On the wall of the cloister, near to the entrance connecting it to the church, there are three inscriptions that serve as our starting point (Figure 17.1). The oldest and largest, in the centre, is a Roman plaque whose meaning suggests it was intended to preserve the memory of the dead and to protect their property.
Leaving to one side the importance of relocating a marble plaque in the cloister,2 what interests us here is the inscription’s emphasis on remembering the dead.3 Publius Rufius Flavius erected a monument, according to the epigraph, to the perpetual memory and honour of his wife Antonia Clementina. The clergy of Tarragona in the 12th century shared with the ancient Romans a desire to honour the memory of their dead companions because, for both parties, obscurity meant oblivion. On either side of the plaque to Clementina are two inscriptions from a stone necrology which would have been seen on a daily basis by the members of the religious community. On the west side, carved lettering invokes the memory of ‘Raimundus de Karotitulo […] presbiter et canonicus ac sacrista’, who died in 11854 and, on the east side, another inscription commemorates the death in 1193 of ‘Raimundus bone memorie […] prepositus’, who held the most important office in the chapter and whose existence is recorded from 1164 onwards.5 Thus two clerics who died at the end of the 12th century flank a Roman inscription in a manner that illustrates the Tarragonan dignitaries’ preoccupations regarding the Church’s property. There is a reference to the liberti donation which was intended to turn them into heirs and carers of their tomb in perpetuity and meant in turn that they were required to pass this obligation onto their freemen and their descendants to ensure that the tomb should never fall into unwarranted hands.6 Moreover, the structure of the Roman text follows a regulated testamentary format that expressly disallows any kind of interference7 and is thus in keeping with the Order of Saint Rufus, well known for its emphasis on the study of law and for its clerical jurists, such as Oleguer (1118–37), who had trained at the Abbey of Saint Ruf before becoming archbishop of Tarragona.8 These experts would have had an important role in promoting the preservation of Church property following the restoration of the metropolitan see after Tarragona was conquered by the Christians in 1129. In this regard, the episcopal documentation tells of a hard struggle over a period of decades to prevent the Church’s property from falling into alien hands.9
The medieval inscriptions are thus inextricably linked to the engraved Roman stone, which must have been put in place when the wall was initially built given that its height follows that of the coursing of the rest of the stonework and that the size of the joints and the dressing of the stone are in keeping with the rest of the ashlar masonry.
The two people recorded on the walls of the cloister are probably the first Augustinian Canons Regular to live according to the rule of Saint Ruf.10 Of particular note is ‘Raimundus bone memorie […] prepositus’,11 who we can identify as the pavorde (provost) Raimundus de Bages and whose death coincides with the epigraph.12 His importance lies in the fact that he held the dignity of post pontificalem and thus governed the diocese in sede vacante and administered the community’s property.13 From among his properties, in 1169 the Archbishop Hug de Cervelló (1164–71) gave him lordship over La Selva del Camp, a position which was also held by his successors.14 His importance is also attested in the documentation: in 1172 Alexander III sent a letter to him and to the chapter to confirm the religious community.15 His role as a patron cannot be ascertained, but given his importance, his financial and administrative power and the information contained in the subsequent documentary records, it may be reckoned that he took an active part in the works, especially the chapter house, which had been in process since at least 1154.16 There is also a document from several decades later, in 1214, which states that another provost, Raimundus de Sancto Laurentio, raised the vaults of the cloister at his own expense.17
Of Raimundus de Karotitulo18 we know very little except that he was a presbyter, canon and sacristan, the latter position being instituted as a dignitary after his death during the ministry of Archbishop Berenguer de Vilademuls (1174–94). Of particular note is that his inscription is set at the same level as that of the provost, the highest dignitary in the religious community. This equality of positioning may indicate that the commemoration of the dead extended to include all those who lived under the rule of the order. It is also significant that his successor, Poncius de Barberano, should have featured in a clause in Cervelló’s will of 1171 regarding money for the opus ecclesiae and officinas canonicae,19 which suggests that, despite not holding the rank of dignitary, these men were nevertheless important.20
It should be pointed out that these two Romanesque epigraphs are the only ones on the cloister’s walls that commemorate the dead: the remaining stone-inscribed necrologies, which allude to some of the chapter’s founders,21 are located on the south face of the wall of the axial hall in the Flavian area and in the apse.22
