[1198] For Rudnyts’kyi, see Ivan Lysiak [P.H.], “Nad vidkrytymy mohylamy u Vynnytsi,” Krakivs’ki visti, 13 July 1943, 1‒2.

[1199] “Ukraïna v zhydivs’kykh labetakh,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 2, spr. 74.

[1200] Hans Frank, Das Diensttagebuch des deutschen Generalgouverneurs in Polen 1939–1945 (Stuttgart: Deutsch Vergals-Anstalt, 1975), 864.

[1201] “An den Reichsführer, 05.2.1945” BAB Berlin NS 19/544, 89.

[1202] For the question of the oath, see “An den Reichsführer, 05.2.1945” BAB Berlin NS 19/544, 87–89. For Himmler’s speech, see Heinrich Himmler, “Rede des Reichsführers-SS am 16.5.44 vor dem Führerkorps der 14.Galizischen SS-Freiw. Division,” “Informatyvna sluzhba, VI, Postii, dnia 17.05.44,” TsDAVOV, f. 4620, op. 3, spr. 378, 1–9. For recruitment in Dachau, see Vasyl’ Veryha, Pid krylamy vyzvol’nykh dum: Spomyny pidkhorunzhoho dyviziï ‘Halychyna’ (Kiev: Vydavnytsvo imeni Oleny Telihy, 2007), 26–27. For education in National Socialist Weltanschauung, see Michael James Melnyk, To Battle: The Formation and History of the 14th Galician Waffen-SS Division (Solihull: Helion, 2002), 57. For the SS blood group tattoos, see Melnyk, To Battle, 57. For other questions, see Golczewski, Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine, 178–79; Golczewski, Shades of Grey, 136; Himka, A Central European Diaspora, 24; Howard Margolian, Unauthorized Entry: The Truth about Nazi War Criminals in Canada, 1946–1956 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000), 133–34.

[1203] For Sheptyts’kyi, see Yones, Smoke in the Sand, 94–95. For using German and Ukrainian fascist greetings in public, see Veryha, Pid krylamy, 26–27. For Kubiiovych, see Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 509–10. For Huta Pieniacka, collaboration with the UPA during the massacre in Huta Pieniacka, and related questions, see “Vytiah iz ahenturnoї spravy NKVD URSR ‘Zviri’ pro podiї v Huti Peniats’kii,” Poliaky ta ukraïntsi mizh dvoma totalitarnymy systemamy 1942–1945, ed. Serhii Bohunov (Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2005), 4:976–80; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 181; Margolian, Unauthorized Entry, 133–34; Tönsmeyer, Kollaboration, 25.

[1204] Golczewski, Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine, 172; Kulińska, Kwestia ukraińska, 210; Finder, Collaboration in Eastern Galicia, 104–5.

[1205] Finder, Collaboration in Eastern Galicia, 105; Interrogation of Volodymyr Porendovs’kyi, 15 February 1948, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 2, 197; Mick, Kriegserfahrungen, 483; For Volodymyr Pitulei, see Kazanivs’kyi, Shliakhom Legendy, 263–66.

[1206] “Instruktsiї,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 46, 1; “Selected Records of Former Soviet Archives of the Communist Party of Ukraine, 1919–1937, 1941–1962 and 1965,” USHMM RG 31.026M, reel 7, 37. For the connection between the OUN and police, see Shumuk, Za skhidnim obriiem, 12. For a UPA partisan who, as a policeman, before joining the UPA, helped the Germans to escort Jews to mass graves, see Interrogation of Vladimir Lohvinovich, 4 July 1944, HAD SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 1, 3.

[1207] “Meldungen aus den besetzen Ostgebieten, Nr. 4, 22.07.1942,” BAB R58/697, 63.

[1208] “Sprawozdanie Sytuacyjne z Ziem Wschodnich za pierwszy kwartał 1943 r.,” Adamczyk, Ziemie Wschodnie, 22.

[1209] “Meldungen aus den besetzen Ostgebieten, Nr. 14, 31.06.1942,” BAB Berlin R58/698, 83; “Meldungen aus den besetzen Ostgebieten, Nr. 33, 11.12.1942,” BAB Berlin R58/698, 147, 154.

[1210] Yones, Die Straße nach Lemberg, 85–86.

[1211] Finder, Collaboration in Eastern Galicia, 105–6.

[1212] Timothy Snyder, “The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943,” Past and Present 179 (2003): 210.

[1213] Yones, Die Straße nach Lemberg, 32–36.

[1214] Ibid., 36–37. The German administration complained in March 1942 that in the Lviv ghetto Ukrainian policemen frequently mistreated Jews without reason. Cf. “Lviv Oblast” f. 12, op. 1, del. 112, USHMM: RG Acc 1995 A 1086, 43.

[1215] For the role of the Ukrainian administration in the Holocaust in Kamianets’-Podil’s’kyi in Podolia, see Markus Eikel and Valentina Sivaieva, “City Mayors, Raion Chiefs and Village Elders in Ukraine, 1941–4: How Local Administrators Co-operated with the German Occupation Authorities,” Contemporary European History Vol. 23, No. 3 (2014): 405–28.

[1216] AŻIH, 301/5737, Guz Rena, 3–4.

[1217] “Voruntersuchung gegen Bogdan Staschynskij, 22.05.1962,” BAK B 362/10137, 282.

[1218] Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 372–73; Snyder, The Life and Death, 94–97.

[1219] For the complaint, see Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 218. For the deportation action in August 1942, see Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 216–18. For the situation in Volhynia, see Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 172–87. For the Ukrainian police generally, see Finder, Collaboration in Eastern Galicia, 100–12; Golczewski, Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine, 173–74; Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 277–78, 289–91, 311–12.

[1220] For Ukrainian police conducting a mass execution of Jews, see AŻIH, 301/1510, Fefer Bajla, 2. The Ukrainian auxiliaries of the Einsatzgruppe C also carried out shootings. Cf. Dieter Pohl, “The Murder of Ukraine’s Jews under German Military Administration and in the Reich Commissariat Ukraine,” Shoah in Ukraine, ed. Brandon, 55. See also Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 278.

[1221] NCD IP (Nazi Crimes Department, Israeli Police), pei-ayin 01273, quoted in Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 74–75.

[1222] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 88, 17.09.1941,” BAB R58/217, 164.

[1223] Interrogation of Iakov Ostrovs’kyi, 7 July 1944, USHMM, RG-31-018M, reel 29, 87.

[1224] Testimony of Stanisław Błażejewski, KAW, II/36, 10.

[1225] Quoted in Bartov, Wartime Lies and Other Testimonies, 493.

[1226] Pohl, Ukrainische Hilfskräfte, 208, 215–216.

[1227] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 108–9.

[1228] “Nepovnyi tekst postanov II-oï Konferentsiï,” TsDAHO f. 57, op. 4, spr. 346, 14.

[1229] “Meldungen aus den besetzen Ostgebieten, Nr. 17, 20.08.1942,” BAB R58/223, 19.

[1230] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR Nr. 191, 10.08.1942,” BAB R58/221, 288.

[1231] Ibid., 315–16.

[1232] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR Nr. 22, 25.09.1942,” BAB R58/222, 103.

[1233] For arrests, see “Meldungen aus den besetzen Ostgebieten, Nr. 30, 20.11.1942,” BAB R58/223, 50–51, 57–60. The Gestapo arrested altogether 210 OUN-B members who lived in Germany.

[1234] “Prysiaha!, n.d.,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 37, 5ab; “Meldungen aus den besetzen Ostgebieten, Nr. 4, 22.05,1942,” BAB R58/697, 63–64.

[1235] “Instruktsiia v spravi sviatkuvannia 30 chervnia,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 85, 2; “Meldungen aus den besetzen Ostgebieten, Nr. 15, 7.08.1942,” BAB R58/698, 110–11.

[1236] Biuleten’, No. 6–7, June-July 1942: 1, RGASPI f. 17, op. 125, spr. 337, 27.

[1237] “Ereignismeldung UdSSR Nr. 191, 10.08.1942,” BA R58/221, 305; “Meldungen aus den besetzen Ostgebieten, Nr. 4, 22.05.1942,” BAB R58/697, 64.

[1238] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 112–14, 118, 120–21; Bul’ba-Borovets’, Armiia, 250–67.

[1239] Grzegorz Motyka, “Polski policjant na Wołyniu,” Karta 24 (1998): 126; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 194; Snyder, Causes of Ukrainian-Polish, 211–12; Finder, Collaboration in Eastern Galicia, 108.

