[1] Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936: Hubris (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2000), xxvi.
[2] Aristotle A. Kallis, “Fascism, ‘Charisma’ and ‘Charismatisation’: Weber’s Model of ‘Charismatic Domination’ and Interwar European Fascism,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, Vol. 7, No. 1 (2006): 25.
[3] Kallis, Fascism, ‘Charisma’ and ‘Charismatisation’, 25–26.
[4] Albert Bergesen, “Die rituelle Ordnung,” in Ritualtheorien. Ein einführendes Handbuch, eds. Andréa Belliger and David J. Krieger (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1998), 50–51.
[5] For worshiping a leader after his death, see Sergio Luzzatto, The Body of Il Duce: Mussolini’s Corpse and the Fortunes of Italy (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2005).
[6] Heidi Hein-Kircher, “Führerkult und Führermythos. Theoretische Reflexionen zur Einführung,” in Der Führer im Europa des 20. Jahrhunderts, ed. Benno Ennker and Heidi Hein-Kircher (Marburg: Verlag Herder-Institut, 2010), 3.
[7] Emilio Gentile, “Mussolini as the Prototypical Charismatic Dictator,” Charisma and Fascism in Interwar Europe, ed. Roger Eatwell, Stein Ugevlik Larsen, and António Costa Pinto (London: Routledge 2007) 125.
[8] Quoted in Ian Kershaw, The ‘Hitler Myth’. Image and Reality in the Third Reich (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), 27.
[9] Kurt Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches Denken in der Weimarer Republik (Munich: Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, 1962), 273, quoted in Ian Kershaw, The ‘Hitler Myth’, 19.
[10] Gentile, Mussolini as the Prototypical Charismatic Dictator, 113.
[11] Kallis, Fascism, ‘Charisma’ and ‘Charismatisation’, 29.
[12] Kershaw, The ‘Hitler Myth’, 19.
[13] Roger Eatwell, “Concept and Theory of Charismatic Leadership,” in Charisma and Fascism, ed. Eatwell, 13.
[14] Gentile, Mussolini as the Prototypical Charismatic Dictator, 114, 117, 119, 127.
[15] Masaryk was neither a fascist nor an authoritarian dictator, but his charisma was used to create a cult that helped to legitimize the existence of Czechoslovakia. Cf. Andrea Orzoff, “The Husbandman: Tomáš Masaryk’s Leader Cult in Interwar Czechoslovakia,” Austrian History Yearbook 39 (2008), 121–37.
[16] For the Piłsudski cult, see Heidi Hein, Der Piłsudski-Kult und seine Bedeutung für den polnischen Staat 1926–1939 (Marburg: Verlag Herder Institut, 2002).
[17] For the cults of personality in Europe and the charismatic European leaders, see Roger Eatwell, Stein Ugevlik Larsen, and António Costa Pinto, ed., Charisma and Fascism in Interwar Europe (London: Routledge 2007); Benno Ennker and Heidi Hein-Kircher, Der Führer im Europa des 20. Jahrhunderts (Marburg: Verlag Herder-Institut, 2010); Bernd J. Fischer, ed., Balkan Strongmen. Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers of South Eastern Europe (West Lafayette: Purdue UP 2007).
[18] Christopher Flood, Political Myth: A Theoretical Introduction (New York: Garland Publishing. Inc., 1996), 164; Yves Bizeul, “Theorien der politischen Mythen und Rituale,” in Politische Mythen und Rituale in Deutschland, Frankreich und Polen, ed. Yves Bizeul (Berlin: Duncker & Humboldt, 2000), 18.
[19] Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basis Books, 1973), 218–20; Bizeul, Theorien der politischen Mythen, 16–17.
[20] Anton Grabner-Haider, Ideologie und Religion. Interaktion und Sinnsysteme in der modernen Gesellschaft (Vienna: Herder, 1981), 23–31; Flood, Political Myth, 26. On this question, see also Hubert Schleichert, Wie man mit Fundamentalisten diskutiert, ohne den Verstand zu verlieren. Anleitung zum subversiven Denken (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1997).
[21] Geertz, Interpretation of Cultures, 219.
[22] Terry Eagleton, Ideology. An Introduction (New York: Verso, 1991), 43–44.
[23] John A. Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963), 280.
[24] Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 20.
[25] Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 20; Carlton Joseph Huntley Hayes, The Historical Evolution of Modern Nationalism (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1950), 167.
[26] Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 20.
[27] Ibid., 22.
[28] John Armstrong, “Collaborationism in World War II: The Integral Nationalist Variant in Eastern Europe,” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 40, No. 3 (1968): 400.
[29] Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 20. On Charles Maurras and integral nationalism, see Steve Bastow, “Integral Nationalism,” in World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, ed. Cyprian P. Blamires (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2006), 1:338.
[30] Constantin Iordachi, “Comparative Fascist Studies. An Introduction,” in Comparative Fascist Studies. New Perspectives, ed. Constantin Iordachi (London: Routledge 2009), 1.
[31] Iordachi, Comparative Fascist Studies, 16; Kevin Passmore, Fascism. A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 10; Arnd Bauerkämper, Die “radikale Rechte” in Großbritanien (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991), 13–15, 143; Roger Eatwell, “Introduction: New Styles of Dictatorship and Leadership in Interwar Europe,” in Charisma and Fascism, ed. Eatwell, xxi.
[32] Samuel Huston Goodfellow, “Fascism as a Transnational Movement: The Case of Inter-War Alsace,” Contemporary European History Vol. 22, No. 1 (2013): 93; Philip Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 (London: Routledge, 2003), 168.
[33] Stanley G. Payne, “Fascism and Communism,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 1, No. 3 (2000): 1‒15; Stanley G. Payne, “Soviet anti-fascism: Theory and practice, 1921–45,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 4, No. 2 (2003): 1–62; Leonid Fuks, Entstehung der kommunistischen Faschismustheorie. Die Auseinandersetzung der Komintern mit Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus 1921–1935 (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1984).
[34] Fuks, Entstehung der kommunistischen Faschismustheorie, 109–11.
[35] Fuks, Entstehung der kommunistischen Faschismustheorie, 137; Payne, Soviet anti-fascism, 10, 15.
[36] Georgi Dimitroff. The United Front Against War and Fascism: Report to the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International 1935 (New York: Gama, 1974), 7.
[37] Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism 1914–1915 (London: University College London, 1995), 123–25.
[38] Iordachi, Comparative Fascist Studies, 7–8; Daniel Ursprung, “Faschismus in Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa: Theorien, Ansätze, Fragestellungen,” in Der Einfluss von Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus auf Minderheiten in Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa, ed. Mariana Hausleitner and Harald Roth (Munich: IKGS-Verlag, 2006), 12–13; Payne, A History of Fascism, 128.
[39] Hanna Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1951); Zbigniew Brzezinski and Carl Joachim Friedrich, Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1956). See also Fuks, Entstehung der kommunistischen Faschismustheorie, 12; Iordachi, Comparative Fascist Studies, 29–32.
[40] Ernst Nolte, Der Faschismus in seiner Epoche (Munich: Piper, 1963); Eugen Weber, Action Française: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth Century France (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1962); Varieties of Fascism. Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand, 1964). The first issue of Journal of Comparative History was devoted to fascism. Cf. Journal of Comparative History Vol. 1, No. 1 (1966).
[41] On the transnationalism of fascist movements and regimes, see Arnd Bauerkämper, “Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe, 1922–1939,” East Central Europe 37 (2010): 215–16, 236.
[42] For debate on and criticism of the new consensus and Griffin’s theory of fascism, see Roger Griffin, Werner Loh, and Andreas Umland, ed., Fascism Past and Present, West and East. An International Debate on Concepts and Cases in the Comparative Study of the Extreme Right (ibidem-Verlag: Stuttgart, 2006).
[43] Robert Paxton, “The Five Stages of Fascism,” The Journal of Modern History Vol. 70, No. 1. (1998): 11–12. On the difference between a fascist regime and a fascist movement, see Aristotle A. Kallis, “The ‘Regime-Model’ of Fascism,” in Comparative Fascist Studies, ed. Iordachi, 217. Some other scholars of fascism like Wolfgang Wippermann held the view that the earliest fascist regime appeared in the Second Empire of Louis Napoleon between 1849 and 1852. This interpretation was invented by August Thalheimer and Otto Bauer. Cf. Payne, A History of Fascism, 125–26. For Wolfgang Wippermann, see Wolfgang Wippermann, Faschismus: Eine Weltgeschichte vom 19. Jahrhundert bis heute (Darmstadt: Primus, 2009), 16–21.
[44] Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (London: Printer, 1991), 26. Later Griffin extended his definition to a “revolutionary form of nationalism bent on mobilizing all ‘healthy’ social and political energies to resist the onslaught of ‘decadence’ so as to achieve the goal of national rebirth, a project that involves the regeneration (palingenesis) of both the political culture and the social and ethical culture underpinning it.” See Roger Griffin, “General Introduction,” in Fascism. Critical Concept in Political Science, ed. Roger Griffin and Matthew Feldman (London: Routledge, 2004), 1:6.
[45] Roger Griffin, “General Introduction,” in International Fascism: Theories, Cases, and the New Consensus, ed. Roger Griffin (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 2.
[46] Ernst Nolte, Die Krise des liberalen Systems und die faschistischen Bewegungen (Munich: Piper, 1968), 385.
[47] Roger Eatwell, “The Nature of ‘Generic Fascism’. The ‘fascist minimum’ and the ‘fascist matrix,’” in Comparative Fascist Studies, ed. Iordachi, 137.
[48] Griffin later complemented his concept of fascism with negations and negative values. Cf. Iordachi, Comparative Fascist Studies, 118–24.
[49] Payne, A History of Fascism, 14.
[50] Ibid., 5, 14–15.
[51] Ian Kershaw, “Hitler and the Uniqueness of Nazism,” in Comparative Fascist Studies, ed. Iordachi, 241.
[52] George L. Mosse, The Fascist Revolution. Toward a General Theory of Fascism (New York: H. Fertig, 1999), x-xi.
[53] Michael Mann, Fascists (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 2–4.
[54] Kershaw, Hitler 1889-1936: Hubris, 466.
[55] Roger Griffin, “Revolution from the Right: Fascism” in Revolutions and the Revolutionary Tradition in the West 1560–1991, ed. David Parker (Routledge, London, 2000), 196.
[56] Passmore, Fascism. A Very Short Introduction, 11–12, 25, 30–31.
[57] Zeev Sternhell, “fascism,” in Comparative Fascist Studies, ed. Iordachi, 57.
[58] Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1936–45: Nemesis (London: The Penguin Press, 200), 69–72, 75–77; Payne, A History, 245–52; Volker Koop, In Hitlers Hand. Sonder- und Ehrenhäftlinge der SS (Köln: Böhlau, 2010), 95–109.
[59] Armin Heinen, Die Legion “Erzengel Michael” in Rumänien Soziale Bewegung und politische Organisation. Ein Beitrag zum Problem des internationalen Faschismus (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1986), 461, 522; Koop, In Hitlers Hand, 190–96.
[60] In German academia, fascism and fascist studies had been marginalized because many scholars of contemporary history were preoccupied with National Socialism and the singularity of the National Socialist regime. This preoccupation also led to the marginalization of Holocaust studies in post-war Germany. For a discussion between Roger Griffin and a number of scholars critical of his concept of fascism, see Griffin, et al., Fascism Past and Present, and especially Klaus Holz, and Jan Weyand, “‘Wiedergeburt’ – ein nationalistisches Geschichtsbild”; Bärbel Meurer, “Ernst Nolte oder May Weber: Braucht die Wissenschaft einen (Gott-)Vater?”, Stanley G. Payne, “Commentary of Roger Griffin’s ‘Fascism’s new faces,” Griffin, Fascism Past and Present, 125, 151, 177. For Ukrainian historians and fascism, see chapter 9 and 10.
[61] In general on nationalism, see Benedickt Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford: Blackwell, 1983).
[62] Mosse, Fascist Revolution, xi–xii; Sternhell, “fascism,” 575.
[63] For the use of the terms “radical right,” “extreme right,” and “far right,” see Uwe Backes, “‘Rechtsextremismus’—Konzeption und Kontroversen,” in Rechtsextreme Ideologien in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Uwe Backes (Köln: Böhlau, 2003), 23–25, 30.
[64] Emilio Gentile, “The Sacralisation of Politics: Definitions, Interpretations and Reflections on the Question of Secular Religion and Totalitarianism,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol.1, No.1 (2000), 21–22.
[65] Gentile, The Sacralisation of Politics, 23.
[66] Ibid., 23, 36–37.
[67] Ibid., 38.
[68] For the sacralization of the state, see Emilio Gentile, “Fascism as Political Religion,” Journal of Contemporary History Vol. 25, No. 2–3 (1990): 248.
[69] Geertz, Interpretation of Cultures, 3–30. For invention of tradition, see Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Inventing of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
[70] For the heroization-demonization dichotomy in totalitarian movements and regimes, see Peter Lambert and Robert Mallett, “Introduction: The Heroisation-Demonisation Phenomenon in Mass Dictatorships,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 8, No. 3–4, ( 2007), 453–63. In the Ukrainian context, see David Marples, Heroes and Villains. Creating National History in Contemporary Ukraine (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2007).
[71] On Soviet Ukraine and the ideology and propaganda in the Soviet Union, see Katrin Boeckh, Stalinismus in der Ukraine: Die Rekonstruktion des sowjetischen Systems nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2007); Terry Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire. Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923–1939 (London: Cornell University Press, 2001); William Jay Rish, The Ukrainian West: Culture and the Fate of Empire in Soviet Lviv (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2011); Alexander Statiev, The Soviet Counterinsurgency in western borderlands (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010); Amir Weiner, Making Sense of War. The Second World War and the Fate of the Bolshevik Revolution (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2001); Serhy Yekelchyk, Stalin’s Empire of Memory: Russian–Ukrainian Relations in the Soviet Historical Imagination (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004). On Soviet partisans in Ukraine, see Aleksandr Gogun, Partyzanci Stalina na Ukrainie: Nieznane działania 1941–1944 (Warsaw: Bellona, 2010).
[72] On the concepts of memory, see Jeffrey K. Olick, The Politics of Regret. On Collective Memory and Historical Responsibility (New York: Routledge, 2007), 17–35; Aleida Assmann, Der lange Schatten der Vergangenheit. Erinnerungskultur und Geschichtspolitik (Bonn: C.H.Beck, 2007), 21–37.
[73] On Holocaust denial, see Deborah Lipstadt, Denying the Holocaust. The Growing Assault on Truth and Memory (New York: Free Press, 1993); Michael Shermer and Alex Grobman, Denying history: who says the Holocaust never happened and why do they say it? (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Michael Shafir, “Between Denial and ‘Comparative Trivialization.’ Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe,” Analysis of Current Trends in Antisemitism 19 (2002): 1–83.