The cloister has other commemorative features, but these are iconographic and in honour of the living. On the opposite gallery there are some imposts decorated with castles and chess-rooks that have traditionally been interpreted as emblems of the Archbishops Ramón de Castellterçol (1194–98) and Ramón de Rocabertí (1198–1215), above all because of when they are thought to have been sculpted. (Figure 17.2)
The highly distinctive appearance of these imposts, located on the northeast pillar and the third cluster of columns in the north gallery, causes them to stand out from the surrounding decoration. On a smooth background, and without alternating within the same piece, there is a linear and repetitive deployment of castles and chess-rooks that contrasts with the iconographic variety in the mouldings. It is also worth noting that they occur in two different places, which leads us to agree with those who interpret them as heraldic emblems, although not those of archbishops because there is no record of the episcopate using these before the 14th century. Wherever identifying elements were used for the archbishops, these were images or emblems of pastoral vocation, such as croziers, mitres or hands poised in blessing.23 A clear example of this can be found in the seals used by the archbishops, which were the exclusive identifying property of the holder and which did not include any heraldic images until the 14th century,24 as was the case throughout Europe.25 This explains the mitred corbel in the northeast of the cloister which in this instance can be identified with Rocabertí, although only after he had been made archbishop, as we will subsequently see. Also significant is how these emblems were deliberately located together and related to one another; what at first sight seems to be a hastily assembled series of pieces is in fact the result of a particular way of working. Consequently, we have to assume the two men were contemporaries, which further rules out the possibility that these emblems refer to archbishops.
A review of the documentary records turns up only two candidates: Berengarius de Castellet26 and Raimundus de Rochabertino, who later became archbishop of Tarragona. Both were among the first to use emblems to ensure recognition of their contribution to the cloister works. The castles and chess-rooks serve as an aid to identification and memory and are typical devices used as canting arms, of which Catalan heraldry has boasted so many examples since its beginnings.27
Castellet was descended from the first castlà of Reus28 and is commemorated with a marble memorial stone, which, although no longer in its original setting, stands out as the first of this type to be found in the cathedral. He was a member of the community from at least 1173 before rising to the position of chamberlain in 1193, the second highest dignity post pontificalem, which meant that he was able to draw upon considerable resources in the execution of his duties. For example, in 1171 his predecessor, Iohannes Sancto Baudilio,29 was made seigneur of Reus and his active patronage led him to be made construatur et edificetur of the church of Escornalbou under the supervision of the archbishop from 1162–70.30 According to Morera, Castellet became provost in sede vacante after Raimundus de Bages died in June 1193.31 His activities during the short time he occupied this dignity are important32 because he decreed, among other rulings, that the novitiate period of canons was to be one year and that they had to be appointed unanimously.33 This provision must be linked to concerns arising from the 3rd Lateran Council 1179, which Archbishop Vilademuls attended and which required every cathedral church to appoint a master to teach the clerics and the poor students of the church.34 This provision was followed by other documents such as the constitution published in 1194 by Iohannes Sancto Baudilio, which stated that the members were to reside in the cloister permanently and throughout the whole year.35 It should be no surprise that a chamberlain should participate actively in promoting the claustral works given that, again according to Morera, a parchment from 1214 states that this dignitary had paid the expenses of the cloister galleries since work began.36
His importance is also demonstrated by the fact that he was one of the signatories of Vilademuls’ Constitutio Magna, dated 1 August 1193, where he appears as ‘Berengarii camerarii’37 alongside Rocabertino, Terraconensis archidiaconus. This document is significant because it refers to the new regular status of the dignitary of archdeacon. Among other things, it established that he should be made a canon regular and live in the church, for which reason he was bestowed with significant properties. The importance of this dignitary is also shown in the order of the signatures; Rocabertí appears after the archbishop and the papal delegate and just before the provost. As a descendent of one of the most important families in Catalonia and related to the Castellet through his mother, Rocabertí had a brilliant career: he was archdeacon from 1193 until he was crowned archbishop in 1198, a position that he held until his death in 1215.