[1240] Snyder, Bloodlands, 250–51.

[1241] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 115. According to Mykhailo Stepaniak, the OUN-B in November 1942 issued the order that Ukrainians from Schuma 201 should not prolong their contracts with the Germans. Cf. GARF R-9478, op. 1, del. 136, 105.

[1242] “Kontakty UPA s vermakhtom, 21.08.1944,” KAW, M/II/30/2, 152.

[1243] Katchanovski studied biographies of 118 OUN and UPA leaders. Cf. Ivan Katchanovski, “Terrorists or National Heroes,” Paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Canadian Political Science Association, Concordia University, Montreal, Canada, 1–3 June 2010. The biographies that Katchanovski studied are in Petro Sodol’, Ukraїns’ka povstans’ka armiia, 1943–49: Dovidnyk (New York: Proloh, 1994), 63–136.

[1244] Shumuk, Za skhidnim obriiem, 15, 20, 24, 34.

[1245] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 424.

[1246] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 126.

[1247] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 84, 107.

[1248] Shumuk, Za skhidnim obriiem, 26.

[1249] For women in the nationalist movement, see Burds, Gender and Policing, 289–90.

[1250] Stepaniak, a participant in this conference, said in an interrogation that the “anti-German declarations were never implemented.” Cf. “Protokoly doprosa chlena tsentral’nogo provoda OUN Stepaniak M. D, 20.08.1944,” GARF R-9478, op. 1, del. 136, 107.

[1251] OUN v svitli, 76–77, 81–82, 89; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 116–17.

[1252] Interrogation of Mykhailo Stepaniak, 25 August 1944, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 1, 40–44; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 116–17.

[1253] Interrogation of Mykhailo Stepaniak, 25 August 1944, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 1, 57.

[1254] OUN v svitli, 91.

[1255] Ibid., 107.

[1256] Ibid., 114.

[1257] Ibid., 91–92.

[1258] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 126–27; Dorril, MI6, 229.

[1259] OUN v svitli, 112, 115, 118.

[1260] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 622; Dorril, MI6, 230–31. For Sweden, see “Protokoly doprosa chlena tsentral’nogo provoda OUN Stepaniak M. D, 30.08.1944,” GARF R-9478, op. 1, del. 136, 135.

[1261] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 130–35.

[1262] Interrogation of Mykhailo Stepaniak, 25 August 1944, SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 1, 56; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 116.

[1263] For killing Poles in January and February 1943, see Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 194, 311–12, and Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 85.

[1264] “Relacja mjr. T. Klimowskiego,” Studium Polski Podziemnej (SPP), collection 13, vol. 61, quoted in Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 307.

[1265] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 309.

[1266] Compare, for example, the order of 9 April 1943 from Mykola Lebed’ to the leadership of the UPA, in Petro Balei, Fronda Stepana Bandery v OUN 1940 roku (Kiev: Tekna, 1996), 141. For this order see also Snyder, Causes of Ukrainian-Polish, 202.

[1267] “Nadzvychaine zariadzhennia, 06.04.1944,” KAW, M/II/30/2, 3.

[1268] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 310, 365.

[1269] Snyder, Causes of Ukrainian-Polish, 227–28.

[1270] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 380.

[1271] Interrogation of Mykhailo Stepaniak, 25 August 1944, SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 1, 56. See also Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 366.

[1272] Interrogation of Oleksandr Luts’kyi, 19–20 July 1945, SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 1, 336.

[1273] Balei, Fronda Stepana Bandery, 141. See also Snyder, Causes of Ukrainian-Polish, 202; Bul’ba-Borovets’, Armiia, 250–66.

[1274] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 367, 379, 408.

[1275] Ibid., 308.

[1276] Ibid., 310, 315, 332, 334, 336. Klym Savur (Kliachkivs’kyi), the main advocate and promoter of the “cleansing,” promised Ukrainians the land of Polish peasants. Cf. “Rozporiadzhennia, 15.7.1943,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 48, 1.

[1277] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 381.

[1278] See for example Testimony of Katarzyna Ograbek, KAW, II/2541/4. For other testimonies concerning Poles murdered by the UPA see the collection Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo dokonane. The archives of the Karta Institute in Warsaw hold a large collection of testimonies by Polish survivors of the UPA “cleansing.”

[1279] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 346–47. Sometimes neighbors of the dead “Poles” wondered why the particular persons were killed, since nobody considered them as Poles. Cf. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 347.

[1280] This happened to Ambroży Wreszczyński on 3 August 1943 in the village Zielony Dąb. Cf. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 341.

[1281] “Orhanizatsiia Ukraïns’kykh Natsionalistiv. Natsiia iak spetsies. Rodyna v systemi orhanizovanoho ukraïns’koho natsionalizmu,” HDA SBU, f, 13, spr. 376, vol. 6, 6v. Undated brochure, not earlier than 1943. I am grateful to Per Anders Rudling for drawing my attention to it.

[1282] Ibid., 6v. The author of the brochure was referring to Stepan Rudnyts’kyi, Do osnov ukraїns’koho natsionalizmu (Vienna, 1923). For Rudnyts’kyi see page 84.

[1283] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 323; Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo dokonane, 1:621.

[1284] For the murders that were committed by the UPA unit under the leadership of Perehiniak, see Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 190. For Bandera teaching Perehiniak history and ideology in the prison cell, see Klymyshyn, V pokhodi, 199. Klymyshyn, who was also in the same prison cell, described Perehiniak as a very gifted student. See also page 164 et seq., above.

[1285] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 328–29, 331, 334, 337–40.

[1286] Ewa Siemaszko, “Ludobójcze akcje OUN-UPA w lipcu 1943 roku na Wołyniu,” in Antypolska akcja OUN-UPA 1943–1944. Fakty i interpretacje, ed. Grzegorz Motyka and Dariusz Libionka (Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2002), 67.

[1287] Interrogation of I. N. Vasiuk, 9 January 1945, TsDAHOU, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 237, 2, 3, quoted in Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 86.

[1288] For a UPA order to kill Ukrainians, see “Document, No. 44: Dovidka UShPR pro posylennia vyshkolu kadriv UPA, aktyvizatsiu diial’nosti zahoniv ukraїns’kykh povstantsiv proty partyzaniv i poliakiv,” in Litopys UPA, vol. 4, ed. P. Sokhan (Kiev: Afisha, 2002), 126. The document is located in TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 22, spr. 75, 94–95.

[1289] Kulińska, Kwestia ukraińska, 10, 16, 20.

[1290] Testimony of Janina Kwiatkowska, KAW, II/1352, 8.

[1291] Ryszard Torzecki, Polacy i Ukraińcy: Sprawa ukraińska w czasie II wojny światowej na terenie II Rzeczypospolitej (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 1993), 32.

[1292] Stefan Meyer, Zwischen Ideologie und Pragmatismus: Die Legitimationsstrategien der Polnischen Arbeiterpartei 1944–1948 (Berlin: Wissenschaftlicher Verlag, 2008), 59.

[1293] Snyder, Causes of Ukrainian-Polish, 221; Adamczyk, Ziemie Wschodnie, 139–40.

[1294] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 405.

[1295] Ibid., 317, 327, 350, 399–400. Motyka, Polski policjant, 127, 138; Snyder, Causes of Ukrainian-Polish, 223.

[1296] Grzegorz Motyka, “Polska reakcja na działania UPA—skala i przebieg akcji odwetowych,” in Antypolska akcja, ed. Motyka, 81–85; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 578; Motyka, Tak było w Bieszczadach, 238–45, 252–56; Petro Potichnyi, Pavlokoma, 1441–1945:Istoriia sela (Toronto: Fundatsiia Pavlokoma, 2001).

[1297] In Volhynia, Ukrainians killed 50,000 to 60,000 Poles, and Poles killed 2,000 to 3,000 Ukrainians. In eastern Galicia, Ukrainians killed 20,000 to 25,000 Poles, and Poles killed 1,000 to 5,000. In the territories of today’s Poland, Poles murdered 8,000 to 12,000 Ukrainians, and Ukrainians killed 6,000 to 8,000 Poles. Cf. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 410–12. In Volhynia, the UPA also killed about 350 Czechs. See Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 284.

[1298] Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 292; Żur, Mój wołyński epos, 58.

[1299] “List pasterski metropolity Szeptyckiego do duchowieństwa i wiernych,” Adamczyk, Ziemie Wschodnie, 102, 104.

