[599] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 28 May 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 27.

[600] Shukhevych, Moie zhyttia, 527–30.

[601] Shukhevych, Moie zhyttia, 527; TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 31.

[602] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 29 May 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 31; “Piatyi den’ protsesu OUN u L’vovi,” Novyi chas, 30 May 1936, 4.

[603] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 29 May 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 35.

[604] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 30 May 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 44.

[605] Pidhainyi had been sentenced to life imprisonment at the Warsaw trial, therefore nothing worse could have happened to him in the Lviv trial, even if he had taken all the crimes of the OUN on his shoulders. “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 29 May 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 34–35.

[606] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 5 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 91.

[607] Ibid., 91.

[608] Ibid., 91.

[609] Ibid., 91–92.

[610] Ibid., 93.

[611] Ibid., 93–94.

[612] Ibid., 95. Although both Bandera and Lemyk testified that Bandera prepared the assassination of the Soviet consul and personally gave the order to Lemyk, the police investigation does not seem to confirm this claim. Roman Shukhevych may have been as much involved in the preparation of the assassination as Bandera. Shukhevych distanced himself in the trial from the OUN. Other defendants helped him in this regard, giving false testimony and taking Shukhevych’s criminal actions on themselves. Cf. “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 24 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 179–80, and Shukhevych, Moie zhyttia, 527–30.

[613] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 16 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 147.

[614] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 5 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 94.

[615] Ibid., 95.

[616] Ibid., 97.

[617] Ibid., 98.

[618] Ibid., 97.

[619] Ibid., 98.

[620] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 16 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 145; “Velykyi protses OUN u L’vovi,” Novyi chas, 18 June 1936, 3. The record of the trial contains “Slava” and not “Slava Ukraїni!” It is more likely however that the defendants shouted “Slava Ukraїni!” and not “Slava!” For using “Slava Ukraïni!” in the Warsaw trial, see “‘Slava Ukraїni,’” Novyi chas, 11 December 1935, 5.

[621] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 16 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 147.

[622] See for example “Velykyi protses OUN u L’vovi,” Novyi chas, 18 June 1936, 3.

[623] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 24 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 166.

[624] Ibid., 167.

[625] Ibid., 167.

[626] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 26 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 174.

[627] Ibid., 174.

[628] Ibid., 175.

[629] Ibid., 175.

[630] Ibid., 175.

[631] Ibid., 175.

[632] Ibid., 175.

[633] Ibid., 175–76.

[634] Ibid., 176.

[635] Ibid., 176.

[636] Ibid., 176–77.

[637] “Proces ... Grzegorz Maciejko,” Gazeta Polska, 31 December 1935, 8. On Matseiko and Bandera, see also chapter 2 above.

[638] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 24 June 1936, TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 185.

[639] Ibid., 186.

[640] Ibid., 187.

[641] “Sprawozdanie stenograficzne,” 26 June 1936,” TsDIAL, f. 371, op. 1, spr. 8, od. 75, 216.

[642] Ivan Ravliuk, “Bandera vyvodyv nas na chysti vody,” in Stepan Bandera ta ioho rodyna v narodnykh pisniakh, perekazakh ta spohadakh, ed. Hryhorii Dem”ian (Lviv: Afisha, 2006), 367.

[643] Cf. for example “Poselstwo RP w Bukareszcie,” AAN, MSZ 5188, 18.

[644] “Taktyka ‘grubych ryb’ OUN,” Lwowski Ilustrowany Express, 30 May 1936, 1858, 5; “Libacja z funduszów dyspozycyjnych OUN jako zachęta, a potem jako nagroda za zamordowanie Baczyńskiego,” Lwowski Ilustrowany Express, 3 June 1936, 3.

[645] See, for example, Shukhevych, Moie zhyttia, 529. Because Shukhevych and other reporters of this event do not provide a date, this story might refer to the first day of the trial, when Bandera entered the courtroom as the last defendant and raised his right arm while shouting “Slava Ukraїni!” to which other defendants responded with the same fascist salute. See “Hitlerowskie powitanie oskarżonych,” Ilustrowany Express Poranny, 27 May 1936, 16.

[646] Mykola Stsibors’kyi, “Klonim holovy,” in Stepan Bandera, ed. Posivnych, 2006, 133–34.

[647] Dem”ian, Stepan Bandera ta ioho rodyna, 37–38, 59–60. Dem”ian might have replaced the pejorative and politically incorrect but common word “liakhy” with the politically correct “poliaky.” For other versions of the song see Ievhen Lun’o, “Iavorishchyna pro Stepana Banderu: Providnyk OUN u pisennomu fol’klori,” Narodoznavchi zoshyty Vol. 25, No. 1 (1999): 35–36.

[648] Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 8.

[649] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:114‒15.

[650] “Proces. Jak zachowywał się Bandera w więzieniu,” Gazeta Polska, 30 November 1935, 6; “Rozprava za ... Myhal’ hovoryt’ po pol’s’ky,” Dilo, 30 November 1935, 3.

[651] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1: 118‒19, 121.

[652] Cybulski, Stepan Bandera w więzieniach, 73.

[653] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:150, Cybulski, Stepan Bandera w więzieniach, 76.

[654] Cybulski, Stepan Bandera w więzieniach, 76

[655] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:153.

[656] Ibid., 1:154, 156, 158, 170.

[657] Ibid., 1:161‒62.

[658] Ibid., 1:162‒89.

[659] Ibid., 1:194; Cybulski, Stepan Bandera w więzieniach, 78.

[660] Cybulski, Stepan Bandera w więzieniach, 78‒79.

[661] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:195–97, 199; “Bandera i chotyry tovaryshi u chesnokhrests’ki tiurmi,” Novyi chas, 16 January 1936, 3. For Hryhorii Perehiniak and the UPA, see page 269. For the murder of Vasyl’ Ilkiv, see Grzegorz Motyka, Cień Kłyma Sawura. Polsko-ukraiński konflikt pamięci (Gdańsk: Oskar, 2013), 22.

[662] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:197–99.

[663] Ibid., 1:203–5. The OUN prisoners celebrated Christmas Eve on 6 January, and Christmas on 7 January 1937, according to the Julian calendar.

[664] Ibid., 1:207–13.

[665] Cybulski, Stepan Bandera w więzieniach, 74, 79, 81, 83‒86; Shukhevych, Moie zhyttia, 537–39.

[666] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:219.

[667] Rebet, Svitla i tini, 77–78; Zynovii Knysh, Rozbrat: Spohady i materiialy do rozkolu OUN u 1940–1941 rokakh (Toronto: Sribna Surma, 1960), 48.

[668] Rebet, Svitla i tini, 77; Knysh, Rozbrat, 58.

[669] Knysh, Rozbrat, 60.

[670] Rebet, Svitla i tini, 77–78; Knysh, Rozbrat, 68.

[671] Knysh, Rozbrat, 60.

[672] Cybulski, Stepan Bandera w więzieniach, 85–93; Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 8.

[673] The term “Ukrainian National Revolution” is a propaganda term that the OUN-B used in 1940–1941 to describe its plans for the Ukrainian territories after the outbreak of the conflict between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. For this reason, in this book, it is placed within quotation marks. For use of this term by the OUN-B, see “Postanovy II. Velykoho Zboru Orhanizatsiï Ukraïns’kykh Natsionalistiv,” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, 188, 193. For the alternative “Ukrainian Revolution,” see “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 17.

[674] Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 14; Hryhorii Prokuda, “Zustrich zi Stepanom Banderoiu,” in Narodoznavchi zoshyty Vol. 25, No. 1 (1999): 84; Posivnych, Providnyk OUN, 43. Klymyshyn wrote that the door of Bandera’s cell was opened on 10 September 1939. Cf. Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:266.

[675] For militia in Iavoriv, see AŻIH 301/1912, Izrael Manber, 2–3; AŻIH 301/1612, Nadel Chaim, 1–2; AŻIH 301/1614, Jakub Sauerbrunn, 1.

[676] For the murder of Poles, see Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka 1942–1960, 70, 72; Władysław Siemaszko and Ewa Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo dokonane przez nacjonalistów ukraińskich na ludności polskiej Wołynia 1939–1945 (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo von borowiecky, 2000), 2:1034–37.

[677] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 71; Grzegorz Motyka, “Postawy wobec konfliktu polsko-ukraińskiego w latach 1939–1953 w zależności od przynależności etnicznej, państwowej i religijnej,” in Tygiel Narodów:. Stosunki społeczne i etniczne na dawnych ziemiach wschodnich Rzeczypospolitej 1939–1953, ed. Krzysztof Jasiewicz (Warsaw: Rytm, 2002), 286–87. For the triumphal arches and the singing of communist songs to the Soviet army, see Jan Tomasz Gross, Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland’s Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), 20, 39–40, 262.

[678] Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 140; Gross, Revolution from Abroad, 19–20.

[679] AŻIH 301/1912, Izrael Manber, 2–3; AŻIH 301/1612, Nadel Chaim, 1–2; AŻIH 301/1614, Jakub Sauerbrunn, 1.

[680] Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 9.

[681] Kost’ Pan’kivs’kyi, Roky nimets’koï okupatsiï (New York and Toronto: Zhyttia i mysli, 1965), 145; Finder, Collaboration in Eastern Galicia, 98.

[682] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:267.

[683] Roman Rosdolsky, “The Jewish Orphanage in Cracow,” The Online Publication Series of the Center for Urban History of East Central Europe, 4, http://www.lvivcenter.org/en/publications/ (accessed 26 May 2010): 2–4.

[684] Golczewski, Shades of Grey, 126–27.

[685] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:269; Interrogation of Fedor Davidiuk, 20 June 1945, HDA SBU f. 65, spr. 19127, vol. 1, 146–51, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:338. In 1956 Bandera testified that he used the name Burkut at this time. Cf. “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel, 07.02.1956,” StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 85.

[686] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:269.

[687] “Lyst nachalnika, 29.08.1951,” HDA SBU f. 2, op. 98, spr. 12, vol. 3, 70‒71, Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:130.

[688] Iaroslava stated during interrogation that she had married Stepan on 5 June 1940 in Sanok. Cf. Interrogation of Iaroslava Bandera, BayHStA, LKA 272, 4. Stepan Bandera stated in an investigation that he had married Iaroslava in Cracow. Cf. “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel, 07.02.1956,” StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 85. See also Posivnych, Providnyk OUN, 11. In the same year, Stepan’s brother Vasyl’ married Mariia Vozniak. Cf. HDA SBU, f. 63, spr. S-9079, vol. 8, 1–3, Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:628.

[689] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:273.

[690] Arsenych, Rodyna Banderiv, 49–50; Dem”ian, Stepan Bandera, 186; Iaroslav Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941: Proholoshennia vidnovlennia derzhavnosty Ukraïny (Toronto: Liga Vyzvolennia Ukraïny, 1967), 131–32.

[691] Interrogation of Iaroslava Bandera, 17.10.1959, BayHStA, LKA 272, 4, 30. Iaroslava Bandera first mentioned 1939 and later 1941 as the date of the operation.

[692] In a document from 9 April 1940, Mel’nyk mentions that Bandera was in Berlin in November 1939. Cf. “Zaklyk Andriia Mel’nyka do chleniv VZUN i PUN,” in Volodymyr Kosyk, Rozkol OUN (1939–1940): Zbirnyk dokumentiv (Lviv: L’vivs’kyi natsional’nyi universytet, 1999), 41.

[693] Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 10–11.

[694] Grzegorz Motyka writes that Bandera competed with Baranovs’kyi for the sympathy of Anna Chemeryns’ka. Cf. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 78.

[695] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 77–78.

[696] Bandera, Moї zhyttiepysni dani, 10–11.

[697] Letter from Bandera to Mel’nyk, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 71, 19.

[698] “Rishennia narady providnykiv 10 liutoho 1940 roku,” in Kosyk, Rozkol OUN, 30.

[699] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 78.

[700] Ibid., 78. For Bandera’s letter to Mel’nyk, see “Lyst Stepana Bandery do Andriia Mel’nyka,” in Kosyk, Rozkol OUN, 32; “Bila knyha OUN: Pro dyversiu-bunt Iary-Bandera,” PAA, ACC. 85.191/64, 3.