We believe that both men acted as patrons of the cloister’s galleries and consequently ensured that their emblems were sculpted on the imposts. In this regard, it should not be forgotten that some canons were intimately connected with the upper echelons of power and had consequently amassed considerable fortunes. We have yet to find documentary evidence that confirms the direct intervention of Rocabertí as archdeacon, but the presence of his coat of arms, which he used prior to 1199, suggests his patronage. The use of these identifying elements by members of chapter should come as no surprise given that, as Pastoureau states, ‘en cette habitude, les simples curés et religieux semblent même avoir précedé les prélats’.38 The morphology of the signs indicates an early date: first, of the two types of simultaneously sculpted chess-rooks, one is more decorated that the other, which suggests that this figure had yet to become a standardised heraldic symbol at the time they were made; second, the battlements of the castle towers are not covered with triangles, a feature which sets Catalan heraldry apart from that of the other Iberian kingdoms and those to the north of the Pyrenees and which can also be seen in the coat of arms at the back of the cathedral;39 third, the type of construction directly recalls the altar frontal of Santa Tecla (Figure 17.3), which suggests it was carried out by the same workshop at roughly the same time, that is, the sculpture in the cloister (apart from the corbels, which are later) would have been completed during the 1190s.
As in other cities of Roman origin, once the archdiocese of Tarragona had been restored, the new Christian acropolis was rebuilt by reusing the old monuments available to it,40 which in Tarragona were from the Flavian period and located in the upper part of the city.41 Oleguer, the first protagonist in the 12th century, played only a small role as a patron, his activities being mainly concerned with administering the recently conquered territory (Figure 17.4).42 His successors created a network of parishes to satisfy the religious needs of the faithful in the city of Tarragona and the surrounding area;43 however, the first man to show a real interest in creating the most important symbol of archiepiscopal power in the northern third of the Iberian Peninsula was Bernat Tort.
Tort’s obsession with increasing the power of the church makes him a key figure in understanding how the cathedral was designed to emanate this power, particularly in opposition to the Bordet,44 the joint lords of the city, and against Toledo, whose primacy Tort refused to recognise.45 His efforts were facilitated by his connections with the counts of Barcelona.46 Of particular note is the document from 1148 in which Robert Bordet swore loyalty to the archbishop as his lord and which features the signature of ‘Durandi canonicus sancti Ruphi’,47 thus indicating, in addition to Tort, the presence of other members of this community in Tarragona prior to 1154.48
Figure 17.3
Tarragona Cathedral: Altar frontal of Santa Tecla, late 12th century © Lozano and Serrano
The document that shows the archbishop’s role as a patron is the problematic Ordinatio te vita regulari in ecclesia Tarraconensi from 1154.49 It sets out the accommodation and equipment to be made available to the religious community for the daily execution of their duties,50 for which it was to have storerooms, a refectory, a dormitory, a kitchen, a chapter house and a chapel, the location and characteristics of which are subject to varying interpretations in the records. This archbishop was responsible for delimiting the perimeter of the cloister by building the whole west side during his pontificate. On its northern end, where the wall of the claustral gallery features a blocked oculus, was the refectory51 and on its southern end were the first dormitory and the chapterhouse. New studies will shed further light on this matter.52
In the 16th century Pons d’Icart mentioned Tort’s role in the construction of the Archbishop’s Castle, which ‘he had made and built […] up to the bartizans […] and at the foot of the said castle he had a chapel built and dedicated to St. Mary’.53 This is perhaps a misreading of the previous document which mentions the terms ‘fortitudinem […] quam ibi ediffico’.54 Blanch, who incorrectly stated that Bernat Tort continued the building work on the church with the same opulence as his predecessor Oleguer,55 points out that he had also built a church ‘close to the walls of Tarragona […] and named it St. Magdalena de Bell-Lloc’,56 which he donated to the monks of Sant Pere de Besalú.