[1300] Andrei Sheptyts’kyi, Pys’ma-poslannia Mytropolyta Andreia Sheptyts’koho ChSVV z chasiv nimets’koï okupatsiï (Yorkton: Redeemer’s Voice Press, 1969), 419–20, 422–23.

[1301] Józef Wołczański, “Korespondencja arcybiskupa Bolesława Twardowskiego z arcybiskupem Andrzejem Szeptyckim w latach 1943–1944,” Przegląd Wschodni 2, 6 (1992–1993): 482.

[1302] Wołczański, Korespondencja, 482.

[1303] Wołczański, Korespondencja, 479. See also Himka, Christianity and Radical Nationalism, 109.

[1304] For murdering Jews while murdering Poles, see AŻIH, 301/2896, Tabacznik (translation from Yiddish); AŻIH, 301/74, Rozenblat M. (translation from Yiddish); In Hanaków Jews and Poles defended themselves, see AŻIH, 301/808, Edmund Adler, 2–3. See also the testimonies collected in Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo dokonane, 1:91–92, 189, 191, 216, 277.

[1305] For the term “Banderites” see the next subsection.

[1306] “Vytiahy iz protokolu dopytu Fedora Vozniuka vid 23 travnia 1944 r,” Bohunov, Poliaky ta Ukraïntsi, 894.

[1307] Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo dokonane, 1:872. Ukr. “Vyrizaly my zhydiv, vyrizhemo i liakhiv, i staroho, i maloho do iednoho; Poliakiv vyrezhem, Ukrainu zbuduiem.”

[1308] Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 168.

[1309] AŻIH, 301/843, Mania Leider, 3–4.

[1310] Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo dokonane, 1:270.

[1311] Ibid., 1:91–92.

[1312] Ibid., 1:367.

[1313] AŻIH, 301/808, Edmund Adler, 2–3.

[1314] Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo dokonane, 1:60.

[1315] According to Shmuel Spector there were at the end of 1943 between 1,700 and 1,900 Jewish partisans in Volhynia. Cf. Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 323.

[1316] AŻIH, 301/589, Szlojme Katz, 1–2. For other Jews in partisan units, see AŻIH, 301/1488, Józef Sapożnik, 1; AŻIH, 301/926, Samuel Melchior, 1–3.

[1317] Yones, Die Straße nach Lemberg, 128.

[1318] AŻIH, 301/1222, Izraela and Barbara Lissak, 6–7; AŻIH, 301/2193, Ignacy Goldwasser, 9–13; AŻIH, 301/808, Edmund Adler, 2; AŻIH, 301/1136, Lipa Stricker, 4; AŻIH, 301/3359, Edzia Szpeicher, 5; AŻIH, 301/6012, Leon Hejnysz, 2–4; AŻIH, 301/198, Leon Knebel, 5; AŻIH, 301/879, Kin Mojżesz, 2–4; Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung, 377.

[1319] AŻIH, 301/1222, Izraela and Barbara Lissak, 6–7.

[1320] AŻIH, 301/2193, Ignacy Goldwasser, 9–13.

[1321] AŻIH, 301/1136, Lipa Stricker, 4.

[1322] AŻIH, 301/3359, Edzia Szpeicher, 5.

[1323] AŻIH, 301/879, Kin Mojżesz, 2–4.

[1324] AŻIH, 301/679, Leon Knebel, 5.

[1325] AŻIH, 301/1510, Fefer Bajla, 2–3; AŻIH, 301/397, Jakub and Esia Zylberger, Hersz and Doba Mełamed, 12–14; Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo dokonane, 1:405; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 219; Bartov, Wartime Lies and Other Testimonies, 496–97.

[1326] AŻIH, 301/74, Rozenblat M. (translation from Yiddish).

[1327] Friedman, Ukrainian-Jewish Relations, 188–89. This article was first published in YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science 12 (1958–1959), 259‒63. On this question, see also Spector, Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 270–72.

[1328] Yones, Die Straße nach Lemberg, 111–12.

[1329] For one case, see Redlich, Together and Apart, 127–28. For four others, see Volodymyr V”iatrovych, Stavlennia OUN do ievreїv: Formuvannia pozytsiї na tli katastrofy (Lviv: MS, 2006), 78–81. Ukrainian historians and OUN-UPA veterans have frequently mentioned that the UPA rescued Jews. This assumption, however, is not confirmed by the testimonies of Jewish survivors and other documents.

[1330] AŻIH, 301/1011, Lea Goldberg (translation from Yiddish).

[1331] “Document, No. 44: Dovidka YShPR pro posylennia vyshkolu kadriv UPA, aktyvizatsiu diial’nosti zahoniv ukraїns’kykh povstantsiv proty partyzaniv i poliakiv,” in Litopys UPA, vol. 4, ed. P. Sokhan (Kiev: Afisha, 2002), 126; Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 85.

[1332] TsDAHOU, f. 57, op. 4, d. 351, 52, quoted in Weiner, Making Sense of War, 264.

[1333] Interrogation of Vladimir Solov’ev TsDAHOU, f. 57, op. 4, d. 351, 10, quoted in Weiner, Making Sense of War, 263.

[1334] AŻIH, 301/3337, Hilary Koenigsberg, 14.

[1335] Edzia Spielberg-Flitman, Shoah Foundation videotaped testimony, 14 March 1995, Skokie, Illinois, transcribed by Joshua Tobias, quoted in Bartov, Wartime Lies and Other Testimonies, 496.

[1336] Mojżesz Szpigiel, USHMM, reel 37 301/3492, Łódź, 10 March 1948, quoted in Bartov, Wartime Lies and Other Testimonies, 496–97.

[1337] Golczewski, Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine, 177.

[1338] “Protokol doprosa obviniaemogo Vasylia Okhrymovicha Ostapovicha, 27.12.1952,” HDA SBU f. 5, spr. 445, vol. 4, 271–78, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:368–69.

[1339] Interrogation of Anton Bodnar, 5–8 March 1945, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 4, 188.

[1340] Staatsanwaltschaft Dortmund, 45 Js 24/62, “Reste von Gutachten und Dokumenten aus dem Bestand des Pz. AOK4,” quoted in Golczewski, Shades of Grey, 143.

[1341] Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 376.

[1342] Quoted in Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 85.

[1343] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 296.

[1344] Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 199–200, 256, 357–58.

[1345] Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo dokonane, 2:1079–80.

[1346] Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 385.

[1347] Two other realistic estimations suggest a similar and a higher number. First, if we assume that 10 percent (82,000) of the Volhynian and eastern Galician Jews (820,000) tried to survive in the woods or in the countryside, and that 13,500 to 18,500 of them managed to survive, as Spector and Pohl determined, it would mean that between 63,500 and 68,500 were murdered or died of other causes. Second, if we assume that in eastern Galicia 14 percent (80,000) of all the Jews who had lived there in June 1941 did not survive their time of hiding, as Spector estimated for Volhynia, then in eastern Galicia and Volhynia together, 115,000 would not have survived this period of the Holocaust. Because of the different Nazi extermination policies in Volhynia and eastern Galicia the first number appears to be more credible.

[1348] On this question, see the subsection “The Ukrainian police and the OUN-B” and “The UPA and the Mass Violence against Civilians” in this chapter.

[1349] On the long-standing goal of the Ukrainian national movement, see John-Paul Himka, “The Reception of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Ukraine,” in Bringing the Dark Past to Light: The Reception of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Europe, ed. John-Paul Himka and Joanna Beata Michlic (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2013), 630.

[1350] Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews 1941–1944, 241.

[1351] “Nakaz Ch. 2/43, Oblasnym, okruzhnym i povitovym providnykam do vykonannia,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 43, 9. The translation is from Carynnyk, Foes of our rebirth, 345; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 222; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 290; Rusnachenko, Narod zburenyi, 136.

[1352] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 295–96.

[1353] Iurii Kyrychuk, Ukraїns’kyi natsional’nyi rukh 40–50 rokiv XX stolittiia: Ideolohia ta praktyka (Lviv: Dobra sprava, 2003), 145.

[1354] “Dennyk Povshuka Oleksandra vid 17/IX. 1939 r.,” TsDAHO f. 57, op. 4, spr. 344, 28, 38–41, 51–54. See also John-Paul Himka, “Refleksje żołnierza Ukraińskiej Powstańczej Armii. Pamiętnik Ołeksandra Powszuka (1943–1944),” in Prawda historyczna a prawda polityczna w badaniach naukowych, ed. Bogusław Paź (Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2011), 182–89.