[74] For the archives of silence, see Moritz Csáky, Ideologie der Operette und Wiener Moderne. Ein kulturhistorischer Essay (Vienna: Böhlau, 1998), 228; Jacques Le Goff, Geschichte und Gedächtnis (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1992), 228. For the ethnization of history and memory, see Gerlach, Extremely Violent Societies, 255–65; Jeffrey Burds, “Ethnicity, Memory and Violence: Reflections on Special Problems in Soviet & East European Archives,” Comma. International Journal of Archives No. 3–4 (2002): 69.
[75] Friedrich Nietzsche, “Beyond Good and Evil. Prelude to a Philosophy of Future,” in Cambridge Texts in the History of Philosophy, ed. Rolf-Peter Horstmann and Judith Norman (Cambridge: University Press, 2002), 59. In the German original: “‘Das hab ich getan’, sagt mein Gedächtnis. Das kann ich nicht getan haben—sagt mein Stolz und bleibt unerbittlich. Endlich gibt das Gedächtnis nach.”
[76] Christian Gerlach, Extremely Violent Societies. Mass Violence in the Twentieth-Century World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 2–3, 5–6; Alexander Korb, “Understanding Ustaša violence,” Journal of Genocide Research Vol. 12, No. 1–2 (2010): 1–14.
[77] Laura Jockusch, Collect and Record! Jewish Holocaust Documentation in Early Postwar Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 196–201. On Wulf, see also Nicolaus Berg, Der Holocaust und die westdeutschen Historiker. Erforschung und Erinnerung (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2003), 337–63.
[78] Jockusch, Collect and Record!, 196–201. On the debate between Freidländer and Broschat, see also Saul Friedländer, Nachdenken über den Holocaust (Munich C. H. Beck, 2007), 78–124.
[79] Saul Friedländer, The Years of Extermination. Nazi Germany and the Jews 1933–1939 (New York: Harper Collins, 1997), 2.
[80] Jan Tomasz Gross, Neighbors. The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).
[81] Christopher Browning, Remembering Survival. Inside a Nazi Labor Camp (New York: Norton, 2010), 1–12; Omer Bartov, “Eastern Europe as the Site of Genocide,” The Journal of Modern History Vol. 80, No. 3 (2008): 562, 572.
[82] On the methodology of using survivor testimonies and the records of Soviet interrogations, see Vladimir Solonari, “Patterns of Violence. The Local Population and the Mass Murder of Jews in Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, July-August 1941,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History Vol. 8, No. 4 (2007): 753–55; Jan Grabowski, Hunt for the Jews. Betrayal and Murder in German-Occupied (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2013), 11–15; Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, “Der Verlauf und die Täter des Lemberger Pogroms vom Sommer 1941. Zum aktuellen Stand der Forschung,” Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung 22 (2013): 210–11; Alexander Prusin, “‘Fascist Criminals to the Gallows!’: The Holocaust and Soviet War Crimes Trials, December 1945–February 1946,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies Vol. 17, No. 1 (2003): 1–30; Tanja Penter, “Collaboration on Trial: New Source Material on Soviet Postwar Trials against Collaborators,” Slavic Review Vol. 64, No. 4 (2005): 782–90. The first monograph about the Second World War in Ukraine which used survivor testimonies was written by Franziska Bruder. See Franziska Bruder, “Den ukrainischen Staat erkämpfen oder sterben!” Die Organisation Ukrainischer Nationalisten (OUN) 1929–1948 (Berlin: Metropol Verlag, 2007). Earlier publications did not use survivor testimonies but mainly German and Soviet documents. See for example Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism; Dieter Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien 1941–1944. Organisation und Durchführung eines staatlichen Massenverbrechens (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1997); Frank Grelka, Die ukrainische Nationalbewegung unter deutscher Besatzungsherrschaft 1918 und 1941/42 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2005).
[83] Compare OUN v svitli postanov Velykykh Zboriv (n.p.: Zakordonni Chastyny Orhanizatsiï Ukraïns’kykh Natsionalistiv, 1955), 44–45 with the original publication of 1941 “Postanovy II. Velykoho Zboru Orhanizatsïi Ukraïns’kykh Natsionalistiv,” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, 199.
[84] “Pro vnesennia vypravlen’ do fil’mu ‘Vbyvca vidomii,’” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 25, spr. 869, 32, reprinted in Liubov Krypnyk, “Formovannia svitohliadnykh ustanovok pro Druhu svitovu viinu zasobamy radians’koho kino (materialy TsDAHO Ukraїny, 1973 r.),” Moloda Natsia. Almanakh Vo. 41, No. 4 (2006): 116–17.
[85] Cf. B. F. Sabrin, Alliance for Murder. The Nazi-Ukrainian Nationalist Partnership in Genocide (New York: Sarpedon, 1991), 172. On Sheptyts’kyi, see Julian J. Bussgang, “Metropolitan Sheptytsky: A Reassessment,” Polin. Studies in Polish Jewry 21 (2009): 401, 404; Iuliian Busgang, Mytropolyt Sheptyts’kyi: Shche odyn pohliad na zhyttia i diial’nist’ (L’viv: Drukars’ki kunshty, 2009), 18, 19. I am grateful to Marco Carynnyk for this observation. I was also misled by the picture in Alliance for Murder. See Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, “The ‘Ukrainian National Revolution’ of Summer 1941,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History Vol. 12, No.1 (2011): 98.
[86] Mykola Klymyshyn, V pokhodi do voli (Detroit: Ukrainska Knyharnia, 1987), 1:333.
[87] Ievhen Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, pidpillia i kordony (Kiev: Rada, 1995), 100.
[88] For the “Ukrainian National Revolution,” see chapter 4, and Rossoliński-Liebe, “‘Ukrainian National Revolution,’” 83–114.
[89] For the history of the CŻKH and other institutions that collected survivor testimonies in the early postwar period, see Jockusch, Collect and Record!, 5–7, 36–37, 89–98.
[90] See the subsection “Genocide, Mass Violence, and the Complexity of the Holocaust” in this Introduction.
[91] Volodymyr Serhiichuk, ed., Stepan Bandera u dokumentakh radians’kykh orhaniv derzhavnoї bezpeky (1939–1959), Vol. 1–3 (Kiev: Vipol 2009). It is difficult to estimate how selective, if at all, were the edition of Serhiichuk’s volumes or those edited by the Academy of Science in Kiev.
[92] Christoph Mick, Kriegserfahrungen in einer multiethnischen Stadt: Lemberg 1914–1947 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010); Maksym Hon, Iz kryvdoiu na samoti. Ukraїns’ko-ievreis’ki vzaiemyny na zakhidnoukraїns’kykh zemiakh u skladi Pol’shchi (1935–1939) (Rivne: Volyns’ki oberehy, 2005); Timothy Snyder, The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), Sketches from a Secret War. A Polish Artist’s Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005); Potocki Robert, Polityka państwa wobec zagadnienia ukraińskiego w latach 1930–1939 (Lublin: Instytut Europy Środkowo Wschodniej, 2003); Jerzy Tomaszewski, Ojczyzna nie tylko Polaków. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce w latach 1918–1939 (Warsaw: Młodzieżowa Agencja Wydawnicza, 1985).
[93] Frank Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer 1914–1939 (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2010).
[94] John-Paul Himka, Socialism in Galicia: The Emergence of Polish Social Democracy and Ukrainian Radicalism (1860–1890) (Cambridge: HURI, 1983), “Serfdom in Galicia,” Journal of Ukrainian Studies Vol. 9, No. 2 (1984): 3–28, Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998); Iaroslav Hrytsak, Narys Istoriї Ukraїny. Formuvannia modernoї ukraїn’s’koї natsiї XIX–XX stolittia (Kiev: Heneza, 2000).
[95] Natalia Yakovenko, “Choice of Name versus Choice of Path: The Names of Ukrainian Territories from the Late Sixteenth to the Late Seventeenth Century,” in A Laboratory of Transnational History: Ukraine and Recent Ukrainian Historiography, ed. Georgiy Kasianov and Philipp Ther (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2009), 117–48; Andreas Kappeler, “From an Ethnonational to a Multiethnic to a Transnational Ukrainian History,” in A Laboratory of Transnational History, ed. Kasianov, 51–80; Mark von Hagen, “Revisiting the Histories of Ukraine,” in A Laboratory of Transnational History, ed. Kasianov, 25‒50.
[96] Bohdan Bociurkiw, Ukraїns’ka Hreko-Katolyts’ka Tserkva i Radians’kak derzhava (1939–1950) (Lviv: Vydavnytsvo Ukraїns’koho Katolyts’koho Universytetu, 2005).
[97] Antony Polonsky, The Jews in Poland and Russia, 1350‒2008, Vol. 1‒3 (Oxford: The Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 2010‒12).
[98] Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism; Roman Wysocki, Organizacja Ukraińskich Nacjonalistów: Geneza, struktura, program, ideologia (Lublin: Wydawnictwo uniwersytetu Marie Curie-Skłodowskiej, 2003); Bruder, “Den ukrainischen Staat.
[99] Marco Carynnyk, “Foes of our rebirth: Ukrainian nationalist discussions about Jews, 1929–1947,” Nationalities Papers Vol. 39, No. 3 (2011): 315–52.
[100] Alexander Motyl, The Turn to the Right: The Ideological Origins and Development of Ukrainian Nationalism, 1919–1929 (New York: East European Monographs Boulder, 1980); Tomasz Stryjek, Ukraińska idea narodowa okresu międzywojennego: Analizy wybranych koncepcji (Wrocław: FUNNA, 2000).
[101] Grzegorz Motyka, Tak było w Bieszczadach: Walki polsko-ukraińskie 1943–1948 (Warsaw: Oficyna Wydawnicza Volumen, 1999), Ukraińska partyzantka 1942–1960. Działalność Organizacji Ukraińskich Nacjonalistów i Ukraińskiej Powstańczej Armii (Warsaw: Rytm, 2006).
[102] Alexander V. Prusin, “Revolution and Ethnic Cleansing in Western Ukraine: The OUN-UPA Assault against Polish Settlements in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia, 1943–1944,” in Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe, ed. Steven Béla Várdy, T. Hunt Tooley (New York: Boulder: Social Science Monographs, 2003), 517–35; Gabriel N. Finder and Alexander V. Prusin, “Collaboration in Eastern Galicia: The Ukrainian Police and the Holocaust,” East European Jewish Affairs Vol. 34, No. 2 (2004): 95–118.
[103] Jeffrey Burds, “AGENTURA: Soviet Informants’ Networks and the Ukrainian Underground in Galicia, 1944–1948,” East European Politics and Societies Vol. 11, No. 1 (1996): 89–130; “The early Cold War in Soviet West Ukraine, 1944‒1948,” The Carl Beck Papers in Russian & East European Studies, Number 1505. Pittsburg: The Center for Russian and East European Studies, 2001; “Gender and Policing in Soviet West Ukraine, 1944–1948,” Cahiers du Monde russe Vol. 42, No. 2–4 (2001), 279–320.
[104] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency; Boeckh, Stalinismus in der Ukraine.
[105] Karel Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair. Life and Death in Ukraine under Nazi Rule (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 2004).
[106] Dieter Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien 1941–1944. Organisation und Durchführung eines staatlichen Massenverbrechens (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1997). For a similar perspective, see also Grelka, Die ukrainische Nationalbewegung.
[107] Thomas Sandkühler, “Endlösung” in Galizien. Der Judenmord in Ostpolen und die Rettungsinitiativen von Berthold Beitz 1941–1944 (Bonn: Diert, 1996).
[108] Dieter Pohl, “Ukrainische Hilfskräfte beim Mord an den Juden,” in Die Täter der Shoah. Fanatische Nationalisten oder normale Deutsche? ed. Gerhard Paul (Göttingen: Wallstein-Verlag, 2002), 205–34; Frank Golczewski, “Shades of Grey: Reflections on Jewish-Ukrainian and German-Ukrainian Relations in Galicia,” in The Shoah in Ukraine. History, Testimony, Memorialization, ed. Ray Brandon and Wendy Lower (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008), 114–55; Frank Golczewski, “Die Ukraine im Zweiten Weltkrieg,” in Geschichte der Ukraine, ed. Frank Golczewski (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 1993), 241–60; Frank Golczewski, “Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine,” in Kooperation und Verbrechen. Formen der “Kollaboration” im östlichen Europa 1939–1945, ed Christoph Dieckmann, Babette Quinkert, and Tatjana Tönsmeyer (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2003), 151–82.
[109] Shmuel Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews 1941–1944 (Jerusalem: Achva Press, 1990).
[110] John-Paul Himka, “The Lviv Pogrom of 1941: The Germans, Ukrainian Nationalists, and the Carnival Crowd,” Canadian Slavonic Papers Vol. LIII, No. 2–4 (2011): 209–43; Christoph Mick, “Incompatible Experiences: Poles, Ukrainians and Jews in Lviv under Soviet and German Occupation, 1939–44,” Journal of Contemporary History Vol. 46, No. 2 (2011): 336–63; Hans Heer, “Einübung in den Holocaust: Lemberg Juni/Juli 1941,” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft Vol. 49, No. 5 (2001): 409–27; Rossoliński-Liebe, Der Verlauf und die Täter, 207–43.
[111] Philip Friedman, “Ukrainian-Jewish Relations during the Nazi Occupation,” in Roads to Extinction (New York: Jewish Publication Society, 1980). This article was first published in YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science Vol. 12 (1958–1959), 259‒63; Eliyahu Yones, Smoke in the Sand: The Jews of Lvov in the War Years 1939–1944 (Jerusalem: Gefen Publishing House, 2004).
[112] Aharon Weiss, “Jewish-Ukrainian Relations in Western Ukraine During the Holocaust,” in Ukrainian-Jewish Relations in Historical Perspective, ed. Peter J. Potichnyj and Howard Aster (Edmonton: CIUS, 2010), 409–20.
[113] Witold Mędykowski, W cieniu gigantów. Pogromy 1941 r. w byłej sowieckiej strefie okupacyjnej (Warsaw: Instytut Studiów Politycznych Polskiej Akademi Nauk, 2012).
[114] Omer Bartov, “Wartime Lies and Other Testimonies: Jewish-Christian Relations in Buczacz, 1939–1944,” East European Politics and Societies Vol. 26, No. 3 (2011): 486–511; Wendy Lower, “Pogroms, mob violence and genocide in western Ukraine, summer 1941: varied histories, explanations and comparisons,” Journal of Genocide Research Vol. 13, No. 3 (2011): 114–55; Timothy Snyder, “The Life and Death of Western Volhynian Jewry, 1921–1945,” in Shoah in Ukraine, ed. Brandon, 77–113, Kai Struve, “Rites of Violence? The Pogroms of Summer 1941,” Polin. Studies in Polish Jewry 24 (2012): 257–74.
