1
Quoted by Ursula Brumm, American Thought and Religious Typology (1970), p. 106.
3
It is true that Thomas Maule wrote The Truth Held Forth and Maintained in 1695 – a Quaker attack on the Puritan establishment and its witch-hunts that Hawthorne would have known; and that the Revd Thomas Pyncheon elicited from the novelist an apology for the use of his name. This only shows how serviceable were the names Hawthorne invented.
4
It is reproduced in Proceedings in Commemoration of the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of Nathaniel Hawthorne (1904), p. 13. Millicent Bell remarks, not unjustly, that the daguerreotype brings out a certain harshness in Hawthorne’s face; it lacks the ideality of such portraits as those of Cephas G. Thompson (1850) and George P. A. Healey (1852), also reproduced in the
Proceedings. Hawthorne, who meditated and wrote so much about portraits and their relation to truth, might have endorsed her views (Millicent Bell, Hawthorne’s View of the Artist (1962), p. 88 and might even have had his own experience in mind when writing about Holgrave’s daguerreotype of Jaffrey.
5
American Notebooks, edn. of 1911, pp. 372-3.
6
William M. Ivins, Jr, Prints and Visual Communication (1953), Chapter III. At the very moment of the advent of the daguerreotype, in 1840, the portrait painter Samuel F. B. Morse hailed it as ‘Rembrandt perfected’, because no longer dependent on ‘the uncertain hand of the artist’ (Leo Steinberg, Other Criteria (1972), p. 62).
7
The view that there might be ‘a gradual evolution of creative power manifested by a gradual ascent towards higher types’ was Sedgwick’s, though he had been anticipated, in a more mystical way, by Oken and Schelling. See A. E. Lovejoy, ‘The Argument for Organic Evolution before The Origin of the Species, 1830-58’, in Bentley Glass, O. Temkin and W. L. Straus, Jr, Forerunners of Darwin, 1745-1859. In Section XXVI of his Essay on Classification, ed. E. Lurie (1962), pp. 115 – 17, Agassiz seems to claim the expression ‘prophetic type’ as his own invention: ‘Prophetic types … are those which in their structural complications lean towards other combinations fully realized in a later period.’ See, on embryological types, E. Lurie, Louis Agassiz (1960). It was the rigour of Cuvier’s fixism that eclipsed the earlier Naturphilosophie of Oken and Schelling – and also of Goethe, who, it will be remembered, half-thought he might discover the Urpflanz on his trip to Sicily.
8
L. Agassiz and A. A. Gould, Principles of Zoology (1848), edn of 1851, p. 16.
9
Principles, pp. 18 – 19: ‘It is common to speak of the animal which embodies most fully the character of a group, as the type of that group.’
10
Principles, p. 182. Assertions of this kind are also frequent in the opening chapter. The Creation was ‘the execution of a plan fully matured in the beginning, and undeviatingly pursued, the work of a God infinitely wise, regulating Nature according to immutable laws, which He himself has imposed on her.’ (p. 34). A fuller statement occurs in the Essay on Classification, which appeared in 1857, on the eve of Darwinism, though of course - like the Principles – after Chambers (1844). (See Essay on Classification, ed. Edward Lurie (1962), pp. 8 – 12.) Both works assume that what the biologist studies is something thought, which must therefore have a Thinker: ‘The character of the connections between organized beings and the physical conditions under which they live is such as to display thought; these connections are therefore to be considered as established, determined and regulated by a thinking being.’ They must have been fixed for each species at its beginning …’ (Classifications, p. 16).
Agassiz cleaves to Cuvier’s catastrophism (p. 659 ff.) as the only explanation of changes between epochs. Principles (p. 26) even uses the analogy of nature as a book in which we study an author. A useful introduction to Agassizz, and selection of his work, is Guy Davenport’s The Intelligence of Louis Agassiz (1963). Pound’s interest is reflected in Gists from Agassiz (1953), and the Rock-Drill cantos, as well as in the earlier ABC of Reading (1934).
11
Life and Correspondence of Louis Agassiz, ed. Elizabeth Cary Agassiz (1886), p. 778.