[1355] On the politics of the Second Republic toward minorities, see Tomaszewski, Ojczyzna nie tylko Polaków, 194–98; Włodzimierz Mędrzecki, “Polityka narodowościowa II Rzeczypospolitej a antypolska akcja UPA w latach 1943–1944,” in Antypolska akcja OUN–UPA, ed. Motyka, 14–18. On the politics of the Polish government in exile, see Ihor Iliushyn, “Kwestia ukarińska w planach polskiego rządu emigracyjnego i polskiego podziemia w latach drugiej wojny światowej,” in Antypolska akcja OUN–UPA, ed. Motyka, 118–20.

[1356] Until 10 July 2014 Yad Vashem honored 2472 Ukrainians as Righteous Among the Nations. Cf. http://www.yadvashem.org/yv/en/righteous/statistics.asp (accessed 10 July 2014). On Poles rescued by Ukrainians, see Romuald Niedzielko ed., Kresowa księga sprawiedliwych 1939–1945. O Ukra- ińcach ratujących Polaków poddanych eksterminacji przez OUN i UPA (Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2007).

[1357] For contact between the OUN-B, UPA, and Bandera, see Interrogation of Mykhail Polevoi, 13 January 1946, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 4, 235. For Bandera’s convictions, see chapter 3 above. Bandera said these words on 26 June 1935 during the Lviv trial, when he was explaining the aims of the OUN.

[1358] AŻIH, 301/4971: Moses Brüh, 7.

[1359] AŻIH, 301/397, Jakub and Esia Zylberger, Hersz and Doba Mełamed, 1, 10, 12–14.

[1360] On Banderites murdering Jews and Poles, see for example AŻIH, 301/1222, Izraela and Barbara Lissak, 6–9; AŻIH, 301/2193, Ignacy Goldwasser, 10–12; AŻIH, 301/3359, Szpeicher Edzia, 5; AŻIH, 301/4680, Marek Lessing, 12–14; AŻIH, 301/6012, Leon Hejnysz, 2–4 (testimony written down in 1964); AŻIH, 301/1510, Fefer Bajla, 2; AŻIH, 301/2888, Grinzajd Mina (translation from Yiddish); AŻIH, 301/3337, Hilary Koenigsberg, 12, 14–15. Koenigsberg speaks of “bands of Banderites”; AŻIH, 301/305, Jakub Grinsberg, 2; AŻIH, 301/808, Edmund Adler, 2–3; AŻIH, 301/198, Rafał Szleger, 5; AŻIH, 301/198, Leon Knebel, 5; AŻIH, 301/879, Kin Mojżesz, 2–4; AŻIH, 301/803, Munio Inslicht, 2; AŻIH, 301/589, Szlojme Katz, 1.

[1361] AŻIH, 301/1205, Iza Lauer, 8–9.

[1362] AŻIH, 301/1046, Lazar Bromberg, 2–3.

[1363] Compare the collections of AK documents from 1942–1944: Kulińska, Kwestia ukraińska, 19–20, 28, 30–31, 35, 54, 186, 192–93, 202, 206, 209, 232–33. The AK documents also used such other colloquial terms as “band” (banda) or “Ukrainian band” (ukraińska banda) when they referred to a group of Ukrainians who raided neighboring villages. Cf. 87 105, 107, 135, 146. Other terms—”UPA bands” (bandy UPA), “Ukrainian bandits” (bandyci ukraińscy)—were also in use. Cf. 145, 150.

[1364] AŻIH, 301/589, Szlojme Katz, 1–2. Katz testified that he joined a Soviet partisan group in the Zhytomyr region in May 1943 and killed six Banderites and twelve Germans; AŻIH, 301/1488, Józef Sapożnik, 2.

[1365] “Selected Records of Former Soviet Archives of the Communist Party of Ukraine, 1919–1937, 1941–1962 and 1965,” USHMM RG 31.026M, reel 7, 6; “Dokladnaia zapiska o deiatel’nosti ukrainskikh natsionalistov, 5 December 1942,” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 22, spr. 75, 6; TsDAHO f. 1, op. 22, spr. 75, 5–6, 75–78. For use in 1940 see I. Sierov’s report about the agent “Ukrainets to Khrushchev, 3.12.1940,” HDA SBU, f. 16, op. 33, spr. 36, 14–33, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:60–61.

[1366] GARF R-9478, op. 1, del. 132, 469.

[1367] A leaflet to the soldiers in the Red Army, RGASPI f. 17, op. 125, del. 338, 9.

[1368] The term “Bandera-Gruppe” already appears on 2 July 1941 in German military documents, see “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, Nr. 10, 02.06.1941,” BAB R58/214, 53. The name “Bandera” was also frequently used in German as an adjective, see “Ereignismeldung UdSSR, 15.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 171; “Ereignismeldung UdSSR Nr. 25, 17.07.1941,” BAB R58/214, 201–202. For Bandera-Bewegung, see “Ereignismeldung UdSSR Nr. 191, 10.08.1942,” BAB R58/221, 288. In 1943 Germans were somewhat confused about the structure of the OUN-B in Ukraine and regarded the troops of Bul’ba-Borovets’ as Bandera-Bande (Bandera band), see “Meldungen aus den besetzten Ostgebieten, Nr. 46, 19.03.1943,” BAB R58/224, 42.

[1369] “Do chleniv provodu Organizatsiї Ukraїns’kykh Natsionalistiv pid provodom Stepana Bandery,” TsDAHO f. 57, op. 4, spr. 338, 432.

[1370] “Neskol’ko slov o natsionalistakh,” TsDAHO f. 1, op. 22, spr. 61, 49.

[1371] “Nashi Providnyky: Symon Petliura, Ievhen Konovalets’, Stepan Bandera,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 36, 30–31.

[1372] “Materialy na sviatkuvannia sviata ukraїns’koï derzhavnosti den’ 30 chervnia,” TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 85, 4.

[1373] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 189–91, 201, 207. On the problem of collaboration and resistance of the UPA, see Franziska Bruder, “Kollaboration oder Widerstand? Die ukrainischen Nationalisten während des Zweiten Weltkrieges,” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft Vol. 54 (2006): 20–44. On fighting against Soviet partisans, see Gogun, Partyzanci Stalina na Ukrainie, 128–52.

[1374] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 220.

[1375] Ibid., 224–25.

[1376] Ibid., 229–37.

[1377] “OUN an Herrn Otto Wächter, Lemberg den 28.9.1943,” Archives of Horst A. von Wächter, 2. I am grateful to John-Paul Himka for this reference.

[1378] Ibid., 128.

[1379] According to Simpson, the Nazis gave the operation for cooperation with the OUN-UPA in 1944 the name Sonnenblume (Sunflower). Cf. Christopher Simpson, Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the Cold War (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1988), 162.

[1380] In negotiations with the Germans in May 1943 Bul’ba-Borovets had asked, probably at the request of the OUN-B, for the release of Ukrainian political prisoners. Cf. “Meldungen aus den besetzten Ostgebieten, Nr. 55, 21.05.1943,” BAB R58/224, 187.

[1381] “Sovershenno sekretno, spetsial’noe soobshchenie, 09.04.1945,” HAD SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 372, 245–47, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:279; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 231–34; “Translation of a collaboration proposal,” BA-MA RH2/2544, 3; UPA’s contacts with Wehrmacht, 21.04.1944, KAW, M/II/30/2, 152–53.

[1382] Sonderhäftlinge and Ehrenhäftlinge were important political prisoners who received special treatment. Some, such as Kurt Schuschnigg lived with their families in one-family houses; others, such as Bandera, were imprisoned in solitary cells. Cf. Koop, In Hitlers Hand, 7–12.

[1383] Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941, 320.

[1384] Stepan Bandera, “Pershe interviu providnyka OUN, Stepana Bandery z chuzhynnymy zhurnalistamy,” Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 636.

[1385] “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM. Pol. Dir. München 9281, 84. Ievhen Stakhiv visited Bandera in December 1941 at the prison in the Prinz-Albrecht-Strasse, see Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 99. According to Luka Pavlyshyn, Bandera was also detained in the Berlin-Moabit prison (Zellengefängnis Lehrter Straße 1–5), see Shchehliuk, “Iak rosa,” 54.

[1386] Stepan Bandera’s prison card FSB-Archiv, Moscow N-19092/Tom 100, 233. Bandera confirmed this date in an interview in 1950. Cf. Stepan Bandera, “Pershe interviu providnyka OUN, Stepana Bandery z chuzhynnymy zhurnalistamy,” Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 636. See also Interrogation of Vasyl’ Diachuk-Chyzhevs’kyi, perhaps 1946, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 6, 21.