[115] John-Paul Himka, “A Central European Diaspora under the Shadow of World War II: The Galician Ukrainians in North America,” Austrian History Yearbook 37 (2006): 17–31; Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, “Celebrating Fascism and War Criminality in Edmonton. The Political Myth and Cult of Stepan Bandera in Multicultural Canada,” Kakanien Revisited, 12 (2010): 1–16; Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, “Erinnerungslücke Holocaust. Die ukrainische Diaspora und der Genozid an den Juden,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte Vol. 62, No. 3 (2014): 397–430; Per Anders Rudling, “Multiculturalism, Memory, and Ritualization: Ukrainian Nationalist Monuments in Edmonton, Alberta,” Nationalities Papers 39, 5 (2011): 733–68; Per Anders Rudling, “The OUN, the UPA and the Holocaust: A Study in the Manufacturing of Historical Myths,” The Carl Beck Papers in Russian & East European Studies, Number 2107 (Pittsburg: The Center for Russian and East European Studies, 2011).
[116] Diana Dumitru, “An Analysis of Soviet Postwar Investigation and Trial Documents and Their Relevance for Holocaust Studies,” in The Holocaust in the East. Local Perpetrators and Soviet Responses, ed. Michael David-Fox, Peter Holquist, and Alexander M. Martin (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press, 2014), 142–57; Penter, Collaboration on Trial, 782–90; Prusin, ‘Fascist criminals to the gallows!’, 1–30; Solonari, Patterns of Violence, 749–87.
[117] Tarik Cyril Amar, “A Disturbed Silence: Discourse on the Holocaust in the Soviet West as an Anti-Site of Memory,” in The Holocaust in the East, ed. David-Fox, 158–84.
[118] Per Anders Rudling, “The Return of the Ukrainian Far Right. The Case of VO Svoboda,” in Analysing Fascist Discourse. European Fascism in Talk and Text, ed. Ruth Wodak and John E. Richardson (New York: Routledge, 2013), 228–55; Per Anders Rudling, “Anti-Semitism and the Extreme Right in Contemporary Ukraine,” in Mapping the Extreme Right in Contemporary Europe. From Local to Transnational, ed. Andrea Mammone, Emmanuel Godin, and Brian Jenkins (London: Routledge, 2012), 189–205; Anton Shekhovtsov and Andreas Umland, “Pravoradikal’naia partiinaia politika v postsovetskoi Ukraine i zagadka elektoral’noi marginal’nosti ukraїns’kikh ul’tranatsionalistov v 1994–2009 gg.,” Ab Imperio 2 (2010): 1–29; Anton Shekhovtsov, “The Creeping Resurgence of the Ukrainian Radical Right? The Case of the Freedom Party,” Europe-Asia Studies Vol. 63, No. 2 (2011): 203–8.
[119] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 571–92; Rossoliński-Liebe, “‘Ukrainian National Revolution,’” 83–114; Anton Shekhovtsov, “By Cross and Sword: ‘Clerical Fascism’ in Interwar Western Ukraine,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 8, No. 2. (2007): 271–85; Alexander Zaitsev, ed., Natsionalizm i relihiia. Hreko-katolyts’ka tserkva ta ukraїns’kyi natsionalistychnyi rukh v Halychyni (1920‒1930-ti roky) (L’viv: Vydavnytsvo Ukraїns’koho Katolyts’koho Universytetu, 2011); Alexander Zaitsev, Ukraïns’kyi intehral’nyi natsionalizm (1920–1930-ti) roky. Narysy intelektual’noï istoriï (Kiev: Krytyka, 2013).
[120] Two very important document collections for this study are: I. K. Patryliak, Viis’kova diial’nist’ OUN (B) u 1940–1942 rokakh (Kiev: Instytut Istoriï Ukraïny, 2004); and Volodymyr Serhiichuk, ed., Stepan Bandera u dokumentakh radians’kykh orhaniv derzhavnoї bezpeky (1939–1959), Vol. 1–3 (Kiev: Vipol 2009).
[121] Patryliak, Viis’kova diial’nist’ OUN (B), 326. For Serhiichuk, see Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, “Der polnisch–ukrainische Historikerdiskurs über den polnisch-ukrainischen Konflikt 1943–1947,” Jahr- bücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 57 (2009): 65‒66. See also Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, “Debating, Obfuscating and Disciplining the Holocaust: Post-Soviet Historical Discourses on the OUN-UPA and other Nationalist Movements,” East European Jewish Affairs Vol. 42, No. 3 (2012): 218.
[122] Petro Mirchuk’s most important publications about or relating to Bandera are: Stepan Bandera: Symvol revoliutsiinoї bezkompromisovosty (New York: Orhanizatsiia oborony chotyr’okh svobid Ukraïny, 1961); Narys istoriї OUN: 1920–1939 (Kiev: Ukraїns’ka Vydavnycha Spilka, 2007). For Posivnych publications about Bandera, see Mykola Posivnych, ed., Stepan Bandera: Dokumenty i materialy (1920–1930 rr.) (Lviv: Afisha, 2006); Mykola Posivnych, Stepan Bandera—zhyttia, prysviachene svobodi (Toronto: Litopys UPA, 2008); Mykola Posivnych, ed., Zhyttia i diial’nist’ Stepana Bandery: Dokumenty i materialy (Ternopil’: Aston, 2008); Mykola Posivnych ed., Zhyttia i diial’nist’ Stepana Bandery: dokumenty i materialy (Ternopil: Aston, 2011); Mykola Posivnych, Varshavs’kyi akt obvynuvachennia Stepana Bandery ta tovaryshiv (Lviv: Tsentr doslidzhen’ vyzvol’noho rukhu, 2005); Mykola Posivnych and Bohdan Hordasevych, eds., Stepan Bandera: 1909–1959–2009: Zbirnyk statei (Lviv: Triada Plius, 2010).
[123] Rudolf A. Mark, Galizien unter österreichischer Herrschaft: Verwaltung-Kirche-Bevölkerung (Marburg: Herder Institut, 1994), 70, 80. The Habsburg statistics were based on religion. In Galicia, Poles generally identified themselves as Roman Catholics, and Ukrainians as Greek Catholics.
[124] The Habsburg Empire was, from 1867 until its demise in 1918, an Austro-Hungarian monarchy, and was divided into two parts: Cisleithania (capital Vienna), and Transleithania (capital Budapest). Galicia and Bukovina belonged to Cisleithania, and Transcarpathia to Transleithania. Ukrainians constituted about 40 percent of Bukovina’s population. Other ethnic groups in Bukovina were Romanians (34 percent), Jews (13 percent), and Germans (8 percent). Cf. Kerstin Jobst, “Die ukrainische Nationalbewegung bis 1917,” in Geschichte der Ukraine, ed. Frank Golczewski (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993), 171.
[125] For the political and cultural division of Ukraine in the nineteenth century, see Wolfdieter Bihl, “Aufgegangen in Großreichen: Die Ukraine als österreichische und russische Provinz,” in Geschichte der Ukraine, ed. Golczewski, 126–57, and John-Paul Himka, Socialism in Galicia: The Emergence of Polish Social Democracy and Ukrainian Radicalism (1860–1890) (Cambridge: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, 1983), 47, 50, 52.
[126] For the influence of West European and East European culture and the division of Ukraine into West and East in pre-modern times, see Ihor Shevchenko, Ukraine between East and West: Essays on Cultural History to the Early Eighteen Century (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 1996). On the cultural heterogeneity of Ukraine, see Hagen, Revisiting the Histories of Ukraine; Kappeler, From an Ethnonational to a Multiethnic.
[127] Natalia Yakovenko, “Choice of Name versus Choice of Path: The Names of Ukrainian Territories from the Late Sixteenth to the Late Seventeenth Century,” in A Laboratory of Transnational History, ed. Kasianov, 117–41.
[128] Stanislau von Smolka, Die Reussische Welt: Historisch-Politische Studien. Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Vienna: Zentral-Verlagsbüro des obersten polnischen Nationalkomitees: 1916), 13. In the original “Ukraine, ein ruthenisches Gebiet.” Cf. Smolka, Die Reussische Welt, 6.
[129] Jobst, Die Ukrainische Nationalbewegung bis 1917, 161, 168; Hrytsak, Narys istoriї Ukraїny, 70–71.
[130] Yaroslav Hrytsak and Victor Susak, “Constructing a National City: Case of Ľviv,” in Composing Urban History and the Constitution of Civic Identities, ed. John Czaplicka, Blair A. Ruble, and Lauren Crabtree (Washington: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), 142–43; Peter Fäßler, Thomas Held, and Dirk Sawitzki, ed., Lemberg-Lwow-Ľviv. Eine Stadt im Schnittpunkt europäischer Kulturen (Köln: Böhlau 1995), 183.
[131] Bihl, Aufgegangen in Großreichen, 151.
[132] Himka, Socialism in Galicia, 40–41. On Russophiles in Galicia, see Anna Veronika Wendland, Die Russophilen in Galizien: Ukrainische Konservative zwischen Österreich und Russland, 1848–1915 (Vienna: Verlag der österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2001).
[133] Iaroslav Hrytsak, Narys istoriї Ukraїny: Formuvannia modernoї ukraїns’koї natsiї XIX–XX stolittia (Kiev: Heneza, 2000), 81–82.
[134] John-Paul Himka, Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998), 10–16.
[135] For the memory of serfdom in eastern Galicia and its impact on Ukrainian collective consciousness and memory, see John-Paul Himka, “Serfdom in Galicia,” Journal of Ukrainian Studies Vol. 9, No. 2 (1984): 26–28.
[136] Bociurkiw, Ukraїns’ka Hreko-Katolyts’ka, 4–6.
[137] John-Paul Himka, “Priest and Peasants: The Greek Catholic Church and the Ukrainian National Movement in Austria, 1867–1900,” in The Greek Catholic Church and Ukrainian Society in Austrian Galicia, ed. John-Paul Himka (Cambridge and Massachusetts: Harvard University Ukrainian Studies Fund, 1986), 1–5, 9, 12–14.
[138] John-Paul Himka, “The Galician Triangle: Poles, Ukrainians, and Jews under Austrian Rule,” Cross Current: A Yearbook of Central European Culture 12 (1993): 143; Himka, Socialism in Galicia, 50.
[139] Bihl, Aufgegangen in Großreichen, 146.
[140] Letter from Gogol’ to his long-time friend Alexandra Smirnova, 24 December 1844, in N.V. Gogol’, Sobranie sochinenii (Moscow: Russkaia kniga, 1994), 10:276, quoted in Andrew Wilson, The Ukrainians: Unexpected Nation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), 88.
[141] Serhii Plokhy, Unmaking Imperial Russia: Mykhailo Hrushevskyi and the Writing of Ukrainian History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005), 92–95; Timothy Snyder, The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), 128–29; Kappeler, From an Ethnonational to a Multiethnic, 57.
[142] Mykhailo Hrushevs’kyi, Istoriia Ukraїny-Rusy (Kiev: Persha spilka, 1913), 1:64–65. For English translation, see Mykhailo Hrushevs’kyi, History of Ukraine—Rus’. From prehistory to the eleventh century, ed. Andrzej Poppe and Frank Sysyn, trans. Marta Skorupsky (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 1997), 1:46‒47.
[143] Hrushevs’kyi, Istoriia Ukraїny-Rusy, 1:177; Hrushevs’kyi, History of Ukraine—Rus’, 1:134.
[144] Hrushevs’kyi, Istoriia Ukraїny-Rusy, 1:307, 310; Hrushevs’kyi, History of Ukraine—Rus’, 1: 234, 236.
[145] For Bandera studying Mikhnovs’kyi’s writings, see Mirchuk, Stepan Bandera, 14.
[146] The second commandment of “The Ten Commandments of the UNP” said “All people are your brothers, but Russians, Poles, Magyars, Romanians, and Jews are the enemies of our nation, as long as they rule over us and exploit us” (Usi liudy—tvoї brattia, ale moskali, liakhy, uhry, rumuny ta zhydy—tse vorohy nashoho narodu, poky vony panuiut’ nad namy i vyzyskuiut’ nas). Cf. Roman Koval, “Heroi, shcho ne zmih vriatuvaty Bat’kivshchyny,” in Samostiina Ukraїna, ed. Roman Koval (Kiev: Diokor, 2003), 9. For the interrelation between racism and nationalism, see George L. Mosse, “Racism and Nationalism,” in The Fascist Revolution. Toward a General Theory of Fascism, ed. George L. Mosse (New York: Howard Fertig, 2000), 55‒68.
[147] Koval, Heroi, shcho ne zmih, 9. In Ukrainian: “Ne bery sobi druzhyny z chuzhyntsiv, bo tvoї dity budut’ tobi vorohamy, ne pryiateliui z vorohamy nashoho narodu, bo ty dodaiesh їm syly i vidvahy, ne nakladai ukupi z hnobyteliamy nashymy, bo zradnykom budesh.”
[148] Mykola Mikhnovs’kyi, “Samostiina Ukraїna,” in Samostiina Ukraїna, ed. Roman Koval (Kiev: Diokor, 2003), 43.
[149] Ibid., 43.
[150] Rudolf A. Mark, “Die gescheiterten Staatsversuche,” in Geschichte der Ukraine, ed. Golczewski, 177–79; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 240, 264, 270–71.
[151] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 279–81, 346; Mark, Die gescheiterten Staatsversuche, 178–88; Timothy Snyder, The Red Prince: The Fall of the Dynasty and the Rise of Modern Europe (London: The Bodley Head, 2008), 99–120.
[152] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 362–63, 383–84.
[153] Ibid., 383–90, 466.
[154] Ibid., 344, 347, 366–69.
[155] Quoted in Margaret MacMillan, Peacemakers: Six Months That Changed the World (London: John Murray, 2003), 236.
[156] Hrytsak, Narys istoriї Ukraїny, 111–59; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 414–21.
[157] Antony Polonsky, The Jews in Poland and Russia, 1350‒1880, (Oxford: The Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 2010), 1:137; Antony Polonsky, The Jews in Poland and Russia, 1914‒2008, (Oxford: The Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 2010), 3:32‒43.
[158] Jarosław Hrycak, Historia Ukrainy 1772–1999: Narodziny nowoczesnego narodu (Lublin: Agencja “Wschód,” 2000), 173, 188; Of the 31 or 32 million inhabitants of the Ukrainian SSR 26 million were Ukrainians. Cf. Volodymyr Kosyk, Ukraïna i Nimechchyna u Druhii svitovii viini (Lviv: Naukove tovarystvo im. Shevchenka, 1993), 36.
[159] Hrytsak, Narys istoriї Ukraїny, 166–86; Yekelchyk, Stalin’s Empire of Memory, 13–18. On the question of how many people died in the famine, see John-Paul Himka, “How Many Perished in the Famine and Why Does It Matter?” in BRAMA, 2 February 2008, http://www.brama.com/news/
press/2008/02/080202himka_famine.html (accessed 24 September 2010).
[160] Hrycak, Historia Ukrainy, 189–90, 193–94.
[161] Szymon Rudnicki, “Anti-Jewish Legislation in Interwar Poland,” in Antisemitism and its Opponents in Modern Poland, ed. Robert Blobaum (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005), 148–88; Motyka, Tak było w Bieszczadach, 36–41; Tomaszewski, Ojczyzna nie tylko Polaków, 181–82.