[701] In another letter Mel’nyk informed Bandera about his decision on 7 April. Cf. “Bila knyha OUN: Pro dyversiu-bunt Iary-Bandera,” PAA, ACC. 85.191/64, 6–9; “Komunikat Revoliutsiinoho Provodu,” in Kosyk, Rozkol OUN, 35, 106.

[702] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 78; Kosyk, Rozkol OUN, 35, 106.

[703] Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941, 129–30, 255.

[704] Letter from Bandera to Mel’nyk, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 71, 4. For the date of the letter, see Kosyk, Rozkol OUN, 55.

[705] Ibid., 4.

[706] Ibid., 8, 10–11.

[707] Ibid., 9.

[708] Ibid., 9.

[709] Ibid., 20, 21.

[710] Ibid., 12–13.

[711] Ibid., 14–15.

[712] Knysh, Rozbrat, 71.

[713] For Bandera’s attitude to Mel’nyk and other members of the leadership, see Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:277–78.

[714] Interrogation of Volodymyr Porendovs’kyi, 15 February 1948, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 2, 193.

[715] Zynovii Karbovych (Iaroslav Stets’ko), “Zhydivstvo i my,” Novyi shliakh, 8 May 1939, 3.

[716] See for example “I. Sierov’s report about the agent ‘Ukrainets’ to Khrushchev, 3 December 1940,” HDA SBU, f. 16, op. 33, spr. 36, 14–33, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:60–61. For use of the word “Banderites” in an OUN-M leaflet from 10 September 1941 concerning the murder of Mykola Stsibors’kyi and Omelian Senyk, see “Natsionalisty!” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 74, 19.

[717] For the use of the term Melnykites in an OUN-B document in autumn 1941, see for example Ivan Klymiv’s report to the leadership of the OUN, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 45, 2.

[718] Cf. “Dennyk Povshuka Oleksandra vid 17/IX. 1939 r.,” TsDAHO f. 57, op. 4, spr. 344, 3.

[719] “I. Sierov’s report about the agent ‘Ukrainets’ to Khrushchev, 3 December 1940,” HDA SBU, f. 16, op. 33, spr. 36, 14–33, in Serhiichuk, Stepan Bandera, 1:60–61.

[720] Stsibors’kyi, “Klonim holovy,” in Stepan Bandera, ed. Posivnych, 2006, 133–34.

[721] Bila knyha OUN: Pro dyversiiu-bunt Iary-Bandera, PAA, ACC 85.191/64, 35. The “White Book” was published not earlier than 11 October 1940.

[722] Chaikovs’kyi, “Fama,” 74.

[723] “Chomu bula potribna chystka v OUN” consists of three parts: 1. “Z kym idemo i z kym ne idemo” (With whom we are going and with whom not), 2. “V im”ia pravdy” (In the name of truth), 3. “Druhyi arkhiv Senyka” (Senyk’s Second Archive). Cf. PAA, ACC 85.191/64, 1–32, 1–66, 1–34. For Iaryi, see “Bila knyha OUN,” PAA, ACC 85.191/64, 88–89. For Stsibors’kyi, see “Chomu bula potribna chystka v OUN,” 3, 17.

[724] “Chorna knyha buntu: Iary-Bandera-Horbovyi,” RGASPI f. 17, op. 125, del. 337, 159–61, 164, 170. For the OUN-B reaction to the “Black Book” during the “Ukrainian National Revolution,” see “Vyïmky z orhanizatsiinykh zvitiv,” TsDAVO f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 12, 38.

[725] The OUN-B member Il’ia Tkachuk testified that Stsibors’kyi, Senyk, and Baranovs’kyi were all killed by the OUN-B. See Interrogation of Il’ia Tkachuk, 23 February 1944, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 6, 56. Taras Bul’ba-Borovets’ wrote that the “Banderite Kuzii” killed Senyk and Stsibors’kyi “by shooting them in the back on an open street.” See Taras Bul’ba-Borovets’, Armiia bez derzhavy: Slava i trahediia ukrains’koho povstans’koho rukhu; Spohady. (Kiev: Knyha Rodu, 2008), 154.

[726] “Postanovy II. Velykoho Zboru Orhanizatsiï Ukraïns’kykh Natsionalistiv,” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, 180–208.

[727] Ibid., 200.

[728] Ibid., 200.

[729] Ibid., 185, 201.

[730] Ibid., 202.

[731] Ibid., 182. Emphasis in the original.

[732] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 85.

[733] Koval’, “Heroi, shcho,” 9.

[734] “Postanovy II. Velykoho Zboru,” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, 181–82.

[735] Ibid., 182.

[736] Ibid., 183.

[737] Ibid., 183.

[738] See next subsection “Practical Preparations for the ‘Ukrainian National Revolution.’”

[739] Ibid., 186.

[740] Ibid., 188. Emphasis in the original.

[741] Ibid., 189.

[742] Stsibors’kyi, Natsiokratiia, 57–58.

[743] “Postanovy II. Velykoho Zboru,” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, 188–89.

[744] Ibid., 190.

[745] Ibid., 193.

[746] Ibid., 193.

[747] Ibid., 196.

[748] Ibid., 197.

[749] Ibid., 190–91.

[750] Ibid.,192.

[751] Ibid., 189, 192.

[752] Ibid., 192.

[753] Ibid., 199.

[754] Ibid., 199. During the “Ukrainian National Revolution” all OUN members were obliged to use only this greeting. Cf. “Instruktsiia propahandy ch. 1,” TsDAVOV f. 4620, op. 3, spr. 379, 34. The greeting “Slava Ukraїni” was first introduced by the LUN, which incorporated the SUF. Cf. Golczewski, Deutsche und Ukrainer, 550.

[755] Letter from Bandera to Mel’nyk, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 71, 9.

[756] TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, 199.

[757] “Postanovy II. Velykoho Zboru,” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, 204. The term was also used in the Soviet Union to honor Stalin.

[758] Ibid., 207.

[759] Shumuk heard it from Horbovyi, in a Gulag after the war. Cf. Shumuk, Za skhidnim obriiem, 429–30.

[760] “Ukraїns’kyi Narode!” “Hromadiany!” TsDAVOV f. 3822, op. 1, spr. 63, 12–13, 181; “Ukraїns’kyi Narode!” TsDAVOV f. 3822, op. 1, spr. 41, 1–2; “Hromadiany!” TsDAVOV f. 4620, op. 3, spr. 378, 39.

[761] OUN member Mykhailo Bilan, interviewed by author, London, 10 July 2008. On the charismatic fascist European leaders, see Eatwell, ed., Charisma and Fascism. On the European leaders in general, see Ennker, ed., Der Führer im Europa.

[762] Pan’kivs’kyi, Roky nimets’koï okupatsiï, 178.

[763] Borys Levyts’kyi, “Natsional’nyi rukh pid chas Druhoї svitovoї viiny: Interv”iu z B. Levyts’kym,” Dialoh 2 (1979): 15.

[764] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 15–89. One part of this document called “Propahandyvni vkazivky na peredvoiennyi chas, na chas viiny i revoliutsiï ta na pochatkovi dni derzhavnoho budivnytstva” (Instructions for the Prewar Period, the Time of War and Revolution, and the First Days of State Building) is located in TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 69, 23–47. For the authors of the document, see Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941, 50; Carynnyk, Foes of our rebirth, 329.

[765] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 15.

[766] Ibid., 16.

[767] Ibid., 38–39.

[768] “Propahandyvni vkazivky,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 69, 27. For details of how the OUN-B wanted to control the political situation in the Ukrainian state, see “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 44–45.

[769] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 16.

[770] Ibid., 17.

[771] Ibid., 16–17.

[772] Ibid., 32. Some OUN-B forces did fight sporadically after the beginning of the German-Soviet war. Cf. Internal telegram of the OUN, 31 July 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 7.

[773] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 16. For very similar suggestions concerning proper relations with the Germans, see ibid., 32.

[774] Ibid., 23. Emphasis in the original.

[775] Ibid., 32, 83.

[776] “Postanovy II. Velykoho” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 926, 192.

[777] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 30. For the text of this oath, see ibid., 41. For militia, see ibid., 60.

[778] Ibid., 44.

[779] “Propahandyvni vkazivky,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 69, 26.

[780] Ibid., 43.

[781] Ibid., 26.

[782] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 30.

[783] Ibid., 32.

[784] Ibid., 58.

[785] Ibid., 60.

[786] Ibid., 66.

[787] Ibid., 62, 64. All Ukrainian men between eighteen and fifty who were obliged to join the militia were to be divided into professional militiamen who were employed full time, and reserve forces (“volunteer members”—chleny-dobrovol’tsi), who earned a living otherwise, but could be mobilized at any time.

[788] Ibid., 62; Landesarchiv Nordrhein-Westfalen (LN-W), Bonn, Rep. 350, vol. 5, 16. In 1941, the OUN-B used yellow-and-blue and not blue-and-yellow flags. Cf. “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 83; Roman Volchuk, Spomyny z peredvoiennoho L’vova ta voiennoho Vidnia (Kiev: Krytyka, 2002), 89. At that time, the OUN-M used blue-and-yellow flags, see Taras Kurylo, “Syla ta slabkist’ ukraїns’koho natsionalizmu v Kyievi pid chas nimets’koї okupatsiї (1941‒1943),” Ukraїna Moderna Vol. 13, No. 2 (2008): 117.

[789] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 62. Testimonies of Holocaust survivors from small communities—in which people did not live in anonymity—confirm that the leaders of the militia were “well-known” local Ukrainian nationalists. See, for example, AŻIH, 301/3983, Anna Złatkies, 1.

[790] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 64.

[791] Ibid., 68.

[792] Ibid., 72.

[793] Ibid., 62.

[794] Ibid., 69.

[795] Ibid., 62.

[796] “Propahandyvni vkazivky,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 69, 23, 25–28. The OUN-B modified, for example, “The Internationale” to use it for the “national revolution.” Cf. Ibid., 25.

[797] Ibid., 24.

[798] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 80. In Ukrainian: Vbyvaite vorohiv, shcho mizh vamy—zhydi, i seksotiv. This slogan was developed for factory workers.

[799] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 77–78, 80.

[800] Ibid., 80.

[801] “Propahandyvni vkazivky,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 69, 26.

[802] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 80.

[803] Ibid., 80–83.

[804] Ibid., 82.

[805] Ibid., 21.

[806] Ibid., 22. Emphasis in the original.

[807] Ibid., 54.

[808] “Propahandyvni vkazivky,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 68, 26.

[809] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 18.

[810] Ibid., 19.

[811] Ibid., 19.

[812] Ibid., 22.

[813] Ibid., 22.

[814] Ibid., 57.

[815] Ibid., 23. Emphasis in the original.

[816] Ibid., 37.

[817] Ibid., 38.

[818] Ibid., 38.

[819] Rolf-Dieter Müller, An der Seite der Wehrmacht: Hitlers ausländische Helfer beim “Kreuzzug gegen den Bolschewismus” 1941–1945 (Berlin: Links, 2007), 194; Alexander Dallin, German Rule in Russia 1941–1945. A Study of Occupation Policies (London: Macmillan, 1957), 115.

[820] Andreas Kappeler, “Hans Koch (1894–1959), “in Osteuropäische Geschichte in Wien. 100 Jahre Forschung und Lehre an der Universität, ed. Arnold Suppan, Marija Wakounig, Georg Kastner (Innsbruck: Studien Verlag, 2007), 243; Philipp-Christian Wachs, Der Fall Theodor Oberländer (1909–1998): Ein Lehrstück deutscher Geschichte (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2000), 55–71.

[821] Kappeler, Hans Koch, 243; Ray Brandon, “Hans Koch,” in Handbuch der völkischen Wissenschaften, ed. Ingo Haar and Michael Fahlbusch (Munich: K. G. Saur, 2008), 329–32.

[822] Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:293–94.

[823] “Pokazaniia byvshego nachal’nika otdela abvera Berlinskogo okruga polkovnika Ervina Shtol’tse, 29. 05. 1945,” Aleksandr Diukov, Vtorostepennyi vrag: OUN, UPA i reshenie “evreiskogo voprosa” (Moscow: Regnum, 2008), 124; “Protokol dopytu zaareshtovanoho nimets’koho polkovnyka Ervina Shtol’tse shchodo kontaktiv z OUN,” HDA SBU f. 10876, spr. 372, vol. 1, 134, 144–50 in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:320–21. According to Stolze, Bandera deposited a considerable part of the money that he received from the Abwehr in a Swiss account.