[1387] “Vernehmungsprotokoll, Berlin 22. August 1946,” FSB-Archiv, N 19092, vol. 25, AGMS, JSU 1, vol. 25, 38.

[1388] Heinen, Die Legion “Erzengel Michael” in Rumänien, 461, 522.

[1389] Koop, In Hitlers Hand, 7–15, 95–109, 178–207; Tomasz Szarota, Stefan Rowecki “GROT” (Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1985), 245–46.

[1390] “Vernehmungsprotokoll, Berlin 22. August 1946,” FSB-Archiv, N 19092, vol. 25, AGMS, JSU 1, vol. 25, 38.

[1391] [Name withheld], interview by author, Munich, 17 February 2008; “Protokol doprosa zaderzhannogo Davidiuk Fedora Ivanovicha, 13.06.1945,” HAD SBU f. 65, spr. 19127, vol. 1, 135–56, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:327–28.

[1392] Bul’ba-Borovets’, Armiia, 277; Andrii Mel’nyk, “Pam”iati vpavshykh za voliu i velych Ukraїny,” in Orhanizatsiia Ukraїns’kyh Natsionalistiv 1929–1954 (Paris 1955), 31.

[1393] Interrogation of Mykhail Polevoi, 13.01.1946, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 4, 235; Interrogation of Vasyl’ D’iachuk-Chyzhevs’kyi, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 6, 3. See also Iaroslava Stets’ko-Muzyka, “Z ideiamy Stepana Bandery,” in Zhyttia i diial’nist’, ed. Posivnych, 2008, 184.

[1394] “Meldungen aus den besetzten Ostgebieten, Nr. 10, 03.07.1942,” BAB R58/698, 7.

[1395] TsDAHO f. 1, op. 22, spr. 61, 49.

[1396] Interrogation of Oleksandr Luts’kyi, 19 and 20 July 1945, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 1, 333; [name withheld], interview by author, Munich, 17 February 2008; Interrogation of Vasyl’ Diachuk-Chyzhevs’kyi, apparently 1946, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 6, 4.

[1397] “Sovershenno sekretno, spetsial’noe soobshchenie,” 9 April 1945, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 372, 245–47, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:279.

[1398] Heinen, Die Legion “Erzengel Michael” in Rumänien, 461–63; Broszat, Die Eiserne Garde und das Dritte Reich, 636; “Eiserne Garde,” in Enzyklopädie des Holocaust. Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden, ed. Israel Gutman (Munich: Piper, 1993), 1: 404; Payne, A History of Fascism, 396.

[1399] “Besprechung mit Bandera,” BAB NS/19, 1513, 1–3.

[1400] Bul’ba-Borovets’, Armiia, 300.

[1401] “Informationsdienst Ost, 21.03.1945,” BAB, R6/597, 21–22; Golczewski, Die Ukraine im Zweiten Weltkrieg, 259–60; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 228–29.

[1402] Interrogation of Siegfried Müller, 15 September 1946, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 39, 125–138, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:528–29; TsDAHO f. 57, op. 4, spr. 340, 68; “Interrogation of Vasyl’ Diachuk-Chyzhevskyi, apparently 1946, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 6, 4; Interrogation of Vasyl’ Diachuk-Chyzhevs’kyi, apparently 1946, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 6, 22; Interrogation of Oleksandr Luts’kyi, 19 and 20 July 1945, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 1, 333–34; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 429.

[1403] [Name withheld], interview by author, Munich, 17 February 2008.

[1404] “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel, 07.02.1956,” StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 84–85.

[1405] Pavlo Shandruk, Arms of Valor (New York: Robert Speller & Sons Publishers, 1959), 230. Shandruk did not write the date of the meeting at which Bandera argued for “full support to the end, whatever it may be.” It must have happened before Bandera went from Berlin to Vienna, in late January or early February 1945.

[1406] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 196; Interrogation of Siegfried Müller, 15 September 1946, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 39, 125–38, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:532–33.

[1407] “Spetssoobshchenie o formirovanii tak nazyvaemogo Ukrainskogo Natsional’nogo komiteta, 27.04.1945,” HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 39, 257–59, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk,1:281–82. Bandera and Stets’ko informed the CIA that they did not support the UNK. Cf. Richard Breitman and Norman J. W. Goda, Hitler’s Shadow: Nazi War Criminals, U.S. Intelligence, and the Cold War (Washington: National Archives, 2010), 76.

[1408] “Protokol doprosa parashiutysta po klichke ‘Miron’, 16.07.1951,” HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:77–79; “Protokol doprosa obvyniaemogo Okhrimovicha Vasiliia Ostapovicha, 21.10.1952,” HDA SBU f. 5, spr. 445, vol. 1, 216–25, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:270–71; Interrogation of Vasyl’ Diachuk-Chyzhevs’kyi, perhaps 1946, SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 6, 4. For Bandera in Vienna, see also Halyna Hordasevych, Stepan Bandera: Liudyna i mif (Lviv: Literaturna ahentsiia Piramida, 2001), 106–7.

[1409] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 429–30.

[1410] Redlich, Together and Apart, 142.

[1411] According to Motyka the Soviet Union took the threat of a third world war seriously and prepared for it. Cf. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 503. Western intelligence services also saw a war against the Soviet Union, especially in 1948, as imminent. Cf. Harry Rositzke, The CIA’s Secret Operations: Espionage, Counterespionage and Covert Action (Boulder: Westview Press, 1988), 1. For the OUN-UPA and third world war, see Burds, AGENTURA, 99.

[1412] Boeckh, Stalinismus, 371–91; Grzegorz Motyka, “Konflikt polsko-ukraiński w latach 1943–1948: Aktualny stan badań,” Warszawskie Zeszyty Historyczne 8–9 (1999): 323–25; Motyka, Tak było w Bieszczadach, 405–13; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 234.

[1413] For Volhynia, see Spector, Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 11. For eastern Galicia, see Pohl, Nationalsozialistische, 43–44, 385. In June 1941, 160,000 Jews resided in Lviv. By October 1944, only 1,689 Jews were registered in this city. See also Kruglov, Jewish Losses in Ukraine, 284. See also page 277, and 242 et seq.

[1414] Boeckh, Stalinismus, 498.

[1415] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 263.

[1416] Ibid., 265–66; Boeckh, Stalinismus, 500.

[1417] Volodymyr Rasovych, “Z khrestom chy z nozhem?,” Vil’na Ukraїna, 8 April 1945, 5–6. Halan published the article under the pseudonym Volodymyr Rasovych. Cf. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 420.

[1418] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 266–67; Boeckh, Stalinismus, 508; Bociurkiw, Ukraїns’ka, 100.

[1419] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 267.

[1420] Bociurkiw, Ukraїns’ka, 120.

[1421] Boeckh, Stalinismus, 516.

[1422] Bociurkiw, Ukraїns’ka, 145–46, 161, 168–70.

[1423] Ibid., 179–81.

[1424] Bociurkiw, Ukraїns’ka, 143–47, 155–56.

[1425] Boeckh, Stalinismus, 293.

[1426] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 504–5.

[1427] Boeckh, Stalinismus, 296–303, 309–11.

[1428] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 424, 428.

[1429] Ibid., 416. Statiev provides the number 750,000. Altogether 3,184,726 Ukrainians were enlisted in the Red Army. Cf. Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 78.

[1430] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 418.

[1431] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 211, 215, 218, 220; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 424.

[1432] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 222–24, 227.

[1433] DALO, f. 3, op. 1, d. 70, 2, quoted in Burds, AGENTURA, 101.

[1434] Report of raion rebel chief, Lviv region, dated March 1947. DALO, f. 3, op. 2, d. 121, 108–13, quoted in Burds, AGENTURA, 102.

[1435] Burds, AGENTURA, 101.

[1436] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 478.

[1437] Stanisław Ciesielski, Grzegorz Hryciuk and Aleksander Srebrakowski, Masowe deportacje ludności w Związku radzieckim (Toruń: Adam Marszałek, 2003), 281, 291; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 479.

[1438] In 1946, 6,350 persons; in 1948, 817; in 1951, 18,523; and in 1952, 3,229 persons were deported from western Ukraine. Cf. Ciesielski, Masowe deportacje, 291, 294; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 533–37.