[162] Mirosław Szumiło, Ukraińska Reprezentacja Parlamentarna w Sejmie i Senacie RP (1928–1939) (Warsaw: Neriton, 2007), 21–51, 193–240.
[163] Włodzimierz Borodziej, Geschichte Polens im 20. Jahrhundert (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2010), 124–76; Rafał Pankowski, The Populist Radical Right in Poland. The Patriots (New York: Routledge, 2010), 15–21.
[164] Tomaszewski, Ojczyzna nie tylko Polaków, 194–98.
[165] “Zarys historyczny Ukrainy, organizacje i działacze,” AAN, MSZ, 9377, 1.
[166] Tomaszewski, Ojczyzna nie tylko Polaków, 12–14, 52–53.
[167] Cornelia Schenke, Nationalstaat und Nationale Frage: Polen und die Ukrainer 1921–1939 (Hamburg: Dölling und Galitz Verlag, 2004), 226–30; Andrzej Chojnowski, Koncepcje polityki narodowościowej rządów polskich w latach 1921–1939 (Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1979), 18‒19.
[168] Paweł Korzec, “Polen und der Minderheitenvertrag (1918–1934),” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Ost-europas Vol. 22, No. 4 (1975), 523, 540–41; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 396.
[169] “Tryumfalne powitanie Ministra Becka,” Gazeta Lwowska, 2 October 1934, 1.
[170] Timothy Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War. A Polish Artist’s Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), 67, 136–37, 142–44, 166–67, 190; Schenke, Nationalstaat und nationale Frage, 243–44, 460; Borodziej, Geschichte Polens, 158.
[171] Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 301–3; Grzegorz Mazur, Życie polityczne polskiego Lwowa 1918–1939 (Cracow: Księgarnia Akademicka, 2007), 149.
[172] Mazur, Życie polityczne, 119–20, 148.
[173] Ibid., 140–41, 144–46, 151.
[174] Quoted in Mykola Posivnych, “Molodist’ Stepana Bandery,” in Stepan Bandera, ed. Posivnych, 2006, 15.
[175] Shimon Redlich, Together and Apart in Brzezany. Poles, Jews and Ukrainians 1919–1945 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 56. For another attack on a Polish teacher, see Jan Rogowski, Lwów pod znakiem swastyki. Pamiętnik z lat 1941–1942, ZNiO, syg. 16710/II, 15–16.
[176] For demolition of portraits, see “Raport dzienny Nr. 272 z dn. 24 października 1934 r.,” DALO f. 121, op. 2, spr. 134, 66. For destruction of a Polish flag, see Redlich, Together and Apart, 69. For the “funeral of Ukraine,” see Redlich, Together and Apart, 57. For further attacks on teachers, see “Komunikat Nr. 7 o działalności Organizacji Ukraińskich Nacjonalistów w latach 1932–1933 i 1934. Część III. Działalność O.U.N. w 1934 r.,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5316, 108.
[177] Tomaszewski, Ojczyzna nie tylko Polaków, 64–66; Motyka, Tak było w Bieszczadach, 36–37; Janina Stobniak-Smogorzewska, Kresowe osadnictwo wojskowe 1920–1945 (Warsaw: Oficyna Wydawnicza RYTM, 2003), 58, 101, 217–19. The number of settlers is hard to determine. Statiev claims 200,000 settlers, following Rusnachenko, who, however, does not provide a source for this claim. Cf. Statiev, The Soviet Counterinsurgency, 36; Anatolii Rusnachenko, Narod zburenyi: Natsional’no-vyzvol’nyi rukh v Ukraїni i natsional’ni rukhy oporu v Bilorusiї, Lytvi, Estniї u 1940–50-xh rokakh (Kiev: Pul’sary, 2002), 140. Stobniak-Smogorzewska, Kresowe osadnictwo, 118, estimates that before the Second World War the settlers and their families numbered 50,000.
[178] Tomaszewski, Ojczyzna nie tylko Polaków, 62–63, 71–72. The incomes of Ukrainians with university degrees were much lower than the incomes of the predominantly Polish workers in public institutions. At a time when a Ukrainian with a degree earned 50–60 złotys in an agricultural company, a teacher in a public high school earned 500 złotys. Cf. Bohdan Chaikivs’kyi, “Fama”: Reklamna firma Romana Shukhevycha (Lviv: Mc, 2005), 36.
[179] Christoph Mick, “Kto bronił Lwowa w listopadzie 1918r.? Pamięć o zmarłych, znaczenie wojny i tożsamość narodowa wieloetnicznego miasta,” in Tematy polsko-ukraińskie, ed. Robert Traba (Olsztyn: Wspólnota Kulturowa Borussia, 2001), 65–71.
[180] The Union of Lublin Mound is an artificial hill erected on the summit of Lviv High Castle, which is located in the area of the city. The Mound was created between 1869 and 1890 by Polish inhabitants of Lviv, to commemorate the 300th anniversary of the Union of Lublin, and was a symbolically important place.
[181] Mazur, Życie polityczne, 123; Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 51.
[182] Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 413. On 17 September 1939 there were 4,500 Ukrainian prisoners in the Bereza Kartuska detention camp alone. Cf. Ireneusz Polit, Miejsce odosobnienia w Berezie Kartuskiej (Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2003), 120.
[183] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 954.
[184] Ibid., 932.
[185] Mazur, Życie polityczne, 139.
[186] Mudryi had been leader of the UNDO since 1935. Pankivs’kyi was a UNDO member who before the First World War had even served as a deputy in the Imperial Council of Austria, as a member of the conservative-democratic Ukrainian National-Democratic Party (Ukraїns’ka Natsional’no-Demokratychna Partia, UNDP). See Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 1010–11; Szumiło, Ukraińska Reprezentacja, 17.
[187] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 55–56.
[188] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 891–905, 932–33, 940.
[189] Ibid., 547–57.
[190] “Nasza walka, jej cele drogi i metody,” July 1931, TsDIAL f. 205, op. 46, spr. 1033, 13.
[191] For the Ukrainian enemies, see “Khto nam voroh?” Surma, August-September 1928, 1–2. For UNDO, its relationship to the OUN, and the relationship of Sheptyts’kyi to the OUN, see Szumiło, Ukraińska Reprezentacja, 30, 32–33, 43, 104, 177, 184–85. For the cooperation between the OUN and UNDO, see Andrzej A. Zięba, Lobbing dla Ukrainy w Europie międzywojennej. Ukraińskie Biuro Prasowe w Londynie oraz jego konkurenci polityczni (do roku 1932) (Cracow, Księgarnia Akademicka, 2010), 359–61.
[192] For the concept of permanent revolution, see “Permanentna revolutsiia,” Surma 37, No. 10 (1930): 4–7. For the concept of national revolution, see Mykola Stsibors’kyi, “Peredposylka natsional’noi revoliutsii,” Rozbudova natsii 54–55, No. 7–8 (1932): 161–69.
[193] For the concept of permanent revolution, revolutionary plans, orientation on Polish nineteenth-century insurgents, and the eclectic style of the OUN, see “Permanentna revoliutsiia,” Surma, 37, No. 10 (1930): 4–7. For fascist, antisemitic, and racist components of OUN ideology as well as for the natural and authentic quality of the nation, see Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 571–603; Bruder, “Den ukrainischen Staat, 39–47; Carynnyk, Foes of our rebirth.
[194] Osyp Boidunyk, “Iak diishlo do stvorennia Orhanizatsiї Ukraїns’kykh Natsionalistiv,” in Ievhen Konovalets’ ta ioho doba, ed. Iurii Boїko (Munich: Druckgenossenschaft CICERO, 1974), 359.
[195] Władysław Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia przeciwko Stefanowi Banderze, Mikołajowi Łebedowi, Darji Hnatkiwskiej, Jarosławowi Karpyncowi, Mikołajowi Klymyszynowi, Bohdanowi Pidhajnemu, Iwanowi Malucy, Jakóbowi Czornijowi, Eugenjuszowi Kaczmarskiemu, Romanowi Myhalowi, Katerzynie Zaryckiej, oraz Jarosławowi Rakowi, Warsaw, 2 October 1935 (published as a booklet), 83.
[196] For informers in the OUN, see “Proces o zamordowanie ministra Pierackiego. Zeznania komisarza Dugiełło,” Gazeta Polska, 4 December 1935, 7. One of the main important informers in the OUN was Iaroslav Baranovs’kyi. Cf. Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 566.
[197] Danylo Shumuk, Za skhidnim obriiem (Paris: Smoloskyp, 1974), 12–24.
[198] R. Lisovyi, Rozlam v OUN: Krytychni narysy z nahody dvatsiatylittia zasnuvannia OUN (n.p.: Vydavnytsvo Ukraïna, 1949), 38–40; Golczewski, Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine, 162.
[199] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 561.
[200] For the life of the UVO members in Berlin, see Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 448, 745–46.
[201] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:22.
[202] Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 49–50; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 456; Bohdan Kazanivs’kyi, Shliakhom Legendy: Spomyny (London: Ukraїns’ka Vydavnycha Spilka, 1975), 15–20.
[203] Interrogation of Iaroslav Makarushka, 25 February 1935, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 145–46.
[204] For the integration of children at the age of eight into the OUN, see “Proces o zamordowanie ś. p. ministra Br. Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 20 November 1935, 6.
[205] Mirchuk, Narys istoriï OUN, 85–86; Golzewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 550–61, 564–68, 677.
[206] Zynovii Knysh, Dukh, shcho tilo rve do boiu (Winnipeg: O. D. U., 1951), 193–94.
[207] For the League of Ukrainian Fascists, see Oleksandr Panchenko, Mykola Lebed’: Zhyttia, dial’nist’, derzhavno-pravovi pohliady (Kobeliaky: Kobeliaky, 2001), 15. For the greeting, see Sviatoslav Lypovets’kyi, Orhanizatsiia Ukraïns’kykh Natsionalistiv (banderivtsi). Frahmenty diia︡l’nosti ta borot’by (Kiev: Ukraïns’ka Vydavnycha Spilka, 2010), 14.
[208] Interrogation of Iaroslav Makarushka, 25 February 1935, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 145–46.
[209] Mirchuk, Stepan Bandera, 14, 18; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 560.
[210] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 564–65.
[211] Lisovyi, Rozlam v OUN, 38–40; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 567–68; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 96–100.
[212] Andrij Mel’nyk, “An Seine Excellenz Reichsaussenminister von Ribbentrop,” 2 May 1939, R 104430/1–2, PAAA. See also Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 934.
[213] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 943–44.
[214] “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5316, 76.
[215] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 567–68; Ievhen Vrets’ona, “Moї zustrichi z polkovnykom,” in Ievhen Konovalets’, ed. Boїko, 476.
[216] Wysocki, Organizacja, 301‒11, 314, 326‒28, 332‒37.
[217] For attempts and acts of assassination, see “Wyrok,” TsDIAL, f. 205, spr. 3125, 33–35; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 54–56; Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War, 157; Alexander J. Motyl, “Ukrainian Nationalist Political Violence in Inter-War Poland, 1921–1939,” East European Quarterly Vol. XIX, No. 1 (1985): 50, 55; Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 28, 32; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 441, 444–45. For the assassination of Polish and Ukrainian politicians and political activists, see “Ukraińska Organizacja Wojskowa. Warszawa 30.11.1934,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 9377, 30–31. For the assassination of Ivan Babii, see “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5316, 95–97; “Proces o zamordowanie ś. p. ministra Br. Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 20 November 1935, 6. For details of the attempt to assassinate Henryk Józewski, see Stepan Shukhevych, Moie zhyttia: Spohady (London: Ukrainian Publishers, 1991), 460–61. For the murder of the OUN member Maria Kovaliukivna and the law student Volodymyr Mel’nyk, see Kost’ Pan’kivs’kyi, Roky nimets’koї okupatsiї (New York: Zhyttia i mysli, 1965), 141. For the murder of Bachyns’yki, see Interrogation of Roman Myhal’, 21 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 274–75, 283–84, 287–88.
[218] Potocki, Polityka państwa, 68–95; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 56–57; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 435, 561–63; Zięba, Lobbing dla Ukrainy, 368–86, 638.
[219] Motyl, Ukrainian Nationalist Political Violence, 50. For Mirchuk see chapter 9, and in particular page 443 et seq.
[220] Maksym Hon, Iz kryvdoiu na samoti: Ukraїns’ko-ievreis’ki vzaiemyny na zakhidnoukraїns’kykh zemliakh u skladi Pol’shchi (1935–1939) (Rivne: Volyns’ki oberehy, 2005), 154.
[221] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 434–35.
[222] “Sprawozdanie z przejawów ruchu nielegalnego /UWO-OUN/ w Małopolsce Wschodniej i na Wołyniu za rok 1937,” 9 June 1938, CAW, MSW, Wydział Bezpieczeństwa, Referat Ukraiński, VIII.72.1., quoted in Snyder, The Life and Death, 83–84.
[223] For the finances of the UVO and OUN, see “Proces o zamordowanie ... Fundusze organizacji,” Gazeta Polska, Warsaw, 13 December 1935, 6; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 58, 61–63; Wysocki, Organizacja, 272–77. For collaboration with Lithuania, see “Dokumenty dotyczące działalności OUN i UWO wśród ludności ukraińskiej w USA i Kanadzie, oraz pomocy udzielanej przez Rząd litewski terrorystom ukraińskim,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5317, 8–21; “Społeczeństwo ukraińskie wobec mordesrstwa ministra Pierackiego,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5317, 48–49; Władysław Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra Pierackiego (Paris: Instytut Literacki, 1973), 36–39. For collaboration with Czechoslovakia, see “Społeczeństwo ukraińskie wobec mordesrstwa ministra Pierackiego,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5317, 51–52; Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra, 39. For collaboration with Germany (Abwehr) and OUN’s sources of income, see Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 438–54, 610, 623–28, 632, 661–67, 694–96, 700, 740–44, 767–70. For the UWVA and UNF, see Orest T. Martynovych, “Sympathy for the Devil: The Attitude of Ukrainian War Veterans in Canada to Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1933–1939,” in Re-imaging Ukrainian Canadians: History, Politics, and Identity, ed. Rhonda L. Hinther and Jim Mochoruk (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 181. For cooperation with British intelligence, see Report of an unknown spy from Italy, 5. 11. 1936, RGVA f. 308, op. 3, del. 379, 82; Kim Philby, My Silent War (St. Albans: Panther, 1973), 145.
[224] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 688–90, 740–44, 752–54, 763, 767–70, 772–73; Polit, Miejsce odosobnienia,17; “Min. Goebbels w grodzie podwawelskim,” Illustrowany Kurier Codzienny, 17 June 1934, 1.
[225] For Lebed’ visiting Pavelić and the Ustaša camp in Italy, see Interrogation of Ivan Maliutsa, 15 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 164. For the paramilitary training camp for the OUN and the Ustaša in Sicily, see Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 580–81, 741. For the meeting in Berlin, see Lucyna Kulińska, Działalność terrorystyczna i sabotażowa nacjonalistycznych organizacji ukra-ińskich w Polsce w latach 1922–1939 (Cracow: Księgarnia Akademicka, 2009), 149.