Tort’s successor, Hug de Cervelló, was of illustrious lineage and also extremely close the highest echelons of secular power.57 This allowed him both to participate in political matters and to undertake a long journey that would take him to Aix-en-Provence, Silvacane, Montpellier and Arles,58 places with similar repertoires to those used in the cloister and east end at Tarragona and which explain the connections with Provence. It is possible that at the end of 1167 he brought back with him a sculptor who worked on the monumental entrance to the cloister from the church, which we believe, on the basis of the latest research, was completed before 1171.59
Forceful in character, Hug de Cervelló’s vigorous and wilful defence of the Church’s interests was such that some held him responsible for the murder of Guillermo, the son of Robert Bordet, which in turn led to his own violent death. Testimony to this conflict can be found in, among other documents,60 the letter sent by the king to Guillermo, in which the monarch urged the latter to abandon hostilities with the archbishop and also defined the city as ‘capud tocius regni mei […] Unde qui eam destruit capud meum destruit’.61 His words indicate the level of his concern regarding affairs in Tarragona and his support for the prelate. In our opinion, the cathedral works motivated Cervello’s obsession with money and led him to create the dignities of pavorde (provost) and chamberlain, the richest and most preeminent positions in the church.62
Although some authors, led by Morera,63 believe that work had yet to begin by the time of Hug de Cervelló’s death, it is nevertheless clear that he was responsible for accumulating the money needed to carry out the grandiloquent building work that the documents show was in progress thereafter. Although it cannot be said that he built the church, its design and the preparation of the land and the materials needed to build it all depended on his patronage. This is confirmed by, among others, the bequest made to the works in 1167 in the will of Pere de Queralt, brother-in law to the archbishop and closely linked to the comital house, which donated mille [solitos] ad Ecclesiam Sancte Tecle faciendam.64 Other documents also refer to smaller donations made to the works.65
The best evidence of Hug de Cervelló’s patronage can be found in his will,66 which dates from 1171 and refers to a series of donations made to various buildings, including the hospitali, quod ipso in Terracona incipierat to which he bequeathed 300 sueldos, hospital for the poor (not the canons, as previously believed) which operated under the orders of the canon Poncius de Barberano.67 He also gave 100 morabetinos to the opus populetensis ecclesiae and the remainder of his money to the operi ecclesiae in Tarragona.68 These works are mentioned again when, in addition to the donation of other goods such as Saracen captives,69 mules and small rings, Cervelló bequeaths the amount of 1,000 morabetinos ad opus ecclesiae incipiendum et ad officinas canonicae faciendas with half going to the opere ecclesiae and the other half to the officinas canonicae. A close reading of the document shows that the 1,000 morabetinos which were originally thought to be part of a donation to the works by the archbishop were actually donated by the sacristan. In reality, according to the text transcribed by Villanueva, this money was donated to the construction work by Poncio de Barberano before embarking on a journey to Rome. We do not believe that this money came from church taxes because the archbishop makes no mention of the money being church property and states solely that it was provided by Poncio or, as the document puts it, quos tradiderat Poncio de Barberano. Along with other bequests, this is the amount that the archbishop would leave in his will with the stipulation that half should be given to the church and the other half to the chapterhouse, thus complying with the instructions given to him by Poncio when the canon had given him the money before going to Rome.70 The term incipiendum in relation to the church shows that work on this building had yet to begin, whereas faciendas in reference to the chapterhouse makes it clear that work on that building had long been underway. In his role as patron he also acted outside the confines of the cathedral complex; for example, according to Morera, the Romanesque façade of the monastery at San Miguel de Escornalbou once had an inscription (now vanished) that said ‘Cervello archiep° Tarr. ereta fuit haec ecclesia’.71
