although to pay respects to parents and to visit wives and children occasionally are in keeping with human nature and not prohibited, yet it is only proper to converse before the door, stand a few steps apart and speak in a loud voice; one must not enter the sisters’ camp or permit the mixing of men and women. Only thus, by complying with rules and commands, can we become sons and daughters of Heaven. [29a–30a]

At the present time, the remaining demons have not yet been completely exterminated and the time for the reunion of families has not yet arrived. We younger brothers and sisters must be firm and patient to the end, and with united strength and a single heart we must uphold God’s principles and wipe out the demons immediately. With peace and unity achieved, then our Heavenly Father, displaying his mercy, will reward us according to our merits. Wealth, nobility, and renown will then enable us brothers to celebrate the reunion of our families and enjoy the harmonious relations of husband and wife. Oh, how wonderful that will be! The task of a thousand times ten thousand years also lies in this; the happiness and emoluments of a thousand times ten thousand years also lie in this; we certainly must not abandon it in one day. [37b–38a]

1. The commentary of the Taiping expositor has been omitted except for the last four commandments.

2. It was a common practice of the time, especially in Guangdong, to bet on who would succeed in the state examinations. Gambling clubs were established for this purpose. The Guangdong government first fined such gambling and later collected a gambling tax from the clubs.

4. These two lines are adapted from the opening passage of the Classic of Changes.