[824] Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 74; Patryliak, Viis’kova diial’nist’, 274–88.

[825] Klymyshyn, for example, mentions meeting such a Ukrainian soldier working in the Abwehr. See Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:322–23. For the recruitment of Ukrainians for the Abwehr, see Andrii Bolianovs’kyi, Ukraїns’ki viis’kovi formuvannia v zbroinykh sylakh Nimechchyny (1939–1945) (Lviv: L’vivs’kyi natsional’nyi universytet im. Ivana Franka, 2003), 53–54.

[826] For Shukhevych, see Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 289, 298. The Security Police school in Zakopane was established in December 1939, the academies in Cracow, Chełmn, and Rabka in mid-1940, in Chełmn in December 1940. Cf. Finder, Collaboration in Eastern Galicia, 103. For the SB, see Stephen Dorril, MI6. Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty’s Secret Intelligence Service (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002), 226.

[827] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 81; Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 1:297–301; Interrogation of Anton Bodnar, 5–8.03.1945, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 4, 155.

[828] The OUN-B activist Tymish Semchyshyn provided the number of about 800 during an interrogation. Cf. Interrogation of Tymish Semchyshyn, 28 October 1944, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 1, 145. Grzegorz Motyka estimated 750 to 1,200 members in the task forces. Cf. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 93. Roman Ilnytzkyi, a historian who was in the OUN-B, claimed that there were 4,000 people in the task forces after the OUN-B activists and sympathizers in Ukraine had joined them. See Roman Ilnytzkyi, Deutschland und die Ukraine 1934–1945. Tatsachen europäischer Politik (Munich: UNI, 1958), 2:143. Vasyl’ Shchehliuk, who published the memoirs of the OUN-B member Luka Pavlyshyn wrote that there were 9,000 people in the task forces. Cf. Vasyl’ Shchehliuk, “Iak rosa na sontsi”: Politychnyi roman-khronika, napysanyi na osnovi spohadiv kolyshn’oho diiacha OUN-UPA L. S. Pavlyshyna (Lviv: Feniks, 1992), 50.

[829] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 81–82.

[830] “Zahal’nyi ohliad,” not earlier than August 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 45, 1–2.

[831] Ibid., 1.

[832] Patryliak, Viis’kova, 181.

[833] Interrogation of Shymon Turchanovych, 21 October 1944, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 1, 84

[834] TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 45, 2.

[835] Ibid., 2.

[836] Bohdan Kazanivs’kyi, Shliakhom Legendy: Spomyny (London: Ukraїns’ka Vydavnycha Spilka, 1975), 118.

[837] Shchehliuk, “Iak rosa, 48.

[838] Ibid., 47.

[839] Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 437; Gross, Revolution from Abroad, 71; Timothy Snyder, Bloodlands. Europe between Hitler and Stalin (New York: Basic Books, 2010), 128.

[840] Gross, Revolution from Abroad, 63, 127.

[841] Mick, Incompatible Experiences, 341. For the Lviv University, see Jan Draus, Uniwersytet Jana Kazimierza we Lwowie 1918–1946. Portret kresowej uczelni (Cracow: Księgarnia Akademicka, 2007), 75–88. For the Lviv city soviet, see Yones, Smoke in the Sand, 48.

[842] Mick, “Incompatible Experiences,” 341.

[843] Gross, Revolution from Abroad, xiv; Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 441, 444. For more details based on NKVD documents about the number of deported persons, see http://www.sciesielski.republika.pl/
sov-dep/polacy/liczdep.html (accessed 7 September 2010).

[844] Depositions of Leo Fedoruk, Omelian Matla, Nadia Koraltowycz, Bogdan Kazaniwskyj, Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv Freiburg (BA-MA), RW 2/148, 331–34, 342–45, 353–54, 355–60.

[845] Snyder, Bloodlands, 21‒118.

[846] Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 14.

[847] Johann Druschbach, a professor from Kiev who worked with the NKVD in Lviv, heard this number as he was escaping from Lviv to Kiev in an NKVD airplane on 28 June, together with thirteen high Soviet officials. Cf. Interrogation of Johann Druschbach, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 72. The German authorities estimated 3,000 corpses and shortly afterward, 3,500. Cf. Hans Heer, “Einübung in den Holocaust: Lemberg Juni/Juli 1941,” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft Vol. 49, No. 5 (2001): 410.

[848] Gross, Revolution from Abroad, xiv, 170–76, 178–86.

[849] Johann Druschbach, who was sent by Khrushchev in May 1941 from Kiev to Lviv where he stayed in the “palace” of the chief of the NKVD, testified to this in the Oberländer investigation. Cf. LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 71.

[850] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 85–86; Rusnachenko, Narod zburenyi, 209–10.

[851] Arsenych, Rodyna Banderiv, 11–12, 18, 65–66; “Spetsial’noe sobshchennie,” HDA SBU, f. 16, op. 33, spr. 36, 14–33, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1: 63. The NKVD shot at least 473 prisoners in Kiev. Cf. Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 16. About the NKVD agent “Ukrainets,” see “Spetsial’noe soobshchenie,” HDA SBU, f. 16, op. 33, spr. 36, 14–33, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:58–64.

[852] “Der Chef der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD, Schnellbrief, Berlin, den 21. Juni 1941,” PAAA, R 104151, 455483–455487. See also “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 11, 03.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 59.

[853] Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941, 158. Bandera stayed somewhere close to the former German-Soviet border. Lebed said in his biographical sketch for the CIA from 1952 that it was in Kholmshchyna. Cf. Mykola Lebed, Biographic Data, 18 May 1952, RG 263, ZZ-18, Box#80, NN3-263-02-008, Mykola Lebed Name File, vol. 1, 42.

[854] Carynnyk, Foes of our rebirth, 332.

[855] On 25 June 1941 the OUN-B activists attempted an insurrection, which was suppressed by the Soviet army. Cf. “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 10, 02.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 53; Investigation record of Emanuel Brand, 27 June 1960, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 3, 129.

[856] “Propahandyvni vkazivky,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 69, 26.

[857] Mykola S.-Chartoryis’kyi, Vid Sianu po Krym: Spomyny uchasnyka III pokhidnoї hrupy Pivden’ (New York: Hoverlia, 1951), 145.

[858] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pid chas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 32, 58.

[859] Iaroslav Stets’ko to Stepan Bandera, No. 13, 25 June 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 12, 10. On the antisemitism of the OUN-B leader Iaroslav Stets’ko, see Berkhoff, Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, 149–84; Martynovych, “Sympathy for the Devil,” 189. For the activities of the Ukrainian militia, see Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 46.

[860] BA, R 70 Sowjetunion/32, 391, in Peter Longerich and Dieter Pohl ed., Die Ermordung der europäischen Juden. Eine Umfassende Dokumentation des Holocausts (Munich: Piper, 1989), 118–19. See also Tomasz Szarota, U progu Zagłady: Zajścia antyżydowskie i pogromy w okupowanej Europie; Warszawa, Paryż, Amsterdam, Antwerpia, Kowno (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Sic!, 2000), 210–14.

[861] Sandkühler, “Endlösung” in Galizien, 116.

[862] According to German documents, the OUN-B also sent a group of 30 persons to Kiev with the task of proclaiming the OUN-B state there and announcing it on the radio. Cf. “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 20, 12.07.1941,” BAB R 58/214, 131.

[863] For Slovakia, see Yeshayahu Jelinek, The Parish Republic: Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party, 1939–1945 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 30, 46, 48. On Croatia, see Sabrina P. Ramet, “The NDH—An Introduction,” Totalitarian Movement and Political Religions, Vol. 7, No. 4 (2006): 399–406; Stanley G. Payne, “The NDH State in Comparative Perspective,” in Totalitarian Movement and Political Religions, Vol. 7, No. 4 (2006), 410–15.

[864] Volodymyr Stakhiv, “Seiner Exzellenz dem Herrn Deutschen Reichskanzler. Denkschrift der Organisation Ukrainischer Nationalisten zur Lösung der Ukrainischen Frage,” Bundesarchiv Koblenz (BAK), R 43 II /1500, 76.

[865] Pan’kivs’kyi, Roky nimets’koï okupatsiï, 13.

[866] Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 499. In 1931, 198,000 Polish speakers (63.5 percent) lived in Lviv, along with 75,300 (24.1 percent) Yiddish and Hebrew speakers, and 35,100 Ukrainian speakers (11.3 percent). The actual number of Jews and Ukrainians was higher than that of the Yiddish, Hebrew, and Ukrainian speakers because many Jews and Ukrainians spoke Polish. Grzegorz Mazur, who compared several estimates, came to the conclusion that in the interwar period 50 to 52 percent of Lviv inhabitants were Polish, 30 to 34 percent Jewish, and 12 to 16 percent Ukrainian. Cf. Mazur, Życie polityczne, 23.

[867] The Brandenburg 800 regiment was part of the Abwehr, which belonged to the Wehrmacht.

[868] Kazanivs’kyi, Shliakhom Legendy, 209.

[869] Interrogation of Friedrich Wilhelm Heinz, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 190.

[870] Cf. “Zvit ch. 5,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 12, 13; TsDAHO f. 57, op. 4, spr. 341, 3; Kurt Lewin, Przeżyłem. Saga Świętego Jura w roku 1946 (Warsaw: Zeszyty Literackie, 2006), 61; Lucyna Kulińska and Adam Roliński, Kwestia ukraińska i eksterminacja ludności polskiej w Małopolsce Wschodniej w świetle dokumentów Polskiego Państwa Podziemnego 1943–1944 (Cracow: Księgarnia Akademicka, 2004), 207.

[871] “Aufzeichnungen des Vortragenden Legationsrats Großkopf,” in Akten zur deutschen Auswärtigen Politik 1918–1945, Serie D, Band XIII, ed. Walter Bußmann (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1970), 167.

[872] Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 79–80.

[873] “Komunikat,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 6, 2.

[874] “Der Chef der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD, Schnellbrief, Berlin, den 21. Juni 1941,” PAAA, R 104151, 455487.

[875] Mykola Lebed, Biographic Data, 18 May 1952, RG 263, ZZ-18, Box#80, NN3-263-02-008, Mykola Lebed Name File, vol. 1, 42.

[876] “Akt proholoshennia ukraїns’koї derzhavy, 30.06.1941,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 5, 3.

[877] Ibid., 3.

[878] Slavko Vukčević, Zločini na jugoslovenskim prostorima u prvom i drugom svetskom ratu: Zločini Nezavisne Države Hrvatske, 1941–45, vol 1. (Belgrade: Vojnoistorijski institut, 1993), document 3 (the declaration). I am grateful to Per Rudling and Tomislac Dulić for this reference.

[879] Minutes of the proclamation ceremony on 30 June 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 4, 6, 7.

[880] “Aufzeichnungen des Vortragenden Legationsrats Großkopf,” in Akten zur deutschen Auswärtigen Politik 1918–1945, 167–68. See also “Rücksprache mit Prof. Dr. Koch am 10.07.1941,” BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, R 6 /150, 4–5; Kost’ Pan’kivs’kyi, Vid derzhavy do komitetu (New York and Toronto: Zhyttia i Mysli, 1957), 30–32.

[881] Myroslav Kal’ba, U lavakh druzhynnykiv (Denver: Vydannia Druzhyn Ukrains’kykh Natsionalistiv, 1982), 9–10; Information leaflet No. 1, 1 July 1941, BAB, NS 26/1198, 1.

[882] “Niederschrift über die Rücksprache mit den Mitgliedern des ukrainischen Nationalkomitees und Stepan Bandera vom 3. Juli 1941,” BAB, NS 26/1198, 1, 2, 12. For Iaroslav Starukh, see “Protokol doprosa obviniaemogo Vasiliia Okhrymovicha Ostapovicha, 06.01.1953,” HDA SBU f. 5, spr. 445, vol. 5, 12–16, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:388–89.

[883] “Niederschrift über die Rücksprache mit den Mitgliedern des ukrainischen Nationalkomitees und Stepan Bandera vom 3. Juli 1941,” BAB, NS 26/1198, 1–3. For Sheptyts’kyi’s pastoral letter, see “Pastyrs’kyi lyst mytropolyta A. Sheptyts’koho z nahody vidnovlennia Ukraїns’koi derzhavy,” in Ukraïns’ke derzhavotvorennia. Akt 30 chervnia 1941. Zbirnyk dokumentiv i materialiv, ed. Orest Dziuban (Lviv, Kiev: Piramida, 2001), 126.