[1439] Ciesielski, Masowe deportacje, 291, 294; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 536–37, 649.

[1440] Boekh, Stalinismus, 349.

[1441] Ciesielski, Masowe deportacje, 291, 294; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 536–37, 649; Boeckh, Stalinismus, 349.

[1442] TsDAHO f. 1, op. 23, spr. 4963, 34, quoted in Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 537.

[1443] Serhyi Kudelia, “Choosing Violence in Irregular Wars: The Case of Anti-Soviet Insurgency in Western Ukraine,” East European Politics and Societies and Cultures, 26 November 2012: 14–15.

[1444] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 542.

[1445] Kudelia, Choosing Violence in Irregular Wars, 23–25.

[1446] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 131.

[1447] For the structure and functioning of the NKVD and NKGB in Soviet Ukraine, see Boeckh, Stalinismus, 182–97.

[1448] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 283. Statiev quotes Timofei Strokach, “Dokladnaia zapiska o narusheniiakh sovetskoi zakonnosti v organakh NKVD-NKGB,” 2 June 1945, TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 23, spr. 2410, 102, 103. See also Burds, Gender and Policing, 317.

[1449] Loburenko, deputy minister of internal affairs of Ukraine, to Korotchenko, “Soobshchenie,” 31 March 1946, TsDIAL f. 3. op. 1, spr. 424, quoted in Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 283.

[1450] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 484–88, 528–29. “Physical methods of coercion” were legal in the USSR, although some police officers were punished for using a “medieval method,” as in the case of two, who, in March 1945 in Ternopil’, were sentenced to ten years, for grilling the foot of a woman under interrogation, on a stove. Torture remained a common interrogation method at least until the end of Stalinism. Cf. Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 247–48.

[1451] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 499; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 231; Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 205.

[1452] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 251.

[1453] Rusnachenko, Narod zburenyi, 254; Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 250

[1454] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 480–81.

[1455] Redlich, Together and Apart, 142.

[1456] Janina Kwiatkowska, KAW, II/1352, 7.

[1457] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 480.

[1458] TsDAHO f. 57, op. 4, spr. 37, 266–67.

[1459] Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 232; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 435, 475.

[1460] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 202.

[1461] For OUN threats to murder the family of a surrendered UPA partisan, see the interrogation of Vasyl’ Pchelians’kyi, 9 August 1944, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 4, 88.

[1462] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 205.

[1463] Ibid., 203–5.

[1464] The commission was established on 2 November 1942 by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. Its full name was: The Extraordinary State Commission for ascertaining and investigating crimes perpetrated by the German-Fascist invaders and their accomplices and the damage inflicted by them on citizens, collective farms, social organizations, state enterprises and institutions of the USSR (Chrezychainaia gosudarstvennaia komissiia po ustanovleniiu i rassledovaniiu zlodeianii nemetsko-fashistskikh zakhvatnikov i ikh soobshchnikov i prichinennogo imi ushcherba grazhdanam, kolkhozam, obshchestvennym organizatsiiam, gosudarstvennym predpriiatiiam i uchrezhdeniiam SSSR). For the Extraordinary State Commission, see Marina Sorokina, “People and Procedures. Toward a History of the Investigation of Nazi Crimes in the USSR,” in The Holocaust in the East. Local Perpetrators and Soviet Responses, ed. Michael David-Fox, Peter Holquist, and Alexander M. Martin (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press, 2014), 118–41.

[1465] John-Paul Himka, “‘Skazhytie, mnogo liudei vy rozsstrelialy’ ‘Net, ne mnogo—chelovek 25–30,’” 4 July 2012, http://www.uamoderna.com/md/173, Ukraїna Moderna (accessed, 7 November 2012).

[1466] Burds, AGENTURA, 94; Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 231.

[1467] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 105.

[1468] HDA SBU, spr. 372, vol. 51, 195–98, quoted in Kudelia, Choosing Violence in Irregular Wars, 18.

[1469] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 89; Burds, Early Cold War, 22.

[1470] HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 4, 176–78; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 436.

[1471] Burds, “AGENTURA,” 102.

[1472] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 433.

[1473] Rusnachenko, Narod zburenyi, 319; Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 129.

[1474] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 435.

[1475] Ibid., 538, 542.

[1476] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 129.

[1477] Ibid., 127.

[1478] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 546.

[1479] TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 23, spr. 1741, 48, quoted in Burds, AGENTURA, 109.

[1480] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 510.

[1481] Ibid., 517.

[1482] Ibid., 518.

[1483] Ibid., 523–24.

[1484] Ibid., 440–50, 489–99.

[1485] GARF, 9478, op. 1. t. 126, 226–28, quoted in Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 472. For similar instructions, see Burds, AGENTURA, 104–5.

[1486] Burds, AGENTURA, 106.

[1487] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 517.

[1488] Ibid., 549.

[1489] The NKVD stated in its documents that Marżenko did not work for them. Cf. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 472. The OUN-UPA was particularly brutal to Poles who were suspected of collaborating with the Soviet authorities. Poles frequently regarded the Soviet Union as a force that could help them survive the OUN-UPA terror and were willing to help the Soviet authorities. Cf. Burds, AGENTURA, 117–19.

[1490] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 473.

[1491] Ibid., 473.

[1492] GARF f. 9478, op. 1, d. 131, 293.

[1493] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 130–31.

[1494] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 518.

[1495] Ibid., 519–20. The OUN-UPA disarmed destruction battalions in many other places. Cf. Ibid., 520.

[1496] Ibid., 549.

[1497] GARF, f. R-9478, op.1, d. 381, 60, quoted in Burds, AGENTURA, 107.

[1498] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 472–73.

[1499] Ibid., 549.

[1500] Ibid., 573.

[1501] “Ternovym providnykam, komandyram viddiliv UPA, usim chlenam OUN i povstantsyam do vidoma,” 1 May 1947, Potichnyj Collection, box 80, vol. 3, f. 6, quoted in Kudelia, Choosing Violence in Irregular Wars, 8.

[1502] Burds, Early Cold War, 37; Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 234.

[1503] DALO, f. 3, op. 2, d. 456, 190, quoted in Burds, AGENTURA, 126–27; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 232; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 532.

[1504] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 244–45.

[1505] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 512–14.

[1506] Ibid., 543.

[1507] Ibid., 549.

[1508] Ibid., 546–47.

[1509] Ibid., 575–76, 608–10, 637, 641, 647–49.

[1510] Ibid., 581–89.

[1511] Ibid., 592–97.

[1512] Ibid., 604–7.

[1513] Volodymyr V”iatrovych, Stavlennia OUN do ievreiv: Formuvannia pozytsii na tli katastrofy (Lviv: Vydavnytstvo Ms, 2006), 137, 139.

[1514] Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago 1918–1956: An Experiment in Literary Investigation (New York: Harper & Row, 1974–1978), 3: 235.

[1515] Solzhenitsyn, Gulag Archipelago, 3:236.

[1516] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 649; Boekh, Stalinismus, 366–67. Of the 134,000 arrested, 103,003 were accused of belonging to the anti-Soviet nationalist underground, and 31,434 were accused of other anti-Soviet acts, such as espionage, agitation, or terrorism. Of the 103,003, 82,930 and of the 31,464, 26,787 were imprisoned or sent to Gulag. Cf. Boekh, Stalinismus, 367

[1517] During 1944–45 the Soviets killed 103,313 OUN-UPA members and arrested 110,785. A further 50,058 OUN-UPA members came out of hiding, and 13,704 deserters from the Red Army were arrested along with 83,284 western Ukrainians who refused to be conscripted. Cf. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 502. In 1946 the Soviets killed 10,774 “bandits,” arrested 9,541, and 6,120 came out of hiding, see Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 528.

[1518] Penter, Collaboration on Trial, 787.

[1519] According to a KGB report from 1973, the OUN-UPA killed 30,676 people between 1944 and 1953. Among them were 8,340 NKGB-MGB, NKVD, Red Army soldiers, and soldiers from destruction battalions; 1,454 members of village councils; 314 chairmen of kolkhozes; 15,355 peasants and workers at kolkhozes; 676 other workers; 1,931 members of the intelligentsia; 50 priests; 860 children, old people, housewives; and other groups. Cf. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 650. Between February 1944 and December 1946 the OUN-UPA killed 11,725 people. Among them were 6,250 civilians or, if we include the members of the destruction battalions, 6,980. Cf. Burds, AGENTURA, 109.