[226] “Defiliada v Moskvi ta Varshavi: ‘Voienna doktryna ukraїns’kykh nationalistiv’ Mykhailo Kolo-dzins’koho,” Ukraїna moderna, 6 October 2012, http://www.uamoderna.com/event/186 (accessed 14 December 2012).
[227] Oleksandr Zaitsev, “Viina iak prodovzhennia polityky. Posivnych Mykola. Voienno-politychna ial’nist’ OUN u 1929‒1939 rokakh. Lviv, 2010,” Ukraїna Moderna 18 (2010): 239.
[228] Zynovii Knysh, Pered pokhodom na skhid. Spokhady i materialy do diialnnia Orhanizatsiї Ukra-їns’kykh Natsionalistiv u 1939‒1941 rokakh (Toronto: Sribna surma, 1959), 63.
[229] For cooperation between the OUN and the Ustaša, see Interrogation of Ivan Maliutsa, 15 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371 (Shukhevych Stepan), op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 162; “Proces o zamordowanie ... Kontakt z terorytsami chorwackimi,” Gazeta Polska, 4 December 1935, 6. For simultaneous reporting about the two processes, see “Protses khorvats’kykh revoliutsioneriv,” Dilo, 20 November 1935, 1, and “Zahal’ni vrazhinnia nashoho korespondenta,” Dilo, 20 November 1935, 7. For the assassination of Alexander I and Louis Barthou, see Arnd Bauerkämper, Der Faschismus in Europa 1918–1945 (Stuttgart: Reclam, 2006), 160; Payne, A History of Fascism, 406.
[230] For Bandera’s brother and other Ukrainian students in Rome, see Report of an unknown spy from Italy, 20. 1. 1936, RGVA f. 308, op. 3, del. 379, 2, 7; “Załącznik do pisma Nr. P. III. 851-b/55/36 do Ambasady R.P. w Rzymie,” AAN, MSZ, Ambasada w Rzymie, 131–33; Stepan Bandera, “Moї zhyttiepysni dani,” in Perspektyvy ukraїns’koї revoliutsiї, ed. Vasyl’ Ivanyshyn (Drohobych: Vidrodzhennia, 1999), 11. For Oleksandr and Sicily, see Vasyl’ Iashan, “Polkovnyk Mykhailo Kolodzins’kyi,” in Horodenshchyna. Istorychno-memuarnyi zbirnyk, ed. Mykhailo H. Marunchak (New York: Shevchenko Scientific Society, 1978), 636—38.
[231] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 520–41, 728–58, 777–84, 787, 791.
[232] “Iak balakaty z chuzhyntsiamy pro Ukraїnu?” Ukraїns’kyi vistnyk 11, 3 (1938), 4–5, quoted in Gol-czewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 783.
[233] Martynowych, Sympathy for the Devil, 177–78, 181, 199.
[234] Karol Grünberg and Bolesław Sprengel, Trudne sąsiedztwo. Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie w X–XX wieku (Warsaw: Książka i Wiedza, 2005), 355, 392–93.
[235] Dmytro Dontsov, “Nashi tsili,” Literaturno-naukovyi vistnyk, 1, 1 (1922): 4, quoted in Motyl, The Turn to the Right, 70.
[236] Mykhailo Sosnovs’kyi, Dmytro Dontsov: Politychnyi portret (New York: Trident International, 1974), 167–68, 236–39, 375–80; Motyl, Turn to the Right, 78. For Lenkavs’kyi and the OUN Decalogue, see Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 597.
[237] For Dontsov’s concept of amorality, see Dmytro Dontsov, Natsionalizm (Lviv: Nove Zhyttia, 1926), 194–200. In general for Dontsov’s ideology, see Motyl, The Turn to the Right, 61–85; Stryjek, Ukraińska idea narodowa, 110–90.
[238] Dontsov, Natsionalizm, 11.
[239] Motyl, The Turn to the Right, 76.
[240] Dontsov, Natsionalizm, 28, 33.
[241] Taras Kurylo and John-Paul Himka, “Iak OUN stavylasia do ievreïv? Rozdumy nad knyzhkoiu Volodymyra V”iatrovycha,” Ukraїna Moderna Vol. 13, No. 2 (2008): 264. See also Stryjek, Ukraińska idea narodowa, 118–19, 132, 139–40, 143–51; Motyl, The Turn to the Right, 68, 71–85.
[242] Shekhovtsov, By Cross and Sword, 274. Parts of The Doctrine of Fascism were ghost-written by Giovanni Gentile for Mussolini.
[243] Mykhailo Ostroverkha, Mussolini. Liudyna i chyn (Lviv: Knyhozbirnia Vistnyka, 1934); Rostyslav Iendyk, Adolf Hitler (Lviv: Knyhozbirnia Vistnyka, 1934). In 1937 the library of Vistnyk published the biography of Francisco Franco. Cf. R. Kerch, Franko – vozhd espantsiv (Lviv: Knyhozbirnia Vistnyka, 1934). See also Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 582–84.
[244] Lev Rebet, Svitla i tini OUN (Munich: Ukraїns’kyi samostiinyk, 1964), 47.
[245] Volodymyr Levyns’kyi, Ideol’og fashyzmu (Lviv: 1934), 28. See also Carynnyk, Foes of our rebirth, 318.
[246] Ihor Virlyi, Nashi chasy (Lviv: Nakladom V. Kunantsia, 1935), 16–17, quoted in Hon, Iz kryvdoiu, 119.
[247] A. V. Kentii, Narys istoriї Orhanizatsiї Ukraїns’kykh Natsionalistiv (1929–1941) (Kiev: Instytut Istoriї Ukraїny, 1998), 30.
[248] Petliura’s personal responsibility for the numerous pogroms committed by the troops of which he was in command seems to be limited. Cf. Henry Abramson, A Prayer for the Government: Ukrainians and Jews in Revolutionary Times, 1917–1920 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), 134–39.
[249] Dmytro Dontsov, “Symon Petliura”, in Literaturno Naukoyi Vistnyk Vol. 7–8, No. 5, (1926), 326–28, quoted in Carynnyk, Foes of our rebirth, 319.
[250] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 504. For the resolution, see “Postanovy II. Velykoho Zboru Orhanizatsiï Ukraïns’kykh Natsionalistiv,” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, 192–93.
[251] “Komunikat informacyjny Nr. 19 o działalności O.U.N.–U.W.O. za czas od 3 do 13 .VI. 1936r.,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5318, 265; Hon, Iz kryvdoiu, 103.
[252] Volodymyr Martynets’, Zhydivs’ka probliema v Ukraїni (London, 1938), 2, 8, 10, 11, 13–15.
[253] Hon, Iz kryvdoiu, 152.
[254] Ibid., 102, 152.
[255] Ibid., 97, 157. The UNDO claimed it in the newspaper Svoboda, 18 October 1936, 12.
[256] Carynnyk, Foes of our rebirth, 321–22.
[257] Mykola Stsibors’kyi, Natsiokratiia (Paris, 1935), 56, 72–73, 82, 105, 107, 109, 114, 116.
[258] “Narys proiektu osnovnykh zakoniv konstytutsiї Ukraїns’koї derzhavy,” TsDAVOV, f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 7, 2, 2v, 7, 7v.
[259] Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 447–53; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 943–44. For the trials, see chapter 3 below.
[260] Snyder, The Red Prince, 194–201. On Paliїv, see Oleh Kupchyns’kyi, ed., Dmytro Paliїv. Zhyttia i diial’nist’ (Lviv: Naukove tovarystvo im. Shevchenka, 2007).
[261] Letter of the Society of Fascist Studies (Tovarystvo fashyzmoznavstva) to Dmytro Dontsov, December 1935, Dmitro Dontsov Archives, BN, Mf 82672, 412.
[262] Koval, Heroi, shcho ne zmih, 9.
[263] Oleh Shablii, “Peredmova,” in Stepan Rudnyts’kyi, Chomu my khochemo samostiihoї Ukraїny, ed. L. M. Harbachuk (Lviv: Svit, 1994), 8.
[264] Stepan Rudnyts’kyi, Ukraine. The Land and Its People. An Introduction to Its Geography (New York: Ukrainian Alliance of America, 1918), 12.
[265] Rudnyts’kyi, Ukraine. The Land and Its People, 161–62.
[266] Ibid., 162.
[267] Rudnyts’kyi, Chomu my khochemo, ed. Harbarchuk, 39. Emphasis in the original.
[268] Stepan Rudnyts’kyi, “Do osnov ukraїns’koho natsionalizmu,” Chomu my khochemo, ed. Harbarchuk, 299.
[269] Mykola Sukhovers’kyi, Moï spohady (Kiev: Smoloskyp, 1997), 50.
[270] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 544; Christopher Gilley, A simple question of ‘pragmatism’?: Sovietophilism in the West Ukrainian emigration in the 1920s (Koszalin: Koszalin Institute of Comparative European Studies, 2006), 4.
[271] Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 344.
[272] See the cover of the newspaper Homin Kraiu in Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 365.
[273] See “Borot’ba khorvativ za voliu,” Surma 75–76, No. 1–2 (1934): 7–9.
[274] Shekhovtsov, By Cross and Sword, 276–79; Pan’kivs’kyi, Roky nimets’koї, 140.
[275] Shekhovtsov, By Cross and Sword, 279.
[276] Mytropolyt Andrei Sheptyts’kyi, “Slovo do Ukraїns’koї molodi,” Lviv 1932, in Tvory moral’no-pastoral’ni (Rome: Vydannia Ukraїns’koho Katolyts’koho Universytetu im. sv. Klymenta Papy, 1978), 104‒8.
[277] “Proces o zamordowanie... Pytania adwk. Horbowyja,” Gazeta Polska, 13 December 1935, 6.
[278] Shekhovtsov, By Cross and Sword, 280.
[279] Mykola Konrad, Natsionalizm i katolytsyzm (Lviv: Meta, 1934), 45.
[280] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 598; Pan’kivs’kyi, Roky nimets’koї, 142.
[281] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 598.
[282] Mikhnovs’kyi, Samostiina Ukraїna, 43.
[283] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 598–99; Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 106–9.
[284] “Marsh boievikiv,” Surma 28–29, 1–2 (1930): 1. For the cult of war and death policy, see “Viina, voiennyi stan i iedynyi provid,” Surma 47, No. 8 (1931): 1–2; “Ne vbyvaite boiovoho dukha Natsiï,” Surma 74, No. 12 (1933): 1–4.
[285] On the notion of heroes and martyrs, see Laleh Khalili, Heroes and Martyrs of Palestine: The Politics of National Commemoration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
[286] Shukhevych, Moie zhyttia. Spohady, 322–26; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 438–40.
[287] For heroic celebrations of Basarab’s willingness to make sacrifices, see for example: “Pamiaty Ol’hy Basarabovoї,” Surma 17–18, No. 2–3 (1929): 7; “U shostu richnytsiu,” Surma 30, No. 3 (1930): 1; “V semu richnytsiu,” Surma 42, No. 3 (1931): 1–2.
[288] For a church service for Olha Basarab at the St. George Cathedral in Lviv attended by about 2,000 people on 12 February 1933, see “Raporty sledstvennogo otdela o deiatelnosti politicheskikh partii i organizatsii, a takzhe ob ugololovnykh prestupleniakh za 1933 g.,” DALO f. 121, op. 3, spr. 844, 68.
[289] “Boievyky!” (Obituary) and “Horodok Iahailons’kyi,” Surma 62, No. 12 (1932): 1–8; Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra Pierackiego, 40; Wysocki, Organizacja, 286–89; Mirchuk, Narys istoriï OUN, 232–35.
[290] “Raporty sledshevshego otdela o deiatelnosti politicheskikh partii i organizatsii, a takzhe ob ugololovnykh prestupleniakh za 1933 g.,” DALO f. 121, op. 3, spr 844, 8, 11, 13, 47, 74–75, 77, 97; Ostap Hrytsai, “Dva khloptsi hynut’ za Ukraїnu,” Rozbudova natsiї 60–61, No. 1–2 (1933): 1–3; “Iz Ukraїns’koї Golgoty,” Surma 67, No. 5, 1933: 1; Wysocki, Organizacja, 289. For OUN threats against Greek-Catholic priests, see Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 53.
[291] “Raporty sledshevshego …” DALO f. 121, op. 3, spr. 844, 100.
[292] Petro Arsenych and Taras Fedoriv, Rodyna Banderiv: Do 90-richchia vid dnia narodzhennia ta 40-richchia trahichnoї smerti providnyka OUN Stepana Bandery (1909–1959) (Ivano-Frankivs’k: Nova Zoria, 1998), 5, 7, 10–11, 18–20. It is not clear exactly when and under which circumstances Bohdan died. He was most likely killed between 1941 and 1944.
[293] Arsenych, Rodyna Banderiv, 7; Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 2.
[294] Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 1–2.
[295] Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 3. For the OVKUH and the SUNM, see Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 49–50; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 552–53; “Proces o zamordowanie ... Płast i Łuch,” Gazeta Polska, 17 December 1935, 6. For Okhrymovych in Chervona kalyna, see Posivnych, Stepan Bandera—zhyttia, prysviachene svobodi, 17. On Bandera in the SUNM, see Mirchuk, Stepan, 16. For Plast, see Wysocki, Organizacja, 133. For Bandera joining the UVO, see Paul Stepan Pirie, “Unraveling the Banner: A Biographical Study of Stepan Bandera,” MA thesis, University of Alberta, 1993, 23; Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 5–6.
Pirie, Unraveling the Banner, 23; Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 5–6.
[296] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:108.
[297] Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 5.
[298] Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 4; Interrogation of Stepan Bandera, 27 September 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 35–36.
[299] For Bandera at the agricultural academy in Dubliany, see Iurii Tokars’kyi, Dubliany: Istoriia ahrarnykh studii 1856–1946 (Lviv: Instytut Ukraїnoznavstva im. I. Kryp”iakevycha, 1996), 312.
[300] Interrogation of Stepan Bandera, 27 September 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 34.
[301] Interrogation of Stepan Bandera, 26 September 1934 and 10 January 1935, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 33–34, 36, 48.
[302] Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 5.
[303] Arsenych, Rodyna Banderiv, 7.
[304] Arsenych, Rodyna Banderiv, 7–8; Posivnych, Providnyk OUN, 18‒19; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 81–82; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 565.
[305] For sliding pins under nails, see Ivan Kul’chyts’kyi, “Zamolodu hotuvavsia do naivazhchykh vyprobuvan,’” in Stepan Bandera, ed. Posivnych, 2006, 52–53. For the self-torture observed by his roommate in Dubliany, see Roman Rudnyts’kyi, “Tak hartuvavsia Vin,” The Way to Victory, 7 January 1960, 3. Another roommate of Stepan Bandera in Dubliany, Hryhor Mel’nyk, did not mention in his memoirs that Bandera tortured himself. Cf. Hryhor Mel’nyk, “Stepan Bandera: Prychynky do kharakterystyky osoby,” in Spomyny ta rozdumy, ed. Volodymyr Makar (Toronto-Kiev: Afisha, 2001), 3:122–24.