[884] Interrogation of Ivan Hryn’okh, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 23; Hansjakob Stehle, “Sheptyts’kyi and the German Regime,” in Morality and Reality: The Life and Times of Andrei Sheptyts’kyi, ed. Paul Robert Magocsi (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, 1989), 127.

[885] At the time of the revolution there were at least 1,200 OUN-B members in Lviv who could have been included in the militia. Cf. “Zahal’nyi ohliad,” written not earlier than August 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 45, 1. The eyewitness Alfred Monaster commented that the Ukrainian militiamen “sprang up like mushrooms” in Lviv. Cf. AŻIH, 302/58, Alfred Monaster, 2.

[886] For Ravlyk, see Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941, 181–82. For recruitment, see Dmytro Honta, “Drukarstvo Zakhidnoï Ukraïny pidchas okupatsiï,” Konkurs na spohady, Oseredok Ukrainian Cultural and Educational Centre Winnipeg, 13–14. For the second OUN-B task force, which stayed in Lviv from 30 June to 11–12 July, see Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 149.

[887] Kazanivs’kyi, Shliakhom Legendy, 212–14.

[888] Depositions of Omelian Matla and Bogdan Kazaniwskyj; BA-MA, RW 2/148, 342–44, 355–60.

[889] Kazanivs’kyi, Shliakhom Legendy, 179.

[890] Ibid., 212–13.

[891] “Podiï na zakhidn’o-ukrains’kykh. Interviu z dots[entom]. d[okto]rom H.I. Baierom, Krakiv 5.7.1941,” in Ukraïns’ke derzhavotvorennia, ed. Dziuban, 153; Pan’kivs’kyi, Roky nimetskoï okupatsiï, 401.

[892] Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941, 256.

[893] “Podiï na zakhidn’o-ukrains’kykh,” in Ukraïns’ke derzhavotvorennia, ed. Dziuban, 153; Pan’kivs’kyi, Roky nimetskoï okupatsiï, 403. See also Rossoliński-Liebe, Der Verlauf und die Täter, 223.

[894] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pid chas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 62; Ivan Hymka (John-Paul Himka), “Dostovirnist’ svidchennia: reliatsia Ruzi Vagner pro L’vivskyi pohrom vlitku 1941,” Holokost i suchasnist’ 2, 4 (2008): 63–64.

[895] For yellow-and-blue armlets on the militiamen beating and murdering Jews, see Eliyahu Yones, Die Straße nach Lemberg: Zwangsarbeit und Widerstand in Ostgalizien 1941–1944, ed. Susanne Heim (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1999), 18–19; AŻIH, 301/4654, Henryk Szyper, 6; AŻIH, 301/1809, Janisław Korczyński, 1; AŻIH, 301/1864, Salomon Goldman, 1; AŻIH 229/22, Maurycy Allerhand, 1; AŻIH 301/3774, Salomon Hirschberg, 1; AŻIH, 301/1181, Lilith Stern, 2‒3; Testimony of Joanna H. in Bogdan Musiał, »Kontrrevolutionäre Elemente sind zu erschießen«: Brutalisierung des deutsch-sowjetischen Krieges im Sommer 1941 (Berlin: Propyläen, 2000), 176; Moritz Grünbart, “Das Blutbad von Lemberg. Ein Erlebnisbericht von Moritz Grünbart,” Der Spiegel, 11, 1960, 20–21; Interrogation of Moritz Grünbart, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 180–81.

[896] Interrogation of Cornelius von Hovora, 29 February 1960, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 215; Interrogation of Emanuel Brand, 27 June 1960, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 3, 129; “Der Oberstaatsanwalt,” LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 5, l6.

[897] The report of Mykola Mostovych from 31 September 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 71.

[898] See for example the recruitment of Volodymyr Panasiuk, a Volhynian who was trained as a militiaman by Ukrainian nationalists from Galicia, in Upravlinnia Sluzhby Bezpeky Ukraïny v Rivens’kii oblasti (USB v Rivens’kii oblasti), No. 19090, t. 3, 3, 3v, 100, 101, or USHMM, RG, 31.018M, reel 20. On the militia, see also Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 46.

[899] Interrogation of Johann Druschbach, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 72. Druschbach heard this number from senior NKVD officers with whom he flew from Lviv to Kiev on 28 June 1941.

[900] “Wahrnehmung über die bolschewistischen Bluttaten in Lemberg vom 7.7.1941,” BA-MA, RH 26/454/6b, 2. Other documents mention 4,000. Cf. “Das Ukrainische Rote Kreuz, 7.7.1941,” BA-MA, RW 2/148, 373.

[901] Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 469.

[902] Depositions of Leo Fedoruk, Omelian Matla, Josefa Soziada, Ludwik Pisarek, Bogdan Kazaniwskyj, Anna Domin, Edward Chruslicki, Rosalie Sobonkiewicz, Richard Eckl, BA-MA, RW 2/148, 331–34, 342–45, 346–49, 355–66, 367–69.

[903] Interrogation of Dr. Georg Saeltzer, BA-MA, RW 2/148, 340; AŻIH, 301/54, Rózia Wagner, 1.

[904] “Darstellung der Ereignisse 30.06.1941, 15 Uhr,” BA-MA, RH/24/49/8, 174; Interrogation of Dr. Georg Saeltzer on 6. July 1941,” BA-MA, RW 2/148, 339; Heer, Einübung in den Holocaust, 410. On this question, see also Sandkühler, “Endlösung” in Galizien, 303. Zygmunt Albert, assistant of a Polish physician, did not see signs of torture on the corpses in Lviv. Cf. Hryciuk, Polacy we Lwowie 1939–1944. Życie codzienne (Warsaw: Książka i Wiedza, 2000), 190.

[905] “Vernehmung von zwei ukrainischen Überläufern, 28. Juni 1941,” BA-MA RH 26/100/36, 111.

[906] Interrogation of Erwin Schulz, 1 August 1958, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 4, 124; “Der Oberstaatsanwalt,” LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 5, 44.

[907] For the course of the Lviv pogrom, see Himka, The Lviv Pogrom of 1941, 209–43; Rossoliński-Liebe, Der Verlauf und die Täter, 207–43

[908] “Wahrnehmung über die bolschewistischen Bluttaten in Lemberg vom 7.7.1941,” BA-MA, RH 26/454/6b, 1; “Darstellung der Ereignisse 30.06.1941,” BA-MA, RH 24/49/8, 176.

[909] “Feldpostbrief Eugen Meyding, 30.06.1941,” LG Fulda 20 283/59, quoted in Heer, “Einübung in den Holocaust,” 411.

[910] Interrogation of Hans Schmidt, 29 June 1960, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, Bd. 2, 209‒10.

[911] The Secret Field Police noticed in Lviv on 30 June that Ukrainians claimed that the dead prisoners were martyrs who suffered for Ukraine and should be avenged. They were offended by the proposal to investigate this crime. Cf. “Wahrnehmung über die bolschewistischen Bluttaten in Lemberg vom 7.7.1941,” BA-MA, RH 26/454, 6b.

[912] For the number of Jews in the top ranks of the Soviet NKVD, see N. V. Petrov and K. V. Skorkin ed., Kto rukovodil NKVD 1934–1941 (Moscow: Zvenia, 1999), 495. On 1 October 1936, the leadership group of the NKVD included 33 Russians (30 percent of the total), 43 Jews (39 percent), 6 Ukrainians (5 percent). On 1 September 1938 there were 85 Russians (57 percent), 32 Jews (21 percent), 10 Ukrainians (7 percent). On 26 February 1941 there were 118 Russians (65 percent), 10 Jews (5 percent), 28 Ukrainians (15 percent). For Jews in the NKVD prisons, see Interrogation of Moritz Grünbart, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 177–78.

[913] Lewin, Przeżyłem, 60–61.

[914] Stefan Szende, Der letzte Jude aus Polen (Zürich: Europa Verlag, 1945), 179.

[915] Murdered prisoners were also found in a fourth prison on Jachowicza Street (Akademika Romana Kuchera Street). For Ukrainian militiamen with cudgels intruding into a Jewish house, forcing the whole family outside, and transporting Jews to prisons, while beating and mistreating them, see Interrogation of Fritz Spod, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 39. For taking Jews to the Brygidki prison, see Lewin, Przeżyłem, 57–58. For forcing Jews to crawl, see Hryciuk, Polacy we Lwowie, 204. For herding Jews together to the prison in Łąckiego Street, see Rogowski, “Lwów pod znakiem swastyki,” ZNiO, syg. 16710/II, 56–57. For Ukrainian militia taking Jews to the Brygidki prison, see AŻIH, 301/4626, Anna Maria Peiper, 1. For stopping Jews in the streets, see AŻIH, 229/54, Teka Lwowska, Gold, 2; Yones, Die Straße nach Lemberg, 18–19.

[916] On being forced to wash the corpses and kiss their hands, see Hryciuk, Polacy we Lwowie, 204.

[917] Lewin, Przeżyłem, 58–59.

[918] AŻIH, 301/2299, Herman Kac, 1. Kac was mistaken in his recollection of the date of the event. He thought it was on 20 July 1941. His narrative suggests that it was 1 July 1941.

[919] Lewin, Przeżyłem, 59–62.

[920] AŻIH, 301/1794, Stefania Cang-Schutzman, 1‒2.

[921] AŻIH, 229/54, Teka Lwowska, Gold, 4.

[922] AŻIH, 302/58, Alfred Monaster, 13‒14.

[923] AŻIH, 301/2242, Zygmunt Tune, 1–2. See also AŻIH, 301/54, Rózia Wagner, 3.

[924] Interrogation of Irena Feinsilber, 29 June 1960, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 3, 157.

[925] Interrogation of Hans Schmidt, 29 June 1960, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 211. See also Hryciuk, Polacy we Lwowie, 204‒5.

[926] Yad Vashem Archives (YVA )-O.33/251, Izydor Ferber, 1–3, in Witold Mędykowski, “Pogromy 1941 roku na terytorium byłej okupacji sowieckiej (Bukowina, wschodnie województwa RP, państwa bałtyckie) w relacjach żydowskich,” in Świat nie pożegnany, ed. Krzysztof Jasiewicz (Warsaw: Instytut Studiów Politycznych, 2004), 783.

[927] AŻIH, 302/217, Kazimiera Poraj, 3.

[928] Interrogation of Friedrich Brüggemann and Cornelius von Hovora, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 85, 216.

[929] AŻIH, 301/3510, Felicja Heller, 1.

[930] YVA-O.33/251, Izydor Ferber, 1–3, in Mędykowski, Pogromy 1941, 783.

[931] Interrogation of Friedrich Brüggemann, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 85.

[932] Interrogation of Hermann Teske, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 4.

[933] Jacob Gerstenfeld-Maltiel, My Private War: One Man’s Struggle to Survive the Soviets and the Nazis (London: Mitchell, 1993), 54.

[934] Heer, Einübung in den Holocaust, 419.

[935] Autobiographies of well-known OUN members, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 57, 16.

[936] Interrogation of Friedrich Midellhauve, Ivan Hryn’okh, Otto Rogenbuck, Theodor Oberländer, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 14, 22, 77, 223.

[937] For the testimonies identifying Nachtigall, see AŻIH, 301/2242, Zygmunt Tune, 1; Lewin, Przeżyłem, 61.

[938] For Łąckiego Street, see Interrogation of Abraham Goldberg, 28 June 1960, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 3, 139. For Brygidki, see Interrogation of Maurycy Reiss, 30 June 1960, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 3, 169; Interrogation of Eliyahu Jones, 28 June 1960, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 3, 150.

[939] “Abschrift aus dem Bericht der Gruppe GFP 711, Juli 1941,” BA-MA, RW 2/148, 379.

[940] Autobiographies of well-known OUN members, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 57, 17; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 150. This soldier was Viktor Khar’kiv “Khmara,” see Patryliak, Viis’kova, 361–62.

[941] Interrogation of Theodor Oberländer, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 223.

[942] See for example Interrogation of Friedrich Wilhelm Heinz, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 192.