[1520] 153,000 were killed, 134,000 arrested, 203,000 deported. Cf. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 657. Boeckh mentions 500,000. Cf. Boeckh, Stalinismus, 366.

[1521] RG 263, ZZ-18, Box#80, NN3-263-02-008, Mykola Lebed Name File, vol. 1, 50–51; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 622; Dorril, MI6, 230–31; Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 106. Contact between the OUN and the British intelligence service very likely existed before the Second World War. Cf. Philby, My Silent War, 145; Dorril, MI6, 224. See also chapter 1 above.

[1522] Statiev, Soviet Counterinsurgency, 89.

[1523] Burds, Early Cold War, 22.

[1524] Report of I. Bogorodchenko to Shamberg (Moscow) and Zlepko (Kiev), DALO, f. 3, op. 1, spr. 212, 165–66, quoted in Burds, Early Cold War, 21.

[1525] Quoted in Burds, Early Cold War, 26.

[1526] “Raport nachel’nyka,” HDA SBU spr. 10876, vol. 2, 552, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:211.

[1527] Quoted in Burds, Early Cold War, 24.

[1528] Quoted in Burds, Early Cold War, 25.

[1529] Burds, Early Cold War, 27.

[1530] Ibid., 34.

[1531] Ibid., 36–37.

[1532] Ibid., 6. Christopher Simpson calls the operation Bloodstone, but he has Rollback in mind. Cf. Simpson, Blowback: America’s Recruitment, 99–102.

[1533] Peter Grose, Operation Rollback: America’s Secret War behind the Iron Curtain (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2000), 98; Burds, Early Cold War, 6.

[1534] Grose, Operation Rollback, 98; Burds, Early Cold War, 6.

[1535] Quoted in Burds, Early Cold War, 8.

[1536] Evan Thomas, The Very Best Men. Four who dared: The early years of the CIA (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995), 355–56, note 6.

[1537] CIC Special Agent Randolph F. Carroll, European Theater, Region III, 1947, quoted in Burds, Early Cold War, 11.

[1538] Vic Satzewich, Ukrainian Diaspora (London: Routledge, 2002), 93–97. Up to 1950, 1,850,000 Ostarbeiter came back to the Ukrainian SSR. Cf. Boeckh, Stalinismus, 293, 296, 303; Julia Lalande, “Building a Home Abroad” – A Comparative Study of Ukrainian Migration, Immigration Policy and Diaspora Formation in Canada and Germany after the World War II (Dissertation at the University of Hamburg, 2006), 40. For the 120,000 who left Ukraine in 1944 with the Germans, see Boeckh, Stalinismus, 293.

[1539] Lalande, “Building, 50–55; Mechnyk, Pochatok, 60, 62.

[1540] Anna Holian, “Anticommunism in the Streets: Refugee Politics in Cold War Germany,” Journal of Contemporary History Vol. 45, No. 1 (2010): 152.

[1541] Lalande, “Building, 62, 65–68, 70, 72, 83–84, 86.

[1542] “Dokladnaia zapiska,” November 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 43, 1–47, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:144–46; Mechnyk, Pochatok, 69–71; Dorril, MI6, 234.

[1543] Breitman, Hitler’s Shadow, 78.

[1544] Anna Holian, Between National Socialism and Soviet Communism. Displaced Persons in Postwar Germany (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2011), 45–47, 268.

[1545] Lalande, “Building, 139.

[1546] Some accounts suggested 3,000 to 4,000, others 10,000. Cf. Holian, Anticommunism, 152. Mechnyk, Pochatok, 145, also calculated 10,000.

[1547] Holian, Anticommunism, 155–56. Stepinac’s attitude to the Ustaša regime was ambiguous. On the one hand, he did not approve of the Ustaša terror. On the other, he did not denounce its crimes, probably because he was a supporter of an independent Croatian state. Cf. Mark Binodich, “Controversies surrounding the Catholic Church in Wartime Croatia, 1941–45,” Totalitarian Movement and Political Religions Vol. 7, No. 4 (2006): 450, 452.

[1548] Mechnyk, Pochatok, 145.

[1549] Holian, Anticommunism, 159; Mechnyk, Pochatok, 146–47.

[1550] Mechnyk, Pochatok, 165.

[1551] “Admission to Canada, Resolution, 24 May 1948” LAC (Library and Archives Canada), RG 26 (Department of Citizenship and Emigration) vol. 130, quoted in Lalande, “Building, 148.

[1552] Quoted in Simpson, Blowback, 180.

[1553] Golczewski, Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine, 179.

[1554] Margolian, Unauthorized Entry, 135.

[1555] Lalande, “Building, 149–53; Satzewich, Ukrainian Diaspora, 101.

[1556] Dorril, MI6, 240–41; Lalande, “Building, 164–65. Margolian estimates that about 2,000 war criminals and collaborators entered Canada. Cf. Margolian, Unauthorized Entry, 3–4.

[1557] Dorril, MI6, 241.

[1558] 80,000 moved to the United States, 38,000 to Canada, 21,000 to Australia, 10,000 to each of Britain, France, and Belgium. Cf. Satzewich, Ukrainian Diaspora, 89.

[1559] Margolian, Unauthorized Entry, 131–32, 135, 146; Lalande, “Building, 149–53.

[1560] “Dekliaratsiia provodu Orhanizatsiї Ukraїns’kykh Natsionalistiv pislia zakinchennia druhoї svitovoї vyiny v Evropi,” in OUN v svitli, 122.

[1561] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 196–98.

[1562] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 203, 216; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 622.

[1563] “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 85.

[1564] HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, t. 6, 4, 8.

[1565] “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron,’” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:92; Mechnyk, Pochatok, 57.

[1566] Sushko, Zavdannia vykonav, 133; The OUN member Andrii Kutsan, interview by author, Munich, 14 February 2008.

[1567] “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 85–86; Interrogation of Iaroslava Bandera, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272, 4; Danylo Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi Bandery pered sudom (Munich: Cicero, 1965), 8. In 1978 Söcking was incorporated into Starnberg.

[1568] “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron,’” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:94; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 248. Bandera, Stets’ko, and several other people from the ZCh OUN frequently lived at addresses where they were not registered, see Slava Stets’ko-Muzyka, Z ideiamy Stepana Bandery, 179.

[1569] “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 86; Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 8. According to Vasyl’ Shushko, Bandera rented the house at least until 1954, see Sushko, Zavdannia vykonav, 144.

[1570] “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 86.

[1571] Stets’ko-Muzyka, Z ideiamy Stepana, 179; “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron,’” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:90; Sushko, Zavdannia vykonav, 145.

[1572] Interrogation of Iaroslava Bandera, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272, 4.

[1573] “Slovo Natalky Bandery,” in Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 306. Natalia Bandera also stated that the Bandera family lived in Hildesheim, but she did not specify when.

[1574] “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 87. The ZCh OUN commission established in 1959 to investigate Bandera’s death wrote that Bandera moved in 1955 to Kreittmayrstrasse 7. See the report of the investigating commission at the Archive of the Stepan Bandera Museum in London (ASBML), 3113, 2.

[1575] Cf. Bandera’s registration card (Ausweis-Certification) from Mauthausen in the exhibition of the Stepan Bandera Historical Memorial Museum in Staryi Uhryniv.

[1576] See Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 248; Ivan Iaremko, “Romantyk Shakhiv,” L’vivska hazeta, 17 July 2007, http://www.gazeta.lviv.ua/articles/2007/08/17/25619/ (accessed 22 August 2010).

[1577] Both are in the possession of the Stepan Bandera Historical Memorial Museum in Staryi Uhryniv. For Ukraїns’ka trybuna, see Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 7.

[1578] Mary Ellen Reese, Organisation Gehlen. Der Kalte Krieg und der Aufbau des deutschen Geheimdienstes (Berlin: Rowohlt, 1992), 92; Burds, Early Cold War, 12. On the protection of Nazis by American intelligence in general, see Breitman, Hitler’s Shadow, 35–66.

[1579] Simpson, Blowback; Breitman, Hitler’s Shadow, 73–91.

[1580] Simpson, Blowback, 159.

[1581] Dorril, MI6, 232; “Protokol doprosa zakhvachennogo parashiutista Matviieiko Mirona Vasil’evicha,” 14–15 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 42, 237–49, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:115, 119–20.

[1582] H. Dmytrenko, “Novi khaziaї ukraїns’ko-nimets’kykh natsionalistiv,” Vil’na Ukraїna, 19 June 1946, 7; Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 7; Mstyslavets’, “Liudoїd,” Vil’na Ukraїna, 31 July 1946, 5.