[306] Mel’nyk, Stepan Bandera, 117–19; Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:112–13.
[307] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:112.
[308] Volodymyr Ianiv, “Zustrich z polk. Ievhenom Konoval’tsem na tli nastroïv doby,” in Ievhen Konovalets’, ed. Boїko, 453.
[309] Mel’nyk, Stepan Bandera, 120.
[310] For physiognomy and problems with knees, see Stepan Mudryk-Mechnyk Spohad pro Stepana Banderu (Lviv: Halyts’ka Vydavnycha Spilka, 1999), 27; Posivnych, Providnyk OUN, 13. For left-handedness, see “Chief of Base, Munich to Chief, Sr., 12 November 1959,” NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 2, 2v. For teeth, see Bogdan Cybulski, “Stepan Bandera w więzieniach II Rzeczypospolitej i próby uwolnienia go przez OUN,” Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 1033 (1989): 78. For Bandera’s height, see “Record of Bandera’s post-mortem examination, 16 October 1959,” Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv (BayHStA), Landeskriminalamt 272. For height, teeth and eyes, see “Dovidka pro utrymannia Stepana Bandery v Stanislavivs’kii tiurmi, 22‒28.12.1928,” in Zhyttia i diial’nist’, ed. Posivnych, 2011, 264. The alias baba and Bandera’s broad beam were reported to me by Irena Kozak in an interview on 16 February 2008 in Munich. For walking through Lviv dressed as a woman, see Roman Rudnyts’kyi, “Tak hartuvavsia Vin,” The Way to Victory, 7 January 1960, 3.
[311] Mel’nyk, Stepan Bandera, 128.
[312] Rebet, Svitla i tini OUN, 59.
[313] Mel’nyk, Stepan Bandera, 126.
[314] See chapter 3 below.
[315] Interrogation of Bohdan Pidhainyi, 27 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 77, 63–64; “Proces o zamordowanie ... Grzegorza Maciejko,” Gazeta Polska, 31 December 1935, 8.
[316] “Lyst Leva Shankovs’koho do Oracha [Iaroslava Stets’ka] vid 2.11.1959 r.,” quoted in Posivnych, Providnyk OUN, 18.
[317] Petro Shkarbiuk, Vynohradnyk Hospodnii. Istoriia zhyttia o. d-ra Iosypa Kladochnoho (Lviv: Instytut ukraїnoznastva im. I. Krypiakevycha PAN, 1995), 69, quoted in Posivnych, Providnyk OUN, 40.
[318] Mel’nyk, Stepan Bandera, 133.
[319] Interrogation of Stepan Bandera, 27 September 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 36; Ianiv, “Zustrich z polk. Ievhenom,” 459, 461; Wysocki, Organizacja, 247–49; Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 6; Mirchuk, Stepan Bandera, 22; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 81, 97; Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 248–49.
[320] Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 81–82.
[321] Interrogation of Iaroslav Makarushka, 21 January 1935, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 142.
[322] Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 32; Interrogation of Bohdan Pidhainyi, 27 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 77, 60.
[323] Interrogation of Iaroslav Makarushka, 21 January 1935, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 141–42; Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 252; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 80.
[324] Interrogation of Bohdan Pidhainyi, 27 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 77, 60.
[325] “Rozprava za ... Prokurator pro roliu Bandery,” Dilo, 2 January 1935, 3.
[326] According to a survey carried out by Bandera, 75 percent of OUN members who were questioned were ready to conduct an act of assassination. Cf. Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 84. For Bandera’s agency in the homeland executive in terms of terrorist acts and assassinations, see: “Proces o zamordowanie ... Ustrój O.U.N.,” Gazeta Polska, 4 December 1935, 6. For Bandera’s obligations and responsibilities toward the leadership in exile, see “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne procesu Bandery,” TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 75, 96.
[327] “Wyrok,” TsDIAL, f. 205, spr. 3125, 60; Interrogation of Bohdan Pidhainyi, 29 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 77, 76.
[328] Interrogation of Bohdan Pidhainyi, 28 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 77, 69–70; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 2, 83–91.
[329] Interrogation of Bohdan Pidhainyi, 28 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 77, 72; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 89.
[330] Interrogation of Bohdan Pidhainyi, 28 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 77, 72. On Bachyns’yki, see Interrogation of Roman Myhal’, 21 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 76, 274–75, 283–84, 287–88.
[331] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 26 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 175‒76.
[332] “Proces. Maluca potępia działalność O.U.N.,” Gazeta Polska, 4 December 1935, 6; “Nespodivanyi vystup Maliutsy. Trynatsiatyi den’ rozpravy,” Novyi chas, 5 December 1935, 4.
[333] Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 96–100. See also “Proces o zamordowanie ś. p. ministra Br. Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 20 November 1935, 8; “Khto dav nakaz vykonaty atentat?,” Dilo, 18 January 1936, 3–4; “Przedsiębiorstwo ludzkiej rzeźni. Dno Ohydy,” Gazeta Polska, 3 January 1936, 7.
[334] For the Senyk archives see page 131.
[335] For Bandera’s role in other assassinations, see “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne procesu Bandery,” TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 75, 171–72, 175.
[336] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 565.
[337] Quoted in Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 250.
[338] Wysocki, Organizacja, 243; Mirchuk, Stepan Bandera, 21–22.
[339] “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ syg. 5316, 65.
[340] Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 251.
[341] “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ syg. 5316, 77.
[342] For demolition and rebuilding of grave mounds, see “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5316, 63–71; Wysocki, Organizacja, 237–39. For demolition of tombs of Polish soldiers and policemen, see Redlich, Together and Apart, 57.
[343] Mirchuk, Stepan Bandera, 22.
[344] “Het’ z liats’kymy monopoliiamy!” Surma 67, No. 5 (1933): 5; Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 6–7; Mirchuk, Narys istoriï OUN, 257–58; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 633–34. For the pledge not to drink and smoke, see “Raport dzienny Nr. 43 z dn. 16.11.1933 r.,” DALO f. 121, op. 3, spr., 75.
[345] Mirchuk, Narys istoriï OUN, 254–56; “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5316, 56; Żeleński, Akt oskarzenia, 54–55; “Rozprava za ... Prokurator pro roliu Bandery,” Dilo, 2 January 1935, 3.
[346] Mirchuk, Stepan Bandera, 21.
[347] Ibid., 12.
[348] Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 83.
[349] Ibid., 83.
[350] Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 84; Volodymyr Makar, “Postril v oboroni mil’ioniv,” in Spomyny ta rozdumy, ed. Volodymyr Makar (Toronto-Kiev: Afisha, 2001), 2:258–59.
[351] Mirchuk, Narys istoriï OUN, 258. For Volodymyra, see Pirie, Unraveling the Banner, 21. For meeting Konovalets’, see Posivnych, Providnyk OUN, 24.
[352] Posivnych, Providnyk OUN, 26.
[353] Mirchuk, Stepan Bandera, 7.
[354] “Lyst Leva Shankovs’koho do Oracha [Iaroslava Stets’ka] vid 2.11.1959 r.,” quoted in Posivnych, Providnyk OUN, 18.
[355] Pirie, Unraveling the Banner, 16–17; Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 3.
[356] Pirie, Unraveling the Banner, 20.
[357] Stepan Bandera, “Proty fal’shuvannia vyzvol’nykh pozytsii,” in Perspektyvy ukraїns’koї revoliutsiї, ed. Vasyl’ Ivanyshyn (Drohobych: Vidrodzhennia, 1999), 323–24.
[358] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne procesu Bandery,” 5 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 75, 97.
[359] Ibid., 97.
[360] Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 2; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 383–84.
[361] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne procesu Bandery,” 5 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, ed. 75, 97.
[362] Mel’nyk, Stepan Bandera, 119; Szumiło, Ukraińska Reprezentacja, 28–29, 44, 49.
[363] The OVKUH, in which Bandera was active in the 1920s, encouraged Ukrainian pupils to read Dontsov, see Mirchuk, Narys istoriї OUN, 49.
[364] Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 599.
[365] Martynets’, Zhydivs’ka probliema. For the racial antisemitism of Martynets’, see page 80 et seq.
[366] “Postanovy II. Velykoho Zboru Orhanizatstiї Ukraїns’kykh Natsionalistiv,” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, 180–208. For the resolution about Jews as pillars of the Soviet Union see folios 192–93. For Dontsov’s attitude to Russia, Jews, his understanding of antisemitism, and the use of these ideas by the OUN in 1941, the time of the “Ukrainian Revolution,” see Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 503–4.
[367] On the attitude of the OUN to Jews in the interwar period, see Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 99–101; Carynnyk, Foes of our rebirth, 315–25. On antisemitism and Ukrainian nationalists after 1945, see Rossoliński-Liebe, Erinnerungslücke Holocaust, 397–430 and also chapters 9 and 10 below.
[368] Wysocki, Organizacja, 200–2.
[369] Mirchuk, Stepan Bandera, 16–18.
[370] Iurii Mylianych, “Zhydy, sionizm i Ukraїna,” Rozbudova Natsiї 20–21, No. 8–9 (1929): 271, 276. Emphasis in the original.
[371] O. Mytsiuk, “Fashyzm (Dyskusiina stattia),” Rozbudova Natsiї 20–21, No. 8–9 (1929): 262–270; O. Mytsiuk, “Fashyzm (Dyskusiina stattia),” Rozbudova Natsiї 22–23, No. 10–11 (1929): 328–37.
[372] Ievhen Onats’kyi, “Lysty z Italiї I. Deshcho pro fashyzm,” Rozbudova natsiї 3 (1928): 95.
[373] Ievhen Onats’kyi, “Fashyzm i my (Z pryvodu statti prof. Mytsiuka),” Rozbudova natsiї 12 (1929): 397. Emphasis in the original.
[374] Ibid., 397.
[375] Ibid., 399.
[376] Ibid., 399–400.
[377] Ibid., 401.
[378] Ibid., 401.
[379] Ievhen Onats’kyi, U vichnomu misti. Zapysky ukraїns’koho zhurnalista rik 1930 (Buenos Aires: Vydavnytsvo Mykoly Donysiuka, 1954), 43–44.
[380] Ievhen Onats’kyi, “Lysty z Italiї I. Deshcho pro fashyzm,” Rozbudova natsiї 1 (1928): 96.
[381] Onats’kyi, “Fashyzm i my (Spryvodu statti prof. Mytsiuka),” Rozbudova natsiї 12 (1929): 387, 401.
[382] Martynowych, Sympathy for the Devil, 191.
[383] Iaroslav Orshan, Doba natsionalizmu (Paris, 1938), 29.
[384] Stsibors’kyi, Natsiokratiia, 50–51.
[385] Mirchuk, Stepan Bandera, 14, 18.
[386] “Postanovy II. Velykoho Zboru Orhanizatsiï Ukraïns’kykh Natsionalistiv,” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, 182.
[387] For Rudnyts’kyi and racism in the Ukrainian national discourse, see page 84 et seq. For the Ustaša, see Goran Miljan, “Fascist Thought in Twentieth Century Europe. Case Study of Ante Pavelić.” MA thesis, Central European University, 2009, 37‒38.
[388] For fascist rituals during the trials, see chapter 3 below.
[389] See chapter 3 below.
[390] Leon Trotsky, The Permanent Revolution, and Results and Prospects (New York, Merit Publishers, 1969).
[391] “Rolia boievoho instynktu u vyzvol’nykh zmahanniakh,” Surma 69, No. 7 (1933): 1.
[392] “Proces o zamordowanie ... Płast i Łuch,” Gazeta Polska, 17 December 1935, 6.
[393] For a detailed characterization of the concept of “national revolution,” see for example Mykola Stsibors’kyi, “Peredposylka natsional’noї revoliutsiï,” Rozbudova natsiї 54–55, No. 7–8 (1932): 161–69. For the concept of “permanent revolution,” see “Permanentna revoliutsiia,” Surma 37, No. 10 (1930): 4–7. For Trotsky, see Leon Trotsky, The Permanent Revolution, and Results and Prospects (New York, Merit Publishers, 1969).
[394] For the “Ukrainian National Revolution” in summer 1941, see chapter 4, and Rossoliński-Liebe, “‘Ukrainian National Revolution,’” 83–114.
[395] For Bandera’s understanding of revolution after the Second World War, see chapter 7 below, and Stepan Bandera, “Do zasad nashoї vyzvol’noї polityky,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 51–52. For Bandera’s understanding of the masses, see Stepan Bandera, “Znachennia shyrokykh mas ta їkh okhoplennia,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 14.
[396] Pirie, Unraveling the Banner, 16–18, 21.
[397] Ianiv, Zustrich z polk. Ievhenom, 430. Emphasis in the original.
[398] For the omnipresence of Piłsudski in everyday life in the Second Polish Republic, see Janis Augsberger, “Ein anti-analythisches Bedürfnis: Bruno Schulz im Grenzbereich zwischen Poetik und Politik,” in Politische Mythen im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert in Mittel- und Osteuropa, ed. Heidi Hein-Kircher and Hans Hahn (Marburg: Herder Institut, 2006), 26–29. For the Piłsudski cult in the Second Polish Republic, see Hein, Der Piłsudski-Kult. For an exhibition entitled Marszałek Józef Piłsudski we Lwowie, exhibited in Lviv in 1935, see “Wystawa Marszałel Piłsudski we Lwowie,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 8679, 1–5.
[399] For Bandera reading diaries of Polish and German politicians, see Mudryk-Mechnyk, Spohad pro Stepana Banderu, 27. For other OUN members reading and admiring Piłsudski, see Polit, Miejsce odosobnienia, 121.
[400] Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 5, 9; Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra, 4–7, 63; “Zamordowanie ministra spraw wewnętrznych Bronisława Pierackiego. Przebieg zamachu,” Gazeta Polska, 16 June 1934, 2; “Polska w żałobie. Skrytobójstwo na ul. Foksal,” Ilustrowany Express Poranny, 18 June 1934, 1; “Min. Goebbels w grodzie podwawelskim,” Ilustrowany Kuryer Codzienny, 17 June 1934, 1.
[401] For Matseiko’s escape and subsequent life, see Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra Pierackiego, 21–22, 100–101; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 10–12, 21–22, 36–38.
[402] “Proces Grzegorz Maciejko,” Gazeta Polska, 31 December 1935, 8.
[403] Polit, Miejsce odosobnienia, 26.
[404] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 18 December 1935, 6.
[405] Maria Dąbrowska, Dzienniki 1933–1945 (Warsaw: Czytelnik, 1988), 50–51.
[406] Biuleten’ KE OUN na ZUZ, 4–7 (1934), quoted in “Wyrok,” TsDIAL, f. 205, spr. 3125, 12–13. See also Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra Pierackiego, 23, and “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5316, 89.