[943] “Der Oberstaatsanwalt,” LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 5, 42; “Der leitende Oberstaatsanwalt,” LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 14, 181–82. The second company of the Nachtigall received the order to secure the prisons. Cf. “Der Oberstaatsanwalt,” LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 5, 39–40.

[944] “Der leitende Oberstaatsanwalt,” LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 14, 181–82.

[945] Interrogation of Ivan Hryn’okh, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 23.

[946] AŻIH, 301/1737, Wilek Markiewicz, 2.

[947] Musiał, Konterrevolutionäre Elemente, 177.

[948] Alizia Rachel Hadar, The Princess Elnasari (Heinemann: London, 1963), 16.

[949] AŻIH, 302/217, Kazimiera Poraj, 6.

[950] The movies that show the violent scenes of the pogrom are Deutsche Wochenschau—No. 566/29, 10.07.1941 and USHMM Film Archive, tape 402, RG-60.0441. I am grateful to John-Paul Himka for showing me these movies. The collection of the photographs is in the possession of the Wiener Library. Some of them were published in Ivan Khymka (Himka), “Dostovirnist’ svidchennia,” 53–60. See also the Interrogation of Horst Haimer Sternberger, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 2, 123; Interrogation of Irena Feinsilber, 29 June 1960, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 3, 158.

[951] For rapes, see AŻIH, 302/58, Alfred Monaster, 13–14. Cang-Schutzman’s sister, five months pregnant, was kicked in the stomach and lost the child. Cf. AŻIH, 301/1794, Stefania Cang-Schutzman, 2. Another woman, six months pregnant, died after mistreatment. Cf. Interrogation of Irena Feinsilber, 29 June 1960, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 3, 158.

[952] AŻIH, 302/58, Alfred Monaster, 14‒15.

[953] For Felix Landau, see Felix Landau’s diary, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 12, 29–30. See also Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 68–69; Heer, Einübung in den Holocaust, 424–25; Sandkühler, “Endlösung” in Galizien, 117–18.

[954] AŻIH, 302/26, Lejb Wieliczkier, 8–12; 301/1864, Salomon Goldman, 1–5; AŻIH, 301/230, Jakub Dentel, 2. Dentel misdated the events in his 1945 written testimony.

[955] Maria Sporrerand Herbert Steiner, eds., Simon Wiesenthal. Ein unbequemer Zeitgenosse (Vienna: Orac, 1992), 34; ShoahFoundation, 36104 Simon Wiesenthal, 141.

[956] Yones, Die Straße nach Lemberg, 24–25.

[957] Hryciuk, Polacy we Lwowie, 205.

[958] AŻIH, 301/4654, Henryk Szyper, 12‒3; AŻIH, 302/26, Lejb Wieliczkier, 13‒21; Yones, Smoke, 81‒84; AŻIH, 301/230, Jakub Dentel, 2.

[959] Gerstenfeld-Maltiel, My Private War, 54.

[960] Yones, Smoke in the Sand, 83.

[961] Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 61; Yones, Smoke in the Sand, 81.

[962] Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 473.

[963] AŻIH, 302/58, Alfred Monaster, 9.

[964] Szarota, U progu Zagłady, 31–32.

[965] Musiał, Kontrrevolutionäre Elemente, 244.

[966] Yones, Die Straße nach Lemberg, 20–21; Lewin, Przeżyłem, 58–61; AŻIH, 301/1737, Markiewicz Wilek, 2.

[967] Yones, Die Straße nach Lemberg, 20–21.

[968] See for example AŻIH, 301/770, Markus Auschheim, 1. Also the testimony of Salomon Hirschberg for the pogrom in Ternopil’ AŻIH 301/3774, Salomon Hirschberg, 1.

[969] Interrogation of Emanuel Brand, LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 3, 15.

[970] Honta, Drukarstvo Zakhidnoï Ukraïny, 13–14.

[971] AŻIH, 301/230, Jakub Dentel, 1.

[972] AŻIH, 301/98, Maksymilian Boruchowicz, 3–4.

[973] Hadar, The Princess Elnasari, 16.

[974] Pan’kivs’kyi, Vid derzhavy, 35; For Jozef Szrager, see Yones, Smoke in the Sand, 80, quoting Jozef Szrager, YVA, 0-3/4013.

[975] Ievhen Nakonechnyi, “Shoa” u L’vovi (Lviv: Piramida, 2006), 112–13, 115.

[976] Rogowski, “Lwów pod znakiem swastyki,” ZNiO, syg. 16710/II, 56.

[977] On Polish pogromists, see also Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 470. On the pogrom in 1918, see William W. Hagen, “The Moral Economy of Ethnic Violence: The Pogrom in Lwów, November 1918,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft Vol. 31, No. 2 (2005): 203‒26. On the pogroms in north-eastern Poland in 1941, see Andrzej Żbikowski, “Pogroms in Northeastern Poland—Spontaneous Reaction and German Instigation,” in Shared History—Divided Memory: Jews and Others in Soviet-Occupied Poland, 1939–1941, ed. Elazar Barkan, Elizabeth A. Cole, and Kai Struve (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2007), 315–54.

[978] Zygmunt Albert, ed., Kaźń profesorów lwowskich lipiec 1941 (Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 1989), 48–52; LN-W, Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 5, 46–47; Draus, Uniwersytet Jana Kazimierza, 110, 118. Several hundred Polish students were also arrested and held at the headquarters of the Ukrainian militia and in a prison under German administration. About a hundred of them were murdered. See Hryciuk, Polacy we Lwowie, 193.

[979] Volchuk, Spomyny, 89–90.

[980] “Ukraïntsi! Seliany! Robitnyky!,” L’vivs’ka Natsional’na Biblioteka (LNB), 299, 421s, 1, quoted in Carynnyk, Foes of our rebirth, 341.

[981] Some of the posters are in the collection of TsDAVOV. See TsDAVOV f. 3822, op. 1, spr. 63, 12–13, 112–14. See also Eliyahu Jones, Żydzi Lwowscy w okresie okucpacji 1939–1945 (Łódź: Oficyna Bibliofilów, 1999), 46.

[982] “Ukraїns’kyi Narode!” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 1, 181.

[983] Honta, Drukarstvo Zakhidnoï Ukraïny, 14–16.

[984] AŻIH, 302/58, Alfred Monaster, 2, 6.

[985] Before he was forced to salute he was also beaten severely in an “interrogation” by two militiamen. Cf. AŻIH, 229/26, J. Berman, 4.

[986] Lewin, Przeżyłem, 64–65.

[987] AŻIH, 302/58, Alfred Monaster, 21–22.

[988] Szende, Der letzte Jude, 180.

[989] Lewin, Przeżyłem, 64–65.

[990] “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 1, 77–80.

[991] Rogowski, “Lwów pod znakiem swastyki,” ZNiO, syg. 16710/II, 10.

[992] Volchuk, Spomyny, 90.

[993] AŻIH, 301/4654, Henryk Szyper, 6–7. For Polians’kyi, see Andrzej Żbikowski ed., Archiwum Ringelbluma: Relacje z Kresów, (Warsaw: ANTA, 2000), 3:507.

[994] An anonymous report of a refugee from Warsaw about the murder of Jews in Lviv, 8 December 1941, Żbikowski, Archiwum, 3:721.

[995] “Der Oberstaatsanwalt,” Staatsanwaltschaft Bonn, Rep 350. vol. 5, 15.

[996] Yones, Die Straße nach Lemberg, 18–19.

[997] Letter to the Führer [sic] of Fascist Italy Benito Mussolini in Rome, 3 July 1941, Letter to General Francisco Franco, 3 July 1941, Letter to the Poglavnik of the Independent Croatian State Dr. Ante Pavelić, 3 July 1941, Letter to the Führer und Reichskanzler des Grossdeutschen Reiches Adolf Hitler, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 22, 1–3.

[998] TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 3, spr. 7, 26. The letter arrived on 27 July 1941. Cf. BAK, R 43 II/1500, E292958.

[999] List of deputies of the Ukrainian government abroad, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 10, 4.

[1000] Zločini Nezavisne Države Hrvatske, 1941–45 (Belgrade: Vojnoistorijski institut, 1993), document 4 (the telegram). I am grateful to Per Rudling and Tomislac Dulić for information about the letter from Kvaternik to Hitler.

[1001] “Postanova ch.” 1 signed by Iaroslav Stets’ko, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 6, 1.

[1002] “Sklad Ukraїns’koho Derzhavnoho Pravlinnia,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 10, 1–2.

[1003] “Ereignismeldungen UdSSR, Nr. 12, 04.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 69. On the Council of Elders, see also “Zvit, 22.7.1941,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 3; Pan’kivs’kyi, Vid derzhavy, 41; Interrogation of Mykhailo Stepaniak, GARF f. R-9478, op. 1, del. 136, 36–38.

[1004] “Prysiaha Ukraїns’koї Rady Sen’ioriv u L’vovi adresovana Stepanovi Banderi, 22.7.1941,” HDA SBU, spr. 10876, vol. 4, 40–41, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:148–50.

[1005] The archivists called the document “Copy of the minutes of the meeting of the Administration of Ukraine.” Cf. TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 9, 1–12. Marco Carynnyk believes it was the Council of Elders. Cf. Carynnyk, Foes of our rebirth, 338. The date of the document confirms the assumption that it may have been the Council of Elders.

[1006] Copy of the minutes of the meeting of the Ukrainian State Administration, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 9, 1–4.

Ibid., 1. For a very similar statement about dealing with the “non-Ukrainians” in “Ukraine,” see “Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pidchas viiny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 69, 36.

[1007] “Komunikat,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 6, 2.

[1008] Petliura’s personal responsibility for the pogroms committed by the troops of which he was in charge seems to be limited. Cf. Abramson, A Prayer for, 139.

[1009] AŻIH, 301/230, Jakub Dentel, 2.; AŻIH, 301/1864, Salomon Goldman, 5; AŻIH, 301/4654, Henryk Szyper, 14; AŻIH, 301/1584, Izak Weiser, 1; AŻIH, 302/26, Lejb Wieliczkier, 21; AŻIH, 301/4944, Jan Badian, 1–6; AŻIH, 301/1117, Leonard Zimmerman, 1; AŻIH, 301/1801, Henryk Baldinger, 1–4; AŻIH, 301/2278, Lucyna Halbersberg, 1; AŻIH, 301/18, Ryszard Rydner, 1.

[1010] Gerstenfeld-Maltiel, My Private War, 60.

[1011] “Kriegs-Erinnerungen des General der Infanterie Karl von Roques aus der ersten Zeit des Ostfeldzuges 1941, I. Teil” BA-MA, N 152/10, 10.

[1012] Jones, Żydzi Lwowscy, 53. Jacob Gerstenfeld-Maltiel wrote that, according to Judenrat documents, 18,000 to 20,000 Jews disappeared by the end of the “Petliura days.” Cf. Gerstenfeld-Maltiel, My Private War, 61. Ryszard Rydner mentioned 15,000 victims. See AŻIH, 301/18, Ryszard Rydner, 1.

[1013] Andzej Żbikowski, “Lokalne pogromy Żydów w czerwcu i lipcu 1941 r. na wschodnich rubieżach II Rzeczypospolitej,” Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego Vol. 162–163, No. 2–3 (1992): 12–13; Aharon Weiss, “The Holocaust and the Ukrainian Victims,” in A Mosaic of Victims. Non-Jews Persecuted and Murdered by the Nazis, ed. Michael Berenbaum (New York: New York University Press, 1990), 110; Jeffrey Kopstein, Draft paper prepared for the Experts Roundtable on the Second World War in Ukraine, organized by the Ukrainian Jewish Encounter Initiative in partnership with the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, held in Potsdam (Cecilienhof) and Berlin, June 27–30, 2011, 1; Kai Struve, “Rites of Violence? The Pogroms of Summer 1941,” Polin. Studies in Polish Jewry 24 (2012): 268.

[1014] Dieter Pohl, “Anti-Jewish Pogroms in Western Ukraine,” in Shared History, ed. Barkan, 306. For pogroms in Volhynia, see Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 56–57; Snyder, The Life and Death, 90–93.

[1015] Alexander Kruglov, “Jewish Losses in Ukraine, 1941–1944,” in Shoah in Ukraine, ed. Brandon, 274.