12
The North was nevertheless predisposed to Darwinism by the success of Herbert Spencer and ‘the survival of the fittest’; and preachers such as Henry Ward Beecher and Philips Brooks anyway wanted to abandon the fundamentalist position on Genesis. The South, much more preoccupied with fixed types and degeneration, took a more conservative attitude. The judgement at the Scopes trial of 1925 prohibited the teaching of evolution in Tennessee schools, and the ban was lifted only quite recently. On this characteristic repudiation of ‘Yankee’ thought, hardening as time went by, see W. I. Cash, The Mind of the South (1941), Book II, section 12.
13
R. Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought, 1860-1915 (1945), pp. 4-6.
14
Lurie, Louis Agassiz, p. 307. On the prophetic types, Lurie, p. 162.
15
Nathaniel Hawthorne, Man and Writer (1961), p. 27. Wagenknecht, incidentally, is wrong to say that Agassiz is the only modern scientist mentioned by Hawthorne in his writings; see the Conclusion of The Marble Faun for a reference to Cuvier.
16
Taylor Stoehr, ‘Hawthorne and Mesmerism’, Huntingdon Library Quarterly, xxxiii (1969), pp. 42-4. Also, for the contemporary interest in mesmerism, spiritualism, and the like, see Howard Kerr, Mediums and Spirit-Rappers and Roaring Radicals (1972).
18
Marion L. Kesselring, Hawthorne’s Reading (1949), p. 45. Hawthorne quotes Buffon in a magazine article of May 1836 (Hawthorne as Editor, ed. A. Turner (1941), p. 192). Another book he borrowed was Lavater’s Physiognomy; I do not profess to have mastered the whole vast bibliography of modern Hawthorne scholarship, but I have come across no inquiry into any interest he may have had in Lavater. That it existed seems a highly probable conjecture.
19
Nature allows no ‘link in her great work so weak as to be broken’. (Life and Selected Writings of Thomas Jefferson (1944), p. 208)
22
Jefferson, p. 215. For a more extensive account of the controversy, see Daniel J. Boorstin, The Lost World of Thomas Jefferson (1948), p. 81 ff.
23
Buffon, Histoire Naturelle (15 vols.) (1749-67), iv, p. 209. Agassiz also used the chicken, to illustrate the point that an embryo chicken is nevertheless a chicken and nothing else, ‘though if there existed in Nature an adult bird as imperfectly organized as the chicken on the day, or the day before it was hatched, we should assign it to an inferior rank’.
24
In Chapter CIV of Moby Dick Melville ventures into palaeontology, citing Cuvier on the ‘antichronical’ fossil whale which has ‘left … pre-adamite traces in the stereotype plates of nature’. He implies a certain belief in catastrophism. The following chapter denies the sperm whale has declined in size.
25
It is worth mentioning that in 1850 Hawthorne read Winckelmann, arbiter of the classical epoch and type.
26
Quoted by Wagenknecht, p. 57.
27
Essay on Classification, Section xxv.
28
Agassiz mentions ancient Egyptian wheat which, taken from tombs, will sprout and grow (Principles, p. 136).
29
See A. O. Lovejoy, ‘Buffon and the Problem of Species’, in S. Glass, O. Temkin, and W. L. Straus, Jr, Forerunners of Darwin: 1745-1859, p. 103.
30
The story called ‘The Artist of the Beautiful’ is relevant; the artist is a watchmaker, not trusted in his trade, because art – the creation of the beautiful which belongs to the noumenal, not the phenomenal world – has nothing to do with materiality and time.
34
For a more positive statement of the relation between Hester and Anne Hutchinson, see Michael J. Colocurcio, ‘Footsteps of Anne Hutchinson: The Context of The Scarlet Letter’, ELH, xxxix (1972), pp. 459-94.
35
An adaptation of Marvell’s conceit at the end of ‘The Unfortunate Lover’ – ‘In a field sable a lover gules.’
36
Brumm, p. 147, suggests that Donatello is an emblem of the antique, and Miriam of the Renaissance which, in rediscovering it, corrupted, and also Christianized it.