[407] For Pieracki’s visit to south-east Poland between 3 and 9 June 1934 see “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5316, 88; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 102. Independent of the fact that the OUN made Pieracki responsible for the pacification in 1930, he might have been in charge of this action. It was, however, ordered by Piłsudski himself. Thus, in addition to Pieracki many other people were involved in preparing and carrying out this action. Cf. Bruder, “Den ukrainischen Staat, 102; Chojnowski, Koncepcje polityki, 158.
[408] “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5316, 83.
[409] For the arrest of Karpynets’ on 14 June 1934 in Cracow, see “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5316, 84. For the arrests of OUN members, see “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5316, 80–87; “Po zamordowaniu ministra spraw wewnętrznych Bronisława Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 17 June 1934, 8; Polit, Miejsce odosobnienia, 115. For the visit to the laboratory on 17 June, see Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra Pierackiego, 7. In the indictment Żeleński wrote that it was only on 20 June that the police technicians proved that the bomb was produced in Karpynets’ laboratory. Cf. Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 38.
[410] “Komunikat Nr. 7,” AAN, MSZ, syg. 5316, 40, 84.
[411] For the observation and infiltration of the OUN by the Polish authorities, see Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra Pierackiego, 11. For bringing forward the day of assassination, see Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra Pierackiego, 23–24; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 38. For the arrests on 14 June in Lviv and Cracow, see Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 9–10, 65. For the discovery of the laboratory during the night of 13–14 June, see “Zbrodnia nie ujdzie bezkarnie. Wywiad u p. Ministra Sprawiedliwości,” Gazeta Polska, 10 July 1934, 1.
[412] “Zbrodnia nie ujdzie bezkarnie. Wywiad u p. Ministra Sprawiedliwości,” Gazeta Polska, 10 July 1934, 1.
[413] Gazeta Polska, 16 June 1934, 1.
[414] Ibid., 1.
[415] “Zamordowanie ministra spraw wewnętrznych Bronisława Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 16 June 1934, 2. For the mourning ceremonies in Cracow, see Ilustrowany Kuryer Codzienny, 19 June 1934, 1. For the mourning ceremonies in Lviv, see “Manifestacja żałobna we Lwowie,” Ilustrowany Kuryer Codzienny, 19 June 1934, 2.
[416] Gazeta Polska, 17 June 1934, 1. For honoring Pieracki with the rank of brigadier general, see “Po zamordowaniu ministra spaw wewnętrznych Bronisława Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 17 June 1934, 2.
[417] “Po zamordowaniu ministra spaw wewnętrznych Bronisława Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 17 June 1934, 2, 4. For the special mourning gathering of the council of ministers, see also “Żałobne posiedzenie Rady Ministrów,” Ilustrowany Kuryer Codzienny, 18 June 1934, 2; Ilustrowany Express Poranny, 18 June 1934, 1.
[418] “Po zamordowaniu ministra spaw wewnętrznych Bronisława Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 17 June 1934, 2, 4; “Manifestacja żałobna na pl. Józefa Piłsudskiego,” Gazeta Polska, 18 June 1934, 1.
[419] “Żołnierska śmierć,” Gazeta Polska, 17 June 1934, 3.
[420] Pieracki was wounded during the battle in Jastków between 31 July and 3 September 1915. For the instrumentalization of this fact, see “Szlusuj,” Gazeta Polska, 18 June 1934, 1.
[421] “Po zamordowaniu ministra spaw wewnętrznych Bronisława Pierackiego. Stolica w hołdzie,” Gazeta Polska, 17 June 1934, 4, 8.
[422] Ibid., 8.
[423] “Ul. Pierackiego w Chrzanowie,” Gazeta Polska, 19 June 1934, 4; “Ulica B. Pierackiego w Kowlu,” Gazeta Polska, 21 June 1934, 2.
[424] The detention camp was established on 17 June 1934 by a decree of Ignacy Mościcki, the president of the Second Republic. Cf. Polit, Miejsce odosobnienia, 31. For Piłsudski’s approval of the establishment of the camp, see Polit, Miejsce odosobnienia, 37. For regulations concerning incarceration, see Polit, Miejsce odosobnienia, 40. Ukrainians made up a significant number of the prisoners at Bereza Kartuska. On 17 September 1939 there were 7,000 prisoners in the camp, of whom 4,500 were Ukrainians. Cf. Polit, Miejsce odosobnienia, 120. For the repudiation of the treaty, see Korzec, Polen und der Minderheitenvertrag, 523, 540–41.
[425] “Obozy izolacyjne,” Gazeta Polska, 18 June 1934, 1; “Nowy okres w polskiej polityce wewnętrznej,” Ilustrowany Kuryer Codzienny, 21 czerwca 1934, 1–2.
[426] “Kondolencje reprezentacji ukraińskiej,” Gazeta Polska, 18 June 1934, 2.
[427] “Wielka manifestacja we Lwowie,” Gazeta Polska, 18 June 1934, 2.
[428] Ilustrowany Kuryer Codzienny, 17 czerwca 1934, 1.
[429] “Żołnierz i mąż stanu. Przemówienie pana premiera L. Kozłowskiego,” Gazeta Polska, 19 June 1934, 1.
[430] “Po zamordowaniu ministra spaw wewnętrznych Bronisława Pierackiego. Ceremoniał pogrzebowy,” Gazeta Polska, 17 June 1934, 2; “Na dworcu główym,” Gazeta Polska, 19 June 1934, 2; “W drodze do Nowego Sącza,” Gazeta Polska, 19 June 1934, 4.
[431] “Szloch zahartowanych żołnierzy,” Ilustrowany Express Poranny, 21 June 1934, 1.
[432] “Pogrzeb ś. p. ministra Broniława Pierackiego w Nowym Sączu,” Gazeta Polska, 20 June 1934, 1. For Pieracki’s corpse transported on a gun carriage, see Ilustrowany Kuryer Codzienny, 21 June 1934, 3.
[433] “Radjofonja Polska ku czci ś. p. Bronisława Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 25 June 1934, 5.
[434] “W szkołach o ś. p. min. Pierackim,” Gazeta Polska, 5 July 1934, 2.
[435] Gazeta Lwowska, 19 June 1934, 1.
[436] Bronisław Pieracki: generał brygady, minister spaw wewnętrznych, poseł na Sejm, mąż stanu, człowiek (Warsaw: Instytut Propagandy Państwowo-Twórczej, 1934).
[437] Bronisław Pieracki, 9, 97.
[438] Ibid., 27–109.
[439] “Pislia vbyvstva min. Pierats’koho,” Dilo, 17 June 1934, 8; “Pislia vbyvstva min. Pierats’koho,” Dilo, 18 June 1934, 6; “Pislia vbyvstva min. Pierats’koho,” Dilo, 20 June 1934, 3; “Varshavs’kyi zamakh,” Dilo, 21 June 1934, 1, 4; “Varshavs’ki nastroï po krivavim atentati,” Dilo, 24 June 1934, 2.
[440] “Pislia vbyvstva min. Pierats’koho,” Dilo, 20 June 1934, 3; “Reviziï ta areshtuvannia sered ukraïntsiv u Krakovi,” Dilo, 17 June 1934, 1; “Masovi areshtovannia u L’vovi,” Dilo, 20 June 1934, 4; “Masovi areshtovannia u Halychyni,” Dilo, 21 June 1934, 1.
[441] “Velykyi politychnyi protses u Ternopoli,” Dilo, 20 June 1934, 4.
[442] “Prysud u ternopil’s’komu protsesi,” Dilo, 22 June 1934, 3. For a trial in Stanyslaviv, see “Velykyi politychnyi protses u Stanislavovi,” Dilo, 22 July 1934, 4. For another trial for planning the assassination of education officer Gadomski, see “Novyi politychnyi protses u L’vovi. Za plianovane vbyvstvo kuratora Gadoms’koho,” Dilo, 22 June 1934, 6. For the assassination of Ivan Babii, see “Dyrektor Ivan Babii zastrilenyi,” Dilo, 27 July 1934, 1.
[443] “Pered velykym protsesom O.U.N. v Stanislavovi,” “Za prynalezhnist’ do O.U.N.” and “Politychnyi protses u Ternopoli,” Novyi chas, 16 June 1934, 1, 2.
[444] Cf. the two issues of Novyi chas for 17 and 18 June 1934.
[445] “Pislia zamakhu,” Novyi chas, 20 June 1934, 1.
[446] “Zbrodnia nie ujdzie ...” Gazeta Polska, 10 July 1934, 1.
[447] Zynovii Knysh, Varshavs’kyi protses OUN: Na pidlozhi pol’s’ko-ukraïns’kykh vidnosyn tiieï doby (Toronto: Sribna Surma, 1986), 285–87.
[448] Knysh, Varshavs’kyi protses, 287.
[449] “Wyrok,” TsDIAL, f. 205, spr. 3125, 61.; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 55.
[450] “Zhakhlyvyi atentat,” Novyi chas, 27 July 1934, 1. For other articles see the issues of Novyi chas for 29 and 30 June 1934.
[451] “Dyrektor Ivan Babii zastrilenyi” and “Trahedia dyrektora,” Dilo, 27 July 1934, 1; “Pislia trahichnoï smerty dyr. Ivana Babiia,” Dilo, 28 July 1934, 3–4. Babii was assassinated by OUN member Mykhailo Tsar. The assassination was prepared by Maliutsa, Pidhainyi, Kachmars’kyi, Myhal’, and others. The assassination was ordered by Bandera before his arrest on 14 June. Cf. Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 90–91.
[452] “Pislia trahichnoï smerty dyr. Ivana Babiia,” Dilo, 28 July 1934, 4.
[453] “Holos Mytropolyta,” Dilo, 5 August 1934, 3.
[454] Quoted in John-Paul Himka, “Christianity and Radical Nationalism: Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytsky and the Bandera Movement,” in State Secularism and Live Religion in Soviet Russia and Ukraine, ed. Catherine Wanner (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 97.
[455] “Program uroczystości ku czci ś. p. min. Bronisława Pierackiego w Nowym Sączu,” Gazeta Polska, 18 October 1935, 2.
[456] Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 2–4. The trial in Warsaw was the only trial dedicated to Pieracki’s assassination, but it was followed by another massive trial in Lviv from 25 May to 27 June 1936. The Lviv trial dealt with several other crimes that were committed, in part by the OUN members who had been on trial in Warsaw, and in part by others. The numerous other OUN members who were arrested in the summer of 1934 were tried in local courts, if they did not qualify for the Warsaw or Lviv trials.
[457] Interrogation of Stepan Bandera, 16 June 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 76, 35.
[458] Interrogation of Stepan Bandera, 12 November 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 76, 38.
[459] Interrogation of Stepan Bandera, 10 January 1935, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 76, 39, 41. For the suggestion that Bandera ordered the burial of Bachyns’kyi’s corpse, see Interrogation of Bohdan Pidhainyi, 28 December 1934, TSDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 77, 67.
[460] Interrogation of Stepan Bandera, 10 January 1935, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 76, 46–48.
[461] TSDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 76, 33–54.
[462] TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 76, 37, quoted in Zhyttia i diial’nist’, ed. Posivnych, 2011, 281‒82. When I worked in TsDIAL in 2008 the file with Bandera’s interrogation did not contain folio number 37. I discovered it only reading Posivnych’s publication from 2011, in which the document is reprinted.
[463] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1.
[464] TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 77, 179. For Stets’ko and Ianiv, see Interrogation of Iaroslav Stets’ko, 18 February 1935 and 1 August 1935, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 77, 163–66; Interrogation of Volodymyr Ianiv, 7 February 1935 and 28 July 1935, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 77, 202–5.
[465] Interrogations of Ievhen Kachmars’kyi TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 76, 77–119; Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra Pierackiego, 69–70. Ivan Maliutsa was arrested on 10 August 1934, Roman Myhal’ on 24 September 1934, and Bohdan Pidhainyi on 14 June 1934.
[466] Interrogation of Roman Myhal, 21 December 1934, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 76, 277, 279; Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra Pierackiego, 18–20; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 2, 87–92.
[467] Interrogation of Roman Myhal, 31 December 1935, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 76, 287–88; Interrogation of Roman Senkiv, 3 January 1935, TSDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 77, 129; “Proces Zeznania zabójcy Baczyńskiego. Pytania Myhala,” Gazeta Polska, 12 December 1935, 4.
[468] Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra Pierackiego, 18–20; Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 2, 87–92.
[469] Żeleński, Zabójstwo Ministra Pierackiego, 25–27.
[470] The Polish intelligence service received 418 original and 2,055 photographed documents from the Czechoslovak intelligence service. Cf. Wyrok,” TsDIAL, f. 205, spr. 3125, 14; “Proces o zamordowanie ś. p. ministra Br. Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 20 November 1935, 6; Posivnych, Varshavs’kyi akt, 168–69.
[471] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:123–25.
[472] For the act of indictment, see Władysław Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia.
[473] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 19 November 1935, 4. During my research I did not find the twenty-four volumes, which were very likely lost during the Second World War. Klymyshyn mentions “more than forty-five volumes,” see Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:123.
[474] Żeleński, Akt oskarżenia, 2‒3.
[475] Ibid., 99; Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 697; “Proces o zamordowanie ś. p. ministra Br. Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 20 November 1935, 8.
[476] Shukhevych, Moie zhyttia, 511–12; “Proces Bandera,” Gazeta Polska, 3 January 1936, 6.
[477] Shukhevych, Moie zhyttia, 515.
[478] “Wielkie rewelacje o mordach min. Pierackiego. Pierwszy dzień procesu w Warszawie,” Express Poranny, 20 November 1935, 1; “Wodzowie i Bojownicy O.U.N. na żołdzie Litwy. Niesłychane rewelacje w procesie warszawskim,” Express Poranny, 21 November 1935, 1; “Rewelacyjne zeznania świadków i podstępna taktyka obroany,” Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny, 14 December 1935, 13.
[479] Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny, 19 November 1935, 1, 16; 20 November 1935, 3, 4.
[480] The indictment was published in Ukrainian as “Akt obvynuvachennia,” in Dilo, 19 November 1935, 3–11; 20 November 1935, 3–6; 21 November 1935, 3–7. Dilo’s reporter complained that it was more restricted by censorship than Polish newspapers. Cf. “Zahal’ni vrazhinnia nashoho korespondenta,” Dilo, 20 November 1935, 7.
[481] Novyi chas, 19 November 1935, 1, 20 November 1935, 1.
[482] Novyi chas, 23 November 1935, 1.
[483] “Proces o zamordowanie ś. p. ministra Br. Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 19 November 1935, 4; “Proces morderców śp. ministra Pierackiego rozpoczęty,” Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny, 20 November 1935, 3; “Zamachowcy ukraińscy na ławie oskarżonych,” Kurjer Bydgoski, 20 November 1935, 1.
[484] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 19 November 1935, 4.
[485] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 19 November 1935, 4.