[1016] Shlomo Wolkowicz, Das Grab bei Zloczow: Geschichte meines Überlebens; Galizien 1939–1945 (Berlin: Wichern-Verlag, 1996), 41–52; Bernd Boll, “Zloczow, Juli 1941: Die Wehrmacht und der Beginn des Holocaust in Galizien,” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft Vol. 50 (2002): 905–14; Marco Carynnyk, “Zolochiv movchyt’,” Krytyka Vol. 96, No. 10 (2005): 14–17. For the OUN-B posters and leaflets, see “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, 16.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 195.

[1017] Cf. the testimony of Basar Zwi AŻIH, 301/1038, Basar Zwi, 1. Another survivor, Salomon Hirschberg, mentions ten days. Cf. AŻIH, 301/3774, Salomon Hirschberg, 6.

[1018] AŻIH, 301/3551, Sara Frydman, 1–2. Salomon Hirschberg also mentions this meeting. Cf. AŻIH, 301/3774, Salomon Hirschberg, 1.

[1019] AŻIH, 301/3551, Sara Frydman, 2–3.

[1020] Ibid., 2.

[1021] Franzl’s letter from Ternopil’ to his parents in Vienna written on 6 July 1941, BA-MA, RW4/442a.

[1022] AŻIH, 301/3774, Salomon Hirschberg, 1–2.

[1023] Salomon Hirschberg mentions the list, see AŻIH, 301/3774, Salomon Hirschberg, 6. Basar Zwi mentions 5,000 killed by shooting during the pogrom. Cf. AŻIH, 301/1038, Basar Zwi, 1.

[1024] Sandkühler, “Endlösung” in Galizien, 120.

[1025] For burning Jews in barns, see AŻIH, 301/176, Gina Wieser, 2. For Jedwabne, see Gross, Neighbors.

[1026] For establishing the militia in other localities by the local OUN-B members, see Chartoryis’kyi, Vid Sianu po Krym, 48. The picture of a German officer and two men in plain clothes at the podium is printed in Vitalii Cherednychenko, Natsionalizm proty natsiї (Kiev: Politvydav Ukraïny, 1970), 93. For the date and the course of this event, see “Rezoliutsiї,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 15. For a picture of a Nazi officer and a Ukrainian nationalist making a fascist salute on the platform, see Sabrin, Alliance for Murder, 168.

[1027] “Propaganda Instruction No. 1,” TsDAVOV f. 4620, op. 3, spr. 379, 34.

[1028] “Instruktsiia propahandy ch. 1,” TsDAVOV f. 4620, op. 3, spr. 379, 34. For pictures and descriptions of triumphal arches, see Grelka, Die ukrainische Nationalbewegung, 256; Testimony of Jerzy Krasowski, KAW, II/737, 25; Cherednychenko, Natsionalizm, 93; the cover of Diukov, Vtorostepennyi vrag; Testimony of Jerzy Krasowski, KAW, II/737, 25.

[1029] “Volynshchyna i Rivenshchyna,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 72.

[1030] Chartoryis’kyi, Vid Sianu po Krym, 42. Emphasis in the original.

[1031] Michał Sobków, “Rozdroże narodów. W Koropcu,” Karta. Niezależne Pismo Historyczne 16 (1995): 79–80.

[1032] “Ereignismeldungen UdSSR, Berlin, 17.07.1941, Nr. 25,” BAB R58/214, 202.

[1033] “Instruktsiia propahandy ch. 1,” TsDAVOV f. 4620, op. 3, spr. 379, 34.

[1034] Interrogation of Pavlo Andreevich Luchko, 21 January 1947, USHMM RG-31.018M, reel 31, HDA SB f. 5, spr. 26874, 184, 187.

[1035] “Nakaz, ch. 3, 1.8.1941,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 3, 12.

[1036] Stepan Mechnyk, Pochatok nevidomoho: Spohady 1945–1954 (Munich: Ukraїns’ke vydavnytstvo, 1984), 14.

[1037] “Uchyteli Ukraïntsi!,” TsDAHOU f. 57, op. 4, spr. 370, 25, quoted in Carynnyk, Foes of our rebirth, 341.

[1038] Dziuban, ed., Ukraïns’ke derzhavotvorennia, 126.

[1039] Lewin, Przeżyłem, 28.

[1040] Renata Kessler, ed., The Wartime Diary of Edmund Kessler (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2010), 34.

[1041] “Zvit pro robotu v spravi orhanizatsiї derzhavnoї administratsiї na tereni Zakhidnykh Oblastei Ukraїny,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 4.

[1042] “Lyst Mytr. Andreia Sheptyts’koho do p. Polkovnyka Andryia Mel’nyka,” in Rohatyns’ke slovo, Rohatyn, 26 July 1941, 3.

[1043] Zhanna Kovba, ed., Mytropolyt Andrei Sheptyts’kyi: Dokumenty i materialy 1941–1944 (Kiev: Dukh i Litera, 2003), 38.

[1044] “Sprawozdanie Sytuacyjne z Ziem Wschodnich za pierwszy kwartał 1943 r.,” in Ziemie Wschodnie: Raporty Biura Wschodniego Delegatury Rządu na Kraj 1943–1944, ed. Mieczysław Adamczyk, Janusz Gmitruk and Adam Koseski (Warsaw: Muzeum Historii Polskiego Ruchu Ludowego, 2005), 45.

[1045] For Sheptyts’kyi, see Szymon Redlich, “Moralność i rzeczywistość: Metropolita Andriej Szeptycki i Żydzi w czasach Holokaustu i II wojny światowej,” Zagłada Żydów. Studia i materiały 4 (2008): 241–59.

[1046] Lewin, Przeżyłem, 27, 118–19.

[1047] AŻIH 302/105, Markus Willbach, 22–23; AŻIH 301/1434, Izak Plat and Sabina Charasz, 2–3.

[1048] AŻIH 302/105, Markus Willbach, 24.

[1049] AŻIH, 301/2145, Matylda Gelerntner, 1.

[1050] AŻIH, 301/2146, Ellen Pressler, 1–3.

[1051] Sobków, Rozdroże narodów, 78.

[1052] “Zvit, ch. 5,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 12, 13. For Rebet and Starukh in this group, see Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 89.

[1053] AŻIH 301/1612, Nadel Chaim, 1–2; AŻIH 301/1613, Rachela Scheer, 1; 301/1614, Jakub Sauerbrunn, 1. AŻIH 301/1912, Izrael Manber, 1–3.

[1054] AŻIH 301/1912, Izrael Manber, 2–3; AŻIH 301/1612, Nadel Chaim, 1–2; AŻIH 301/1614, Jakub Sauerbrunn, 1.

[1055] AŻIH 301/1616, Jonas Beer, Włodzimierz Hochberg, 1; AŻIH 301/1613, Rachela Scheer, 1. Other survivors remembered 26 June as the day when the Germans came to Iavoriv, see AŻIH 301/1912, Izrael Manber, 4. Some of the Jews who left Iavoriv to escape from the Germans came back after a few days.

[1056] Shmuel Spector estimated that about 12,000 to 13,000 Jews, or only about 5 percent of the Jewish population, escaped from Volhynia. Cf. Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 55. Probably even fewer Jews fled from eastern Galicia. See Yehuda Bauer, The Death of the Shtetl (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), 61.

[1057] AŻIH 301/1616, Jonas Beer, Włodzimierz Hochberg, 1; AŻIH 301/1912, Izrael Manber, 4.

[1058] “Zvit, ch. 5,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 12, 5, 13.

[1059] Ibid., 13.

[1060] Ibid., 13.

[1061] “Zvit Ostapa Dotsmana,” “Druzhe Verhun,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 12, 14‒15; Interrogation of Vladymyr Lohvynovych, 4 July 1944, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 1, 3.

[1062] “Kriegs-Erinnerungen des General der Infanterie Karl von Roques aus der ersten Zeit des Ostfeldzuges 1941, I. Teil,” BA-MA Freiburg, N 152/10, 4–5.

[1063] “Tagesmeldung, 2.7.1941,” BA-MA, RH 26/454/6a, 1–2.

[1064] Mechnyk, Pochatok, 12–13.

[1065] Haim Tal, The Fields of Ukraine: A 17-Year-Old’s Survival of Nazi Occupation; The Story of Yosef Laufer (Denver: Dallci Press, 2009), 4.

[1066] “Sviato proholoshennia Ukraїns’koї Derzhavy v Stanislavovi, 12 i 13 VII 1941 r.,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 45.

[1067] For the militiamen at the ceremony, see ibid., 45. On the OUN complaining about the friendly attitude of the Hungarian army to Poles and Jews, see “Vidnosyny na Hutsul’shchyni!” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 74. On preventing pogroms by the Hungarian army, see Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 65–66; Mędykowski, W cieniu gigantów, 283–86. For a small pogrom in Stanislaviv, see AŻIH, 302/135, Julian Feuerman, 2. For the OUN-B also complaining about the Slovaks who did not discriminate against Poles and Jews as the OUN-B demanded, see “Vid povitovoho OUN v Mykolaїvi,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 12, 23.

[1068] “Sviato proholoshennia,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 45.

[1069] “Zvit z pivnichno-zakhidnykh ukraїns’kykh zemel,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 7v. Similar manifestations took place in other localities. Cf. TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 7. For a similar manifestation in Lublin, see “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 20, 12.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 131.

[1070] “Akt prohloshennia Ukrains’koi derzhavy,” Samostiina Ukraina, 10 July 1941, 1; “Sviatochna akademiia,” Ukrains’ke slovo, 24 July 1941, 1.

[1071] TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 29, 1. Emphasis in the original. The text of the letter from the village of Rudnyky was used with small modifications in letters from such places as Omel’no, Kulikovychi, Iavlon’ka, Raznyi, and Tel’chi. See TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 29, 1, 4–5.

[1072] “Zaiava do Uriadu Iaroslava Stets’ka,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 31, 1.

[1073] Resolution from the village of Elblanivka, 13 July 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 29, 2–3.

[1074] Letter from the village of Ksaverivka, 19 July 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 29, 13.

[1075] Letter from Steniatyn to Adolf Hitler, 19 July 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 31, 36.

[1076] Letter from the village Ksaverivka to Iaroslav Stets’ko, 18 July 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 29, 9.

[1077] TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 29, 13–14. A list of eighty signatures is affixed to the letter. The same letter was also addressed to Iaroslav Stets’ko and signed by seventy-five people. See TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 29, 9–12.

[1078] “Do Vysokopovazhanoho Stepana Bandery,” “Do Holovy Uriadu Ukraїns’koï Derzhavy Stets’ka Iaroslava,” “Do Firera Nimetskoho Narodu Adol’fa Hitlera,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 31, 29–32, 36–37.

[1079] “Do Firera Nimetskoho Narodu Adol’fa Hitlera,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 31, 36. In another part of the same letter the enemies are called “bestial asiatics” (zizvirili aziaty).

[1080] Ibid., 36.

[1081] “Do Firera Nimets’koho Narodu Adol’fa Hitlera,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 31, 36.

[1082] “Do Vysokopovazhanoho Stepana Bandery,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 31, 29.

[1083] “Ukraїns’kyi Narode,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 41, 1–2.

[1084] “Zahal’nyi ohliad,” not earlier than August 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 45, 3. By claiming that he “saw Bandera twice under the gallows unconquerable and loyal to the idea,” Klymiv meant the trials against the OUN in 1935–1936 in Warsaw and in 1936 in Lviv.

[1085] Ibid., 3. For posters and leaflets distributed by the OUN-B in Kiev and the south-eastern city Mykolaїv, see PAAA, R 105182, 218925–218928.

[1086] “Do Holovy Uriadu Ukraїns’koï Derzhavy Stets’ka Iaroslava,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 31, 31.

[1087] “Zahal’nyi ohliad,” not earlier than August 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 45, 1–2. See also the document “Zvit pro robotu v spravi orhanizatsiї derzhavnoї administratsiї na tereni Zakhidnykh Oblastei Ukraїny” in TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 1–4.

[1088] Report from the meeting of Ukrainian citizens of the Zolochiv district, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 34, 40.

[1089] “Zahal’nyi ohliad,” not earlier than August 1941, TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 45, 2.