Guillem de Torroja was bishop of Barcelona from 1144, brother of the Grand Master of the Knights Templar, Arnau,72 and of the bishop of Zaragoza, Pedro. He was elected archbishop of Tarragona in 117273 after the murder of Cervelló, the electing suffragan bishops being urged by the Pope to choose a personam idoneam, honestam et litteratam.74 Torroja was legate ad latere of Alexander III and had experience both of military campaigns (during which he mixed with the very highest levels of society)75 and of the contentious issues arising from the city of Tarragona. Not only did he intervene in the trial between Cervelló and Robert Bordet in 1151,76 he also coincided with his predecessor in Provence during his trip of 1167, the latter having awarded Torroja a series of prerogatives several years earlier.77
Under his pontificate, the issue of shared jurisdiction continued to cause problems to the point that he made an enemy of the king, to whom he had previously acted as tutor and with whom he was able to resolve some of the differences between them in 1171.78 As Marí stated, his authority was undermined not only by the monarch but also by the feudal lords, who refused to pledge their loyalty to him and evaded paying the tithes and taxes that they owed to the church.79 Nevertheless, as bishop of Barcelona Torroja had already demonstrated his willingness to expand and reorganise the church’s property80 and was thus able to appear as the strongman who liberi ab homni iugo et oppressione laycalis personae,81 as is corroborated by the papal ratification of 1172 regarding the oath of loyalty that the men of the city of Tarragona and the surrounding area were required to swear to him82 and by the agreement of 1173 known as ad perennem, which established the jurisdictions of the archbishop and the king.83
The documentary record contains little information regarding his patronage, although we suspect that he actively participated in the works. Only one diploma dated 1171 refers to this matter, with the phrase ad opus canonice claustralis.84 This lack of documentary evidence must surely be the result of him occupying the post of archbishop for a mere three years because it contrasts markedly with his energetic patronage as bishop of Barcelona, where he was instrumental in the construction of the Hospital d’en Marcús and the Hospital de Santa Margarita (later renamed San Lázaro) and completed and consecrated various churches such as those of Sant Martí in Cerdanyola and Sant Vicenç de Sarrià.85
The lengthy pontificate of Berenguer de Vilademuls, member of one of the most influential lineages in the area,86 is notable for the good relations that he maintained with the monarchy and the continuation of his predecessors’ policies aimed at strengthening the church. Particularly illustrative of this is the document dated 1182,87 which put an end to the custom of giving church lands in fief to laymen who, the records clearly show, had accumulated considerable economic power. He also seems to have been instrumental in convening the Council of Tarragona in 1180, where he proposed that documents should be dated by the year of the Incarnation, an act which, leaving to one side the political and religious interests highlighted by Mundó, was of indisputable historical importance.88
The economic power of the church under his prelature is clearly evidenced by his loan in 1191 of 7000 sueldos to the king for his military campaigns in Roussillon and Cerdanya.89 While it is true that a decade before he had reduced the number of canons to eighteen,90 a decision determined by the war against the Muslims91 and by the cost of the construction work, which was by now at its height,92 we should also recall that in 1193, when the previous limit on the number of canons had expired after being in place for twelve years, he promulgated the Constitutio Magna in favorem canonicae ipsius ecclesiae.93 Amongst other provisions, the Constitutio established a procedure whereby the possessions of converts, canons and intestate persons were distributed in such a way as to bring enormous benefits to the chapter.