[486] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 19 November 1935, 4; “Roprava za vbystvo ministra Pierats’koho,” Dilo, 19 November 1935, 1.
[487] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 19 November 1935, 4; “Roprava za vbystvo ministra Pierats’koho,” Dilo, 19 November 1935, 1.
[488] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 19 November 1935, 4; “Rozprava za vbystvo ministra Pierats’koho,” Dilo, 19 November 1935, 1.
[489] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 19 November 1935, 4–7.
[490] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 20 November 1935, 6.
[491] Ibid., 6–8. For Piłsudski as the “Leader of the Nation,” see “Po zamordowaniu ministra spaw wewnętrznych Bronisława Pierackiego. Stolica w hołdzie,” Gazeta Polska, 17 June 1934, 8; “Mordy i sabotaże,” Kurjer Lwowski, 20 November 1935, 1.
[492] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 20 November 1935, 8.
[493] “Akt obvynuvachennia,” Dilo, 20 November 1935, 7.
[494] Ibid., 9.
[495] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 20 November 1935, 6.
[496] “Litwa współdziała z mordercami z O.U.N.!” Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny, 21 November 1935, 3; “Gdy ministrowie rokują z mordercami,” Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny, 21 November 1935, 1; “Wodzowie i Bojownicy O.U.N. na żołdzie Litwy. Niesłychane rewelacje w procesie warszawskim,” Ilustrowany Express Poranny, 21 November 1935, 1.
[497] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 21 November 1935, 6; Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra, 69.
[498] Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra, 69.
[499] “Zdenerwowanie wodza O.U.N.,” Ilustrowany Express Poranny, 22 November 1935, 1; Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra, 69.
[500] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 21 November 1935, 6. The Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny commented that Bandera’s testimonies during the interrogations were evasive and deceitful. Cf. “Wykręty i kłamliwe zeznania Bandery w śledztwie,” Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny, 22 November 1935, 13.
[501] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 21 November 1935, 6.
[502] Ibid., 6.
[503] For Karpynets’, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 21 November 1935, 7. For Pidhainyi, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 23 November 1935, 4. For Maliutsa, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 23 November 1935, 4. For Kachmars’kyi, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 26 November 1935, 6. In answer to the chairman’s first question, Kachmars’kyi did not deny belonging to the OUN and stated that he pleaded “not guilty.” He answered the question as many other defendants in Ukrainian. For Zaryts’ka, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 26 November 1935, 6. For Rak, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 26 November 1935, 6.
[504] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 23 November 1935, 4.
[505] “Prowokacje osk. Bandery,” Kurjer Lwowski, 21 November 1935, 1.
[506] “Mowa prokuratora Rudnickiego w procesie o zamordowania ś. p. ministra Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 28 December 1935, 6.
[507] “Oskarżeni prowokacyjnie nie chcą zeznawać po polsku!”Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny, 22 November 1935, 13. Emphasis in the original.
[508] “Rozprava za ... Myhal’ hovoryt’ po pol’sky,” Dilo, 24 November 1935, 4.
[509] “Osk. Myhal przemawia po polsku i przyznaje się do winy,” Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny, 25 November 1935, 13–15.
[510] “Proces Oskarżeni,” Gazeta Polska, 31 December 1935, 8.
[511] “Samoobvynuvachennia pids. Myhala,” Novyi chas, 26 November 1935, 2.
[512] “Wrażenia rewelacyj Myhala. Oskarżeni Ukraińcy słuchają z zapartym tchem ...” Express Ilustrowany, 28 November 1935, 2. See also “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 27 November 1935, 6.
[513] “Rozprava za ... 100 zol. Kary na svidka za ziznannia po ukraїns’ky,” Dilo, 30 November 1935, 3.
[514] For Chorna, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 7 December 1935, 8. For Shukhevych, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 7 December 1935, 8. For Pashkevych, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 7 December 1935, 8. For Mashchak, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 7 December 1935, 8. For Myron, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 12 December 1935, 4. For Nydza, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 12 December 1935, 4.
[515] “Proces. Dalsze zeznania świadków,” Gazeta Polska, 6 December 1935, 8; “Rozprava za ... 300 zol. kary i areshtuvannia svidka,” Dilo, 7 December 1935, 3; “Areshtuvannia svidka,” Novyi chas, 7 December 1935, 4. For Chaikovs’ka changing her mind and testifying in Polish, see “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 7 December 1935, 8.
[516] “Proces. Próba demonstracji na sali sądowej,” Gazeta Polska, 10 December 1935, 7; “Rozprava za ... Cherhova kara 200 zol.,” Dilo, 10 December 1935, 3.
[517] “Proces. Próba demonstracji na sali sądowej,” Gazeta Polska, 10 December 1935, 7; “Rozprava za ... 200 zol. kary ta odyn den’ temnytsi za ziznannia po ukraїns’y,” Dilo, 10 December 1935, 3; “‘Slava Ukraїni,’” Novyi chas, 11 December 1935, 5. The greeting Slava Ukraїni was first used by the LUN, which included the SUF, and it might therefore have been invented by the SUF. Cf. Lypovets’kyi, Orhanizatsiia Ukraïns’kykh, 14.
[518] “Proces. Jak zachowywał się Bandera w więzieniu,” Gazeta Polska, 30 November 1935, 6; “Rozprava za ... Myhal’ hovoryt’ po pol’s’ky,” Dilo, 30 November 1935, 3.
[519] “Proces. Jak zachowywał się Bandera w więzieniu,” Gazeta Polska, 30 November 1935, 6; “Dva tyzhni protsesu,” Novyi chas, 1 December 1935, 4.
[520] “Dvanatsiatyiden’. Chlen Kraїevoi Ekzekutyvy Spol’s’kyi ziznaie …” Novyichas, 4 December 1935, 3–4; “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 4 December 1935, 6.
[521] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 4 December 1935, 7; “Rozprava za ... Konfrontatsiianachal’nykaviaznytsi zi sv. Spol’s’kym,” Dilo, 5 December 1935, 3. Iaroslav Makarushka, against whom a separate prosecution was also initiated, testified at the trial relating to Pieracki’s murder, that the investigating officers in the prison in Lviv forced OUN members to testify, by pouring water on the floor of the cells in winter. Cf. “Proces Zeznania kierownika wywiadu,” Gazeta Polska, 7 December 1935, 8.
[522] “Proces. Maluca potępia działalność O.U.N.,” Gazeta Polska, 4 December 1935, 6; “Rozprava za ... Myhal’ hovoryt’ po pol’s’ky,” Dilo, 4 December 1935, 3–4.
[523] “Proces. Maluca potępia działalność O.U.N.,” Gazeta Polska, 4 December 1935, 6; “Nespodivanyi vystup Maliutsy,” Novyi chas, 5 December 1935, 4.
[524] “Proces. Zeznania komisarza Dugiełło,” Gazeta Polska, 4 December 1935, 7.
[525] “Proces. To nie jest proces przeciw społeczeństwu ukraińskiemu,” Gazeta Polska, 4 December 1935, 7; “Rozprava za ... Vazhlyva politychna zaiava prokuratora,” Dilo, 5 December 1935, 4.
[526] “Rozprava za ... Vrazhinnia nashoho korespondenta,” Dilo, 6 December 1935, 4.
[527] “Proces. Wydalenie z sali Bandery i Karpyńca,” Gazeta Polska, 6 December 1935, 8; “Rozprava za …” Dilo, 6 December 1935, 3–4.
[528] “Proces. Kłamliwe zeznania członków O.U.N.,” Gazeta Polska, 12 December 1935, 4; “Rozprava za ...” Dilo, 12 December 1935, 3–4.
[529] Żeleński also confirmed that some defendants, among them Bandera, were interrogated for several days without interruption. Cf. Żeleński, Zabójstwo ministra, 71.
[530] “Mowa prokuratora Rudnickiego w procesie o zamordowania ś. p. ministra Pierackiego,” Gazeta Polska, 28 December 1935, 6.
[531] Ibid., 7.
[532] “Proces Bandera,” Gazeta Polska, 1 January 1936, 11.
[533] “Rozprava za... Prokurator pro roliu Bandery,” Dilo, 2 January 1936, 3.
[534] “Proces Bandera,” Gazeta Polska, 1 January 1936, 11.
[535] Ibid., 11.
[536] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 3 January 1936, 6.
[537] “Proces Pomoc pieniężna Litwy,” Gazeta Polska, 3 January 1936, 6. For details of the collaboration of the OUN with the Lithuanian government, see “Wyrok,” TsDIAL, f. 205, spr. 3125, 44–50.
[538] “Proces Fałszywe paszporty Litewskie,” Gazeta Polska, 3 January 1936, 6.
[539] “Proces Przedsiębiorstwo ludzkiej rzeźni. Dno Ohydy,” Gazeta Polska, 3 January 1936, 7.
[540] “Proces Wniosek o wyrok skazujący,” Gazeta Polska, 3 January 1936, 7.
[541] “Promova avtora aktu obvynuvachennia,” Novyi chas, 2 Janury 1936, 3.
[542] “Shcho prokurator zakydaie d-rovi Horbovomu,” Dilo, 31 December 1935, 4. Horbovyi was indeed an OUN member subordinated to Bandera. Cf. Danylo Shumuk, Za skhidnim obriiem (Paris: Smoloskyp, 1974), 429.
[543] “Promova avtora aktu obvynuvachennia,” Novyi chas, 2 Janury 1936, 3.
[544] “Proces Mowa adwokata Horbowego,” Gazeta Polska, 4 January 1936, 6.
[545] Ibid., 6.
[546] “Proces Usiłowanie podważenia ustawy oskarżenia,” Gazeta Polska, 4 January 1936, 6.
[547] “Proces Atak na Maliucę,” Gazeta Polska, 4 January 1936, 6.
[548] “Proces Świadkowie w oświetleniu obrony,” Gazeta Polska, 4 January 1936, 6.
[549] “Proces O.U.N. nie wykonała zamachu,” Gazeta Polska, 4 January 1936, 6.
[550] Ibid., 6.
[551] “Proces Adw. Horbowyj wnosi o uniewinnienie swojich klientów,” Gazeta Polska, 4 January 1936, 6.
[552] “Proces Mowa adwokata Szłapaka,” Gazeta Polska, 4 January 1936, 6.
[553] Ibid., 6.
[554] Ibid., 6.
[555] “Proces Niedopuszczalne oświadczenie obrńcy,” Gazeta Polska, 5 January 1936, 6.
[556] “Proces Mowa adwokata Pawenckiego,” Gazeta Polska, 5 January 1936, 6.
[557] Ibid., 6.
[558] “Vrazhinnia nashoho korespondenta,” Novyi chas, 5 January 1936, 17.
[559] “Proces Mowa adwokata Hankiewicza,” Gazeta Polska, 10 January 1936, 6.
[560] Ibid., 6.
[561] Ibid., 6.
[562] Ibid., 6.
[563] Ibid., 6.
[564] “Proces Mowa oskarżonego Myhala,” Gazeta Polska, 10 January 1936, 6.
[565] “Wyrok w procesie o zamordowanie,” Gazeta Polska, 14 January 1936, 1, 6. The text of the judgment and of the grounds of the judgment is located in “Wyrok,” TsDIAL, f. 205, spr. 3125.
[566] “Oklyky pidsudnykh,” Novyi chas, 16 January 1936, 3.
[567] “Wyrok w procesie o zamordowanie,” Gazeta Polska, 14 January 1936, 7.
[568] “Wyrok,” TsDIAL, f. 205, spr. 3125, 113.
[569] “Wyrok w procesie o zamordowanie ... Bandera duszą spisku,” Gazeta Polska, 14 January 1936, 7.
[570] Ibid., 7.
[571] “Dusza i myśl zbrodniczego czynu: Stefan Bandera,” Ilustrowany Kuryer Codzienny, 2 January 1936, 16.
[572] “Lista zbrodni Bandera,” Dziennik Polski, 1 January 1936, 1.
[573] “Po wyroku … Społeczeństwo ruskie powinno odgrodzić się od polityki nienawiści i zbrodni,” Ilustrowany Kuryer Codzienny, 16 January 1936, 1.
[574] “Dva prysudy smerty,” Novyi chas, 14 January 1936, 1.
[575] “Naslidky prysudu,” Dilo, 16 January 1936, 2.
[576] Ibid., 2.
[577] “Po procesie,” Biuletyn Polsko-Ukraiński, Warsaw 19 January 1936, Vol. 5, No. 3 (142), 1.
[578] Mieczysław Pruszyński, “Zagadnienie Ukraińskie w Polsce,” Wiadomości Literackie, 15 December 1935, 1.
[579] Ibid., 1.
[580] Ksawery Pruszyński, “Ludzie i zbrodnia,” Wiadomości Literackie, 15 December 1935, 7.
[581] Ibid., 7.
[582] “Proces Wywody apelacji oskarżonych,” Gazeta Polska, 28 April 1936, 6.
[583] Ibid., 6.
[584] “Proces,” Gazeta Polska, 1 May 1936, 4.
[585] “Proces Ślub Łebeda z Hnatkiwską,” Gazeta Polska, 30 April 1936, 6.
[586] In his memoirs Knysh does not mention that they performed the fascist salute while calling “Slava Ukraїni!” Cf. Klmyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:194.
[587] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 25 May 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 1.
[588] “Hitlerowskie powitanie oskarżonych,” Ilustrowany Express Poranny, 27 May 1936, 16. The unidentified correspondent of the Ilustrowany Express wrote in the article “Slava!” and not “Slava Ukraїni!” which was usually used by the OUN. For using “Slava Ukraïni!” and not “Slava!” in the process in Warsaw, see “‘Slava Ukraїni,’” Novyi chas, 11 December 1935, 5.
[589] “Hitlerowskie powitanie oskarżonych,” Ilustrowany Express Poranny, 27 May 1936, 16; “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 25 May 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 1; “Velykyi politychnyi protses OUN u L’vovi,” Novyi chas, 26 May 1936, 2.
[590] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 25 May 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 2–3; “Za vbyvstvo dyr. I Babiia,” Dilo, 26 May 1936, 3.
[591] Shukhevych, Moie zhyttia, 526.
[592] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 27 May 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 18.
[593] Ibid., 19.
[594] Ibid., 20. The censorship deleted references to Stets’ko’s fascist gesture in some Ukrainian newspapers, for example in Dilo. Cf. “Velykyi protses OUN u L’vovi,” Dilo, 28 May 1936, 3. At a press conference, a government representative announced that the newspapers were required not to report the defendants’ demonstrations, because they constituted anti-government propaganda. Any issues, which, despite the government’s warning, reported the anti-government fascist greeting, would be confiscated. Cf. “Presova konferentsiia u spravi l’vivs’koho protsesu OUN,” Dilo, 29 May 1936, 4.
[595] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 27 May 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 21.
[596] Ibid., 22.
[597] Ibid., 25.
[598] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 28 May 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 26; “Chetvertyi den’ protsesu OUN u L’vovi,” Novyi chas, 29 May 1936, 8.