[1090] Christoph Dieckmann, “Lithuania in Summer 1941. The German Invasion and the Kaunas Pogrom,” in Shared History, ed. Barkan, 370–85; Siegfried Gasparaitis, “‘Verrätern wird nur dann vergeben, wenn sie wirklich beweisen können, daß sie mindestans einen Juden liquidiert haben.’ Die ‘Front Litauischer Aktivisten’ (LAF) und die antisowjetischen Aufstände 1941,” Zeitschrift für Geschichts- wissenschaft Vol. 49 (2001): 889–90, 897–904.

[1091] For pogroms in north-eastern Poland, see Żbikowski, Pogroms in Northeastern Poland, 315–54; Mędykowski, W cieniu gigantów, 217–29. For pogroms in Lithuania, see Dieckmann, Lithuania in Summer 1941, 355–85. For Latvia, see Katrin Reichelt, Lettland unter deutscher Besatzung 1941–1944 (Berlin: Metropol, 2011), 84–94. For Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, see Mędykowski, W cieniu gigantów, 196–213. For Latvia and Estonia, see “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 40, 01.08.1941,” BA R58/215, 134. During the pogroms in Belarus, Jews were mainly robbed but not killed. Cf. Mędy- kowski, W cieniu gigantów, 230–40, 336.

[1092] On Bessarabia and Bukovina, see Vladimir Solonari, “Patterns of Violence. The Local Population and the Mass Murder of Jews in Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, July-August 1941,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History Vol. 8, No. 4 (2007): 749–87; Simon Geissbühler, Blutiger Juli. Rumäniens Vernichtungskrieg und der vergessene Massenmord an den Juden 1941 (Padeborn: Schöningh, 2013).

[1093] On Stanislaviv, see AŻIH, 302/135, Mędykowski, Pogromy 1941, 793. On Kalush, see AŻIH, 301/4928, Mundek Kramer, 1. On Otyniia close to Stanislaviv, see AŻIH, 301/4897, Bodiner, 1–2. On Terebovlia, see Sabrin, Alliance for Murder, 5. On Kremenets’, see Lower, Pogroms, mob violence, 224. On Tuchyn, see AŻIH, 301/397, Jakub and Esia Zylberger, Hersz and Doba Mełamed, 1. On Kolomyia, see Żbikowski, Archiwum, 3: 906–7. See also Golczewski, Shades of Grey, 131–32, 137; Andzej Żbikowski, “Anti-Jewish Pogroms in Occupied Territories of Eastern Poland, June–July 1941,” in The Holocaust in the Soviet Union. Studies and Sources on the Destruction of the Jews in the Nazi-Occupied Territories of the USSR, 1941–1945, ed. Lucjan Dobroszycki and Jeffrey S. Gurock (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1993), 178–79; Żbikowski, Lokalne Pogromy, 16. On the OUN and the Hungarian army, see “Vidnosyny na Hutsul’shchyni!” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 15, 74; Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 65–66. For the OUN-B and the Slovaks, see “Vid povitovoho OUN v Mykolaїvi,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 12, 23.

[1094] AŻIH, 301/2146, Ellen Pressler, 1–3.

[1095] AŻIH, 301/2145, Matylda Gelerntner, 1.

[1096] Mędykowski, W cieniu gigantów, 283. The drowning of Jews in the Dniester was a popular pogrom method in this part of eastern Galicia, see Mędykowski, W cieniu gigantów, 171–73, 175, 176, 283–85.

[1097] Uri Lichter observed on the way from Ternopil’ to Lviv “murderers with axes and scythes” long before he saw a German. See AŻIH, 302/61, Uri Lichter, 3.

[1098] Quoted in Bartov, Wartime Lies, 493.

[1099] Some pogroms organized by the OUN-M also took place in Bukovina. A small pogrom also occurred in Kiev. For Bukovina, see Solonari, Patterns of Violence. For Kiev, see Oleksandr Mel’nyk, “Anti-Jewish Violence in Kyiv’s Podil District in September 1941 through the Prism of Soviet Investigative Documents,” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas Vol. 61, No. 2 (2013): 223.

[1100] Alexander Kruglov, Jewish Losses in Ukraine, 1941–1944, 274–75.

[1101] Reuben Ainsztein, Jewish Resistance in Nazi-Occupied Eastern Europe (London: Paul Elek, 1974), 251.

[1102] See also Himka, The Lviv Pogrom of 1941, 243; Rossoliński-Liebe, Der Verlauf und die Täter, 242–43.

[1103] Friedman, Ukrainian-Jewish Relations, 199–200, footnote 30. See also Wendy Lower, Pogroms, mob violence, 222; Sandkühler, “Endlösung” in Galizien, 303.

[1104] Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941, 151, 158; “Niederschrift über die Rücksprache mit Mitgliedern des ukra- inischen Nationalkomitees und Stepan Bandera, 3.7.1941,” BAB NS 26/1198, 1–5, 10. See also Shumuk, Za skhidnim obriiem, 431; Mykola Lebed, Biographic Data, 18 May 1952, RG 263, ZZ-18, Box#80, NN3-263-02-008, Mykola Lebed Name File, vol. 1, 42.

[1105] For “passive personality” and “universal jurisdiction,” see Leora Bilsky, “The Eichmann Trial and the Legacy of Jurisdiction,” in Politics in Dark Times: Encounters with Hannah Arendt, ed. Seyla Benhabib, Roy Thomas Tsao, Peter J. Verovšek (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 202.

[1106] On transnational justice, see Pablo De Greiff, “Theorizing Transnational Justice,” in Transnational Justice, ed. Melissa S. Williams, Rosenmary Nagy, and Jon Elster (New York: New York University Press, 2012), 42–44; Ruti Teitel, Transitional Justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 13.

[1107] “Druhovi Ivanovi Klymovomu Liehendi, Kraievomu Providnykovi OUN na MUZ, Chlenovi Provodu OUN,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 44, 4.

[1108] HDA SBU f. 65, spr. 19127, vol. 1, 146–51, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:336, 338–39. For Oleksandr, see Interrogation of Fedor Davidiuk, 13 June 1941, HDA SBU f. 65, spr. 19127, vol. 1, 135–56, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:331.

[1109] Ellen Pressler mentiones in her testimony that one of Bandera’s brothers organized pogroms around Bolekhiv. See AŻIH, 301/2146, Ellen Pressler, 1. On pogroms around Kalush, see AŻIH, 301/4928, Mundek Kramer, 1. Franziska Bruder identified Vasyl’ Bandera as the organizer of the pogroms. See Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 146. It could, however, have been either Vasyl’ or Bohdan, or even both, because at the beginning of July they both visited Teodor Davidiuk in Holyn’, who was married to their sister Volodymyra. Holyn’ is in the vicinity of Bolekhiv. Cf. HDA SBU f. 65, spr. 19127, vol. 1, 146–51, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:336, 338–39. OUN-B member Mykola Chartoryis’kyi met one of the Bandera brothers in Stryi, see Chartoryis’kyi, Vid Sianu po Krym, 51.

 

[1110] More than 4.5 million Ukrainians served in the Red Army during the Second World War, and there were also more than 2,000 partisan groups with some 200,000 fighters in Ukraine. At the same time, up to one million soldiers, many of them Ukrainians, served in various German formations. Cf. Bohdan Krawchenko, “Soviet Ukraine under Nazi Occupation, 1941–44,” in Ukraine during World War II: History and its Aftermath, ed. Yury Boshyk (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta 1986): 30–31; Mykhailo Koval, Ukraїna v Druhii svitovii i Velykii Vitchyznianii viinakh (1939–1945) (Kiev, Al’ternatyvy 1999), 270; Mark R. Elliott, “Soviet Military Collaborators during world War II,” in: Ukraine during World War II, ed. Boshyk, 98. For the Ukrainian police and the Waffen-SS Galizien, see this chapter.

[1111] Vadim Erlikhman, Poteri narodonaseleniia v XX veke: spravochnik (Moscow: Russkaia panorama, 2004), 33–35. See also Ray Brandon and Wendy Lower, “Introduction,” in Shoah in Ukraine, ed. Brandon, 11.

[1112] Kruglov, Jewish Losses in Ukraine, 273, 284; Polonsky, The Jews in Poland and Russia, 3:569. For the total number of Jews in Ukraine in June 1940, see also Brandon, “Introduction,” 17.

[1113] Kruglov, Jewish Losses in Ukraine, 278–88; Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 43–44, 139–262, 385; Spector, Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 11; Snyder, The Life and Death, 92, 96–97.

[1114] Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 51–52; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 94.

[1115] Solonari, Patterns of Violence, 766–69; Diukov, Vtorostepennyi vrag, 77.

[1116] “Ukraїna i novyi lad v Evropi,” Rohatyns’ke slovo, 26 July 1941, 3.

[1117] The OUN-B member Il’ia Tkachuk testified that Stsibors’kyi, Senyk, and Baranovs’kyi were killed by the OUN-B. Cf. Interrogation of Il’ia Tkachuk, 23 February 1944, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 6, 56. See also Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 94.

[1118] “Protokol doprosa parashiutysta po klichke ‘Miron,’ 16 July 1951,” HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:83.

[1119] Cf. Bul’ba-Borovets’, Armiia, 154.

[1120] “Natsionalisty!, 10 September 1941,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 74, 19.

[1121] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 96, 27.09.1941,” BAB R58/217, 357.

[1122] “RSHA IVD3a-2893/41g, Schnellbrief!, 13.09.1941,” BStU, MfS HA IX/11, ZR 920 A. 142, 26–27.

[1123] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 79, 10.09.1941,” BAB R58/217, 9.

[1124] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR Nr. 25, 17.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 201. Especially the “older intelligentsia” was against the OUN-B. Cf. “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 96, 27.09.1941,” BAB R58/217, 357; “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 99, 30.09.1941,” BAB R58/217, 445.

[1125] Germans reported in early August that OUN-B activists in Lviv were still organizing manifestations, celebrating, and demonstrating the power of the OUN-B militia. Cf. “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 44, 06.08.1941,” BAB R58/215, 192. On 12 August Germans reported that the militia and mayors in Volhynia were under the strong influence of the OUN-B. Cf. “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 50, 12.08.1941,” “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 51, 13.08.1941,” BAB R58/215, 261. For reports about the OUN-B activities in Khmel’nyts’kyi, Berdychiv, Vinnytsia, see BAB R58/216, 20. On 18 August it was reported that the Ukrainian militia was still looting and that the OUN-B was collecting letters in which it demanded that Bandera come to Ukraine. Cf. “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 56, 18.08.1941,” BAB R58/216, 76–77. In September the OUN-B collected signatures in Staryi Uhryniv and other places for the release of Bandera. Cf. “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 78, 09.09.1941,” BAB R58/216, 355; “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 79, 10.09.1941,” BAB R58/217, 10.

[1126] “Zvit, Zhytomyr 20-27.07.1941,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 14, 47.

[1127] “Spomyny uchasnyka pokhodu III. pivdennoï hrupy,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 16, 15.

[1128] Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 193.

[1129] Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 193; Kurylo, Syla ta slabkist’, 119.

[1130] Chartoryis’kyi, Vid Sianu po Krym, 113–14.

[1131] “Instructions for the Work with Workers from SUZ,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 85, 128.

[1132] Ievhen Stakhiv, telephone interview by author, Berlin/New Jersey, 11 November 2008.

[1133] Chartoryis’kyi, Vid Sianu po Krym, 145.

[1134] Shchehliuk, “Iak rosa,” 52.

[1135] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 112, 13.10.1941,” BA R58/218, 158; PAAA, R 105182, 219821.

[1136] Bul’ba-Borovets’, Armiia, 153.

[1137] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 106; Jared McBride, “Ukrainian Neighbors: The Holocaust in Olevs’k” presented at the workshop, Sixty-Five Years Later: New Research and Conceptualization of the Second World War in Europe, Stanford University, October 2010.

[1138] “RSHA IVD3a-2893/41g, Schnellbrief!, 13.09.1941,” BStU, MfS HA IX/11, ZR 920 A. 142, 26–27.

[1139] Kurylo, Syla ta slabkist’, 124.

[1140] “Dopovidna ahenta NKVS pro diial’nist’ ounivtsiv na okupovanii hitlerivtsiamy terytoriї Ukraїny, 22.07.1944,” HDA SBU, f. 65, spr. 9079, vol. 2, 288–95, 300–6, 324 in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:190; Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 106.