The first documentary record from his reign that concerns us is the bull issued by Lucius III in 1184 which confirms the money assigned to the works and mentions the possessions of the operarius, whose post had by now been formally created and who was responsible for managing the funds destined for the construction of the cathedral.94 We do not know if this post was held in 1184 by Geraldus de Aldeya, but he is mentioned in this capacity in two documents from the following year.95 One of his many possessions was the parish of Figuerola, assigned to the building work in 1184 and which is mentioned again as quae ad opus ecclesiae pertinet in a bull dating from 1194.96 Among his sources of income were the sale of benefices belonging to the mensa episcopal and the stipends that the chapter received during periods of sede vacante.97
We agree with Morera’s hypothesis that Vilademuls advanced the works98 to the point that the central apse was completed by 1184, as is confirmed by the epigraph on its axis99 (Figure 17.5). This may explain the creation in 1192 of the post of minor sacristan, whose duty it was to look after the large amounts of money needed to clean the cathedral and take care of the ornaments, lights and incense100 and for which he received important revenues such as that of Santa María del Milagro. We may say, therefore, that Vilademuls brought to fruition a project that had originated with Cervelló and erected it with hardly any modifications to the original plan.101
During his pontificate, Vilademuls also oversaw the sculptures in the cloister and on the altar frontal of Santa Tecla.102 In our opinion, 1193–98 is a key period because it brought together Castellet as chamberlain and Rocabertí as archdeacon, dignitaries who, as has been mentioned, collaborated in building a cloister that displayed their respective canting arms on certain imposts on the north side. The political and religious context also helps us to understand the iconography of the capitals. Those that referred to external conflicts relating to the conquest and governance of the city and its territory would echo numerous fight scenes and certain themes taken from the Old Testament.103 The defence of orthodoxy,104 of utmost importance in a frontier territory such as Tarragona, was expressed on the northeast corner of the columns whose complex iconography alluding to baptism seems to be related to the use of the canonical space just in front of it as a baptistery.105 We know that the archbishop, who would have had a central role in this ceremony, insisted on this sacrament after attending the Lateran Council of 1179 at which heresies were condemned and the perpetrators exhorted to convert to the true faith.106 This episcopal element in a canonical space and the reference to conversion, in this case that of the Jews, may also be seen in the exceptional group of columns dedicated to Saint Nicholas, whose position is linked to the adjoining cathedral school, as a recently published study107 points out, and which was one of Vilademuls’ main interests.108
All of this leads us to believe that Vilademuls was responsible for the claustral sculptures and constructed a good part of the cathedral that we now see, and that both he and the building are thus of vital importance in late Spanish Romanesque art.
During the period after the murder of Vilademuls,109 a series of financial abuses took place against the church which, according to the Índex Vell, led to a papal bull aimed at restoring the see’s finances.110 This interference by laymen, which had already occurred at other vacant sees, was complicated by relations between the new archbishop, Ramón de Castellterçol (previously bishop of Vic) and the monarchy.111
No document exists that allows us to determine the manner in which Ramón de Castellterçol exercised his patronage, although the will of Alfonso II from 1194 (of which the archbishop was executor),112 shows a donation of 300 solidos in perpetuity until the completion of the church, ad operam ipsius ecclesie donet sit hedificata, which suggests that the building work was expected to conclude soon.
We are able to say rather more about Ramón de Rocabertí, who came from one of the most influential families of the time,113 and was a member of the Tarragonan clergy from at least 1193 when he is recorded as archdeacon and when his coat of arms link him to the claustral works. Furthermore, he had a good relationship with the monarchy, which would in turn have a positive effect on the cathedral works and would foster mutual understanding in matters concerning the jurisdiction of Tarragona.114 Nevertheless, his prelature was not free of strife due to the continuing conflict between the archbishop and his subjects; in 1214 there was a legal dispute between the prelate and the citizens as the latter demanded more places of worship.115