[1141] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 129.

[1142] Brandon, “Introduction,” 18. On Rosenberg, see Rudolf A. Mark, “The Ukrainians as Seen by Hitler, Rosenberg and Koch,” in Ukraine. The Challenges of World War II, ed. Taras Hunczak and Dmytro Shtohryn (Lanham: University Press of America 2003), 23–36; Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 104–5, 113, 117; Dallin, German Rule in Russia 1941–1945, 46–58, 84–89.

[1143] The Generalplan Ost would affect 64% of Ukrainians, 75% of Byelorussians, and 85% of Poles, see Czesław Madajczyk, ed., Vom Generalplan Ost zum Generalsiedlungsplan (Munich: Saur, 1994), 61, 64, 66. For the Generalplan Ost in general, see also Czesław Madajczyk, “Vom ‘Generalplan Ost’ zum ‘Generalumsiedlungsplan,’” in Der “Generalplan Ost”: Hauptlinien der nationalsozialistischen Planungs- und Vernichtungspolitik, ed. Mechtild Rössler and Sabine Schleiermacher (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1993), VII. For Hitler’s attitude toward Eastern Europeans and Ukraine, see Madajczyk, Vom Generalplan, 23–25; Henry Picker, Hitlers Tischgespräche: Im Führerhauptquartier 1941–1942 (Bonn: Athenäum Verlag, 1951), 50–51, 69, 115–16.

[1144] “Niederschrift über die Rücksprache mit Mitgliedern des ukrainischen Nationalkomitees und Stepan Bandera, 3.7.1941,” BAB NS 26/1198, 1–5, 10. See also Shumuk, Za skhidnim obriiem, 431.

[1145] “Niederschrift über die Rücksprache mit Mitgliedern des ukrainischen Nationalkomitees und Stepan Bandera, 3.7.1941,” BAB NS 26/1198, 9–12.

[1146] On 23 June 1941 the OUN-B member Volodymyr Stakhiv sent Hitler an official letter in which he wrote that the OUN believed that the Jewish-Bolshevik impact on Europe would soon be checked and that the “recreation of an independent national Ukrainian state in the terms of the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty will stabilize the national (völkisch) New Order.” In the name of Bandera, Stakhiv also sent out the memorandum “Denkschrift der OUN zur Lösung der ukrainischen Frage,” in which the OUN expressed its friendly relationship to Nazi Germany and tried to persuade the Nazis to a political collaboration, by applying historical and economic factors. See BAK R 43 II/1500, 61; the whole memorandum is on folios 63–77. The OUN-B member Riko Iaryi also sent a telegram from Vienna to Berlin. He assured Hitler of the OUN-B’s loyalty, its readiness to struggle together with the “glorious German Wehrmacht” against “Muscovite Bolshevism,” and its willingness to mobilize more Ukrainians living in Germany who could fight for the “liberation of Ukraine” and “finish with the chaos in Eastern Europe.” Cf. TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 22, 10.

[1147] “Niederschrift,” BAB NS 26/1198, 12–14.

[1148] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR Nr. 13, 05.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 75; “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 15, 07.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 90; “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 11, 03.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 59.

[1149] “Komunikat Iaroslav Stet’sko,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 6, 2; “Zhyttiepys,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 3, spr. 7, 9; “Stet’sko’s letter to Bandera,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 20, 5; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 135; Investigation of Alfons Paulus, 24 September 1945, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 37, 197–214, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk,1:356; Pan’kivs’kyi, Roky nimets’koï okupatsiï, 146–47.

[1150] Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941, 271; Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 98.

[1151] “Mii zhyttiepys,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 3, spr. 7, 6; Zynovii Karbovych, “Zhydivstvo i my,” Novyi shliakh, 8 May 1939, 3. See also Berkhoff, Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, 162.

[1152] Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941, 272–73, 276; Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 38.

[1153] Information collected by the Soviet secret police about Ukrainian nationalists, TsDAHO f. 57, op. 4, spr. 340, 67; “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM. Pol. Dir. München 9281, 84.

[1154] “RSHA IVD3a-2893/41g, Schnellbrief! 13.09.1941,” BStU, MfS HA IX/11, ZR 920 A. 142, 23–24. In 1944 the OUN-M claimed that the OUN-B killed a total of 1,500 OUN-M members. Cf. “Dopovidna ahenta NKVS pro diial’nist’ ounivtsiv na okupovanii hitlierivtsiamy terytoriї Ukraїny, 22.07.1944,” HDA SBU, f. 65, spr. 9079, vol. 2, 288–95, 300–6, 324, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1: 186.

[1155] Mykola Lebed, Biographic Data, 18 May 1952, RG 263, ZZ-18, Box#80, NN3-263-02-008, Mykola Lebed Name File, vol. 1, 45.

[1156] For detention by the Gestapo in the Prinz-Albrecht-Strasse, see “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM. Pol. Dir. München 9281, 84; Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941, 319. According to Luka Pavlyshyn, Bandera was also detained in the Berlin-Moabit prison (Zellengefängnis Lehrter Straße 1–5), see Shchehliuk, “Iak rosa,” 54.

[1157] Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941, 160, 319.

[1158] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, 15.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 173.

[1159] Mykola Lebed, Biographic Data, 18 May 1952, RG 263, ZZ-18, Box#80, NN3-263-02-008, Mykola Lebed Name File, vol. 1, 38–39.

[1160] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, 17.07.1941,” BA R58/214, 200.

[1161] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 38, 30.07.1941,” BAB R58/215, 105.

[1162] “Zaiava,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 63, 8; “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 60, 22.08.1941,” BAB R58/216, 132.

[1163] On 9 September, Germans reported OUN-B “independence propaganda” in Volhynia but also cooperation between the OUN-B and the Wehrmacht. Cf. “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 78, 09.09.1941,” BAB R58/216, 354–55. On 27 September, Germans reported about the ambiguity of the OUN-B. Cf. “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 96, 27.09.1941,” BAB R58/217, 357.

[1164] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 34, 26.07.1941,” BAB R58/215, 56. On 18 August Germans reported that the Ukrainian militia was still looting, making anti-German statements, disobeying German orders, and demanding that Poles should wear armbands like Jews. Cf. “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 56, 18.08.1941,” BAB R58/216, 76–77.

[1165] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 44, 06.08.1941,” BA R58/215, 191; “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 40, 01.08.1941,” BAB R58/215, 119.

[1166] “An Seine Exzellenz den Herrn Deutschen Reichskanzler Adolf Hitler,” 3 August 1941, BAK R 43 II/685, 22–23.

[1167] Ibid., 7–8.

[1168] For Sheptyts’kyi, see “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 32, 24.07.1941,” BAB R58/215, 19.

[1169] On the mayor, see “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 38, 30.07.1941,” BAB R58/215, 104.

[1170] “RSHA IVD3a-2893/41g, Schnellbrief!, 13.09.1941,” BStU, MfS HA IX/11, ZR 920 A. 142, 22–27; Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 52; Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 96–97.

[1171] “RSHA IVD3a-2893/41g, Schnellbrief! 13.09.1941,” BStU, MfS HA IX/11, ZR 920 A. 142, 26.

[1172] GARF R-9478, op. 1, del. 136, 45–48; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 100.

[1173] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 126, 29.10.1941,” BAB R58/218, 323.

[1174] Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 52; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 110.

[1175] Prolom 1941, No. 1, 23–24, quoted in Ukraïns’ke derzhavotvorennia, ed. Dziuban, 442–43.

[1176] Adam Cyra, “Banderowcy w KL Auschwitz,” Studia nad faszyzmem i zbrodniami hitlerowskimi 30 (2008): 388–402; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 137. Franziska Bruder, “‘Der Gerechtigkeit dienen.’ Die ukrainischen Nationalisten als Zeugen im Auschwitz-Prozess,” in Im Labyrinth der Schuld. Täter—Opfer—Ankläger, ed. Irmtrud Wojak and Susanne Meinl (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2003), 138–54; V-K., A.-T., Chomu svit movchyt’ (Kiev, 1946), 39; For arrest of OUN-B activists in October in Mykolaїv, see “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, 18.10.1941,” BAB R58/218, 213; Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 325.

[1177] According to Mirchuk, Oleksandr was an Italian citizen. While staying in Rome from 1933, he married a relative of Galeazzo Ciano—Benito Mussolini’s son-in-law and the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs. After Vasyl’s and Oleksandr’s death, other OUN-B prisoners informed the UTsK in Cracow about this incident. The UTsK contacted Oleksandr’s wife and she in turn, Galeazzo Ciano, who approached Himmler. The administration at Auschwitz was ordered to launch an investigation of this incident, which Podkolski did not survive. Oleksandr’s wife was informed that her husband had died of diarrhea. See, Petro Mirchuk, In the German Mills of Death 1941–1945 (New York: Vantage Press, 1976), 43–45, 50–52. Mirchuk also mentioned the same during the Auschwitz Trial in 1964, see Bruder, Der Gerechtigkeit dienen, 146. According to Dem’ian, the name of Oleksandr’s wife was Mariia, see Dem”ian, Stepan Bandera ta, 491.

[1178] Bruder, Der Gerechtigkeit dienen, 142.

[1179] “Protokol doprosa zaderzhannogo Davidiuka Fedora Ivanovicha, 20.07.1945,” HAD SBU f. 65, spr. 19127, vol. 1, 146–51, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:340; Arsenych, Rodyna Banderiv, 59–60.

[1180] Heinen, Die Legion “Erzengel Michael” in Rumänien, 428–33, 447–53, 460–63, 518–21; Martin Broszat, “Die Eiserne Garde und das Dritte Reich. Zum Problem des Faschismus in Ostmitteleuropa,” Politische Studien 9 (1958): 628; Payne, A History of Fascism, 396; Koop, In Hitlers Hand, 190–6. For Goebbels, see 1 January 1943, Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, ed. Elke Fröhlich, Part II (Munich: K.G. Saur, 1993), 7:29–30.

[1181] “Komunikat, 04.08.1941,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 6, 3.

[1182] “Stepan Bandera an Reichsminister Alfred Rosenberg. Berlin, den 14. August 1941,” in Bußmann, Akten zur deutschen, 261–62.

[1183] Bandera’s memorandum to Alfred Rosenberg, Berlin 9 December 1941, in OUN v 1941 rotsi: Dokumenty chastyna 1, ed. Stanislav Kul’chyts’kyi (Kiev: Instytut istoriï Ukraïny NAN Ukraïny, 2006), 564.

[1184] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 99–100.

[1185] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 39, 31.07.1941,” R58/215, 114; Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 494. The Ukrainization of Lviv University and other institutions had begun during the Soviet occupation of western Ukraine after September 1939, see Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 432–39; Golczewski, Shades of Grey, 134–35.

[1186] Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 114–63, 187.

[1187] Golczewski, Shades of Grey, 134.

[1188] Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 45, 165.

[1189] Quoted in Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 47.

[1190] Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 35.

[1191] Golczewski, Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine, 160.

[1192] Jan T. Gross, Polish Society under German Occupation: The Generalgouvernement, 1939–1944 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), 186.

[1193] Kubiiovych to Frank, 7 July 1941, in Wasyl Veryha, The Correspondence of the Ukrainian Central Committee in Cracow and Lviv with the German Authorities, 1939–1944 (Edmonton: CIUS, 2000), 1:317–18.

[1194] Kubiiovych to Frank, 29 August 1941, quoted in Golczewski, Shades of Grey, 133–34. The document also appears in Veryha, Correspondence, 342.

[1195] Tatjana Tönsmeyer, “Kollaboration als handlungsleitendes Motiv? Die slowakische Elite und das NS-Regime,” in Kooperation und Verbrechen, ed. Dieckmann, 51.

[1196] In Drohobych, for example, Ukrainians were forcing Jews to move out of their apartments because they “did not want to live together with them.” Ukrainians cut off the electricity and gas to the Jewish apartments. The UTsK in Drohobych aryanized the property of Jewish craftsmen. Cf. “Betr. Judenangelegenheiten,” DALO, f. R-1928, op. 1, spr. 4, USHMM RG 1995.A.1086, reel 31.

[1197] Cf. B[ohdan] O[sadchuk], “Kryvava propahanda Ukrainy: Vynnytsia v evropeis’kii presi,” Krakivs’ki visti, 7 August 1943.