Proof of the church of Tarragona’s financial strength are the successive loans of 11,500 and 10,000 sueldos made to Peter II who, in maxima necesitate, requested them from the archbishop, the latter receiving in return the king’s protection and confirmation of his privileges.116 In 1211 he again showed off his economic power by buying various territories, making it clear that the money was his own.117 It is significant that Rocabertí should give the rights acquired in these territories to the chapter and the provost, who played a fundamental role in the cathedral works. According to Hernández and Torres, on 8 of January 1214 the Provost Raimundus de Sancto Laurentio, with the intervention of Rocabertí, levantó á sus expensas las bóvedas del claustro aprovechando lo que estaba construido (paid for the raising of the cloister’s vaults)118 (Figure 17.6). Although they do not cite their source, we believe that it is the same document as that cited by Morera; that is, an agreement bearing the same date and between the chamberlain Raymundus Guillelmi119 and the aforementioned Ramón de Sant Llorenç.120 According to Morera, the chamberlain had been charged with completing the cloister galleries; however, on finding himself without sufficient money to do so, he signed an agreement with the provost to obtain the funds needed to finish the work.121 In our opinion it is beyond doubt that the galleries’ marble structures had been completed by 1214 because, when discussing this now lost document, the aforementioned authors mention the vaults and the quarries from which the stone was taken to erect them. We believe that it was this provost who, in 1209, signed a document to the king as Ego Raimundus de Sancto Laurentio, Terrachone ecclesie operarius.122
We also know that in 1207 Peter II took the church of Tarragona under his protection and extended the royal safeguard to its building works and revenues.123 Such favourable treatment was increased yet further in 1212 when, in gratitude for the men and money provided by the archbishop and his church, King Peter gave some properties and revenues ad perpetuum for the cathedral works,124 a donation which Blanch believes was intended to ensure that the church building work that was underway should reach its conclusion.125 Without doubt these munificent donations were motivated by the king’s excellent relations with the archbishop and the provost.126
However, the nature of Rocabertí’s patronage is best indicated by the will that he dictated when, judging by the phrase gravi infirmitati detentus,127 he felt his death was drawing near. In addition to donating the work of various monasteries (Poblet, Escornalbou and Santes Creus), he provides a thousand solidos for the operi claustri Terraconae, and gives tithes for the operi ecclesiae Terracona which continued under his prelature.128 As far as we can tell, Rocabertí financed the vaulting that we can see to this day, although the structural changes that it has suffered mean that it no longer retains its original covering. This would explain why his mitred bust was carved on the corbel in the north wall just on the opposite side, on the northeast corner of the columns where his archdeacon’s insignia were sculpted. Further evidence of Rocabertí’s patronage is his interest in the tomb that was being sculpted for him when he dictated his will and which prompted a donation of CCC solidos ad tumulo meo marmoreo faciendo, along with other quantities destined ad opus sepulturae meae. This again demonstrates the desire to be remembered after his death that we ascertained earlier on through our analysis of the epigraphic and heraldic evidence in the cloister.
Although the archbishops of Tarragona have traditionally been credited as being the principal patrons of the cathedral complex, our study shows that high-ranking dignitaries within the chapter, such as provosts, chamberlains and archdeacons, also played an important role. We have seen epigraphic evidence alluding to these figures and indicating the religious community’s desire to commemorate the dead, and we have also seen the use of heraldic insignia aimed at perpetuating the memory of important individuals from the Castellet and Rocabertí families, both of which held considerable power within the chapter. This latter point also provides us with a terminus ante quem for the claustral sculpture of between 1193 and 1198.
A lack of evidence regarding some of the archbishops prevents us from stating to what extent each was involved in the cathedral works; nevertheless, four in particular stand out. First of all we have archbishop Tort, who conceived the cathedral space as a manifestation of power and was responsible for delimiting the cloister by erecting its west hall. His successor, Cervelló, put in place the entrance that provides access to the church from the cloister, prepared the site and raised the funds needed to execute the building project, which was enthusiastically continued by Vilademuls, who carefully administered the Church’s estates and was thus in a position to complete the perimeter of the complex, including the apse, as is corroborated by the epigraphs placed on its walls in 1184. The inscriptions dating from 1185 and the heraldic insignia on the imposts also show that the cloister was completed during his prelature, and before the vaults were raised in 1214 by Rocabertí, the provost Raimundus de Sancto Laurentio and Raymundus Guillelmi.
Despite the biases in the documentation available today, a rereading of a large part of it has shown us that neither common individuals nor monarchs played significant roles as patrons. Instead it is through the important role played by the ecclesiastical dignitaries of Tarragona (of varying ranks) that we can explain and understand this impressive monument to power (Figure 17.7).