[1583] Dorril, MI6, 231.

[1584] “Source Kilkenny,” an attachment to SC Washington to SS Amzon, 20.11.1946, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v. See also AB-51 to AB-43, 28.10.1946, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v.

[1585] John Loftus, The Belarus Secret: The Nazi Connection in America (New York: Knopf, 1982), 102–3, quoted in Burds, Early Cold War, 14.

[1586] Burds, Early Cold War, 12–13. Sacharow and Filippovych write that the operation to apprehend Bandera in the American occupation zone began only in September 1946, see Vladimir Vladimirovič Sacharow, Dmitrij Nikolaievič Filippovych, and Michael Kubina, “Tschekisten in Deutschland: Organisation, Aufgaben und Aspekte der Tätigkeit der sowjetischen Sicherheitsapparate in der sowjetischen Besatzungszone Deutschland (1945–1949),” in Anatomie der Parteizentrale. Die KPD/SPD auf dem Weg zur Macht, ed. Manfred Wilke (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1998), 323–24. See also Dorril, MI6, 232; “Protokol doprosa zakhvachennogo parashiutista Matviieiko Mirona Vasil’evicha,” 14–15 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 42, 237–49, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:119.

[1587] Burds, Early Cold War, 13.

[1588] Breitman, Hitler’s Shadow, 79.

[1589] Burds, Early Cold War, 13.

[1590] “Ukrainian Rebel Hides Again. After Brief Talk in Germany,” Christian Science Monitor, 21 April 1950, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1. According to another interview Bandera was protected by a “squad of husky armed bodyguards.” Cf. News Review, 13 April 1950, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1.

[1591] Card Ref. D 82270, July 22, 1947, NARA, RG 319, E 134B, B 757, Mykola Lebed IRR Personal File, Box 757, quoted in Breitman, Hitler’s Shadow, 86.

[1592] Mykola Lebed’, UPA, Ukraїns’ka Povstans’ka Armiia: її heneza, rist i diї u vyzvol’niї borotbi ukraїn- s’koho narodu za ukraїns’ku samostiїnu sobornu derzhavu (Presove biuro UHVR, 1946).

[1593] Mykola Lebed’, UPA,Ukraїns’ka Povstans’ka Armiia (Munich: Suchasnist’, 1987), 69.

[1594] Lebed’, Ukraїns’ka Povstans’ka Armiia, 89. Presenting victims as aggressors was a common practice among Nazis during the Final Solution. Cf. Snyder, Bloodlands, 214.

[1595] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 217; “Dokladnaia zapiska,” November 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, t. 43, 1–47, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:138–39.

[1596] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 228.

[1597] “Protokol doprosa obviniaemogo Vasylia Okhrymovicha Ostapovicha,” 16 December 1952, HDA SBU f. 5, spr. 445, vol. 4, 102–14, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:353; “Protokol doprosa obvi- niaemogo Okhrimovicha Vasiliia Ostapovicha,” 21 October 1952, HDA SBU f. 5, spr. 445, vol. 1, 216–225, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:270–71.

[1598] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 220–23; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 622–24; Mechnyk, Pochatok, 205.

[1599] Dorril, MI6, 233, 238–39; Bishop Ivan Buchko helped to transfer money. Cf. “Agenturnoe donesenie,” 29 November 1949, HDA SBU f. 2, op. 37, spr. 65, 226–237, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 2:342; “Protokol doprosa zakhvachennogo parashiutista Matviieiko Mirona Vasil’evicha,” 12 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 16–26, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:40.

[1600] “Informatsiia pro diiu i orhanizatsiini spravy ABN,” in Informatsinyi biuleten’, No. 1 (1948): 4–6.

[1601] Holian, Anticommunism, 145–48. For Ferdinand Ďurčanský, see Jelinek, The Parish Republic, 19, 20, 28, 35–37, 43–44. For Ďurčanský, see James Mace Ward, Priest, Politician, Collaborator. Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013), 164, 265. For former Nazis and successors of the Ustaša and the Romanian Legionaries, see Rudling, Return of the Ukrainian Far Right, 230.

[1602] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 228. For nationalism and antisemitism in the ZP UHVR, see Ilnytzkyi, Deutschland und die Ukraine, 2:144. In his dissertation, Roman Ilnytzkyi quoted antisemitic OUN-B documents from 1941 without commenting on them. He did not even comment on slogans like “fight against Jews and communists.” His PhD supervisor was the former Abwehr officer Hans Koch.

[1603] Andrii Rebet, interview by author, Munich, 22 February 2008; “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron,’” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:82–83; Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 229.

[1604] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 229.

[1605] For the version with firing, see Burds, Early Cold War, 16. For the version with threatening, see “Informatsiia nachal’nika,” HDA SBU f. 3, op.37, spr. 65, 109, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:609–10. For Bandera’s order to liquidate Lebed’, see “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron,’” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:71.

[1606] Document about the OUN in Bavaria written by inspector Adrian Fuchs, 13 September 1960, StM, Staatsanwaltschaften 34887, vol. 1, 59; “Schlussbericht der Untersuchung zu vier vermissten ukrainischen Personen,” StM, Staatsanwaltschaften 34887, vol. 2, 52; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 249.

[1607] Dorril, MI6, 234–45. According to Dorril the action had the name Ohio. Lebed’, Stets’ko, Lenkavs’kyi, Hryn’okh, and Bandera directed it. Cf. Dorril, MI6, 234–45; Simpson, Blowback, 151.

[1608] “Bundeskriminalamt, Besprechungsbericht,”27 April 1962, BAK, B 362/1080, 255.

[1609] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 624.

[1610] The perpetrators stabbed Gulay with a knife several times but did not kill him. Cf. “Ukrainische Attentäter vor Gericht,” “Mordanschlag auf den Kosakengeneral,” “Drei gegen den Kosaken,” StM, Staatsanwaltschaften 34887, vol. 2.

[1611] “Schlussbericht der Untersuchung zu vier vermissten ukrainischen Personen,” StM, Staatsanwaltschaften 34887, vol. 2, 45–52.

[1612] Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 249.

[1613] “Voruntersuchung gegen Bogdan Staschynskij,” 22 May 1962, BAK, B 362/10137, 272.

[1614] Inquiry 74WLO-2S-83, “Re: Acts of aggression against the Soviet Union in Canada”—inquiry from the RCMP Liaison Office, Washington D.C. to CIA, Washington, DC, December 9, 1974. NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File.

[1615] “Politische Banden werden aktiv. Faschistische Emigranten im Untergrundkampf,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, 14 November 1950, StM. Pol. Dir. München 9281, l.

[1616] K.-7-B 195/50, München 27 January 1950, Stadt Archiv München, Pol. Oir. 843.

[1617] “Zaiava holovnoho komanduvannia Ukraїns’koї Povstans’koї Armiї,” 25 September 1947, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 44, 189–90, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:601–4.

[1618] “Sviatochnyi nakaz,” 14 October 1947, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 44, 188–89, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:606–9.

[1619] “Vypiska iz protokola doprosa Dyshkanta,” 30 November 1947 HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 43, 322–34, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:622–25.

[1620] “Spetsial’noie soobshchenie,” 23 April 1948, HDA SBU f. 2, op. 37, spr. 65, 176–177, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 2:41–44; “Komunikat, “10 February 1948, HDA SBU f. 2, op. 37, spr. 65, 179–81, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 2:44–47; “Vypiska iz protokola obvyniaiemogo Khamuliak T. V.,” HDA SBU f. 65, spr. S-9079, vol. 6, 27–29, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 2:54; Sushko, Zavdannia vykonav, 170.

[1621] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 246–51; Kyrychuk, Ukraїns’kyi natsional’nyi rukh, 357; “Protokol doprosa,” 24–27 November 1948, HDA SBU spr. 10876, vol. 1, 38–42, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 2:77; “Lyst Stepana Bandery,” spring 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, t. 41, 389–423, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 2:582, 595; Mechnyk, Pochatok, 125–28.

[1622] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 248; Mudryk-Mechnyk, Spohad pro Stepana Banderu, 14; interrogation of Ivan Kashuba, Munich, 12 November 1959, Stepan Bandera Museum in London (ASBML), 3094, 4.

[1623] “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron,’” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:96.

[1624] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 628, 630.

[1625] “Otnoshenie provoda OUN,” 6 February 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 41, 179–84, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 2:426.

[1626] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 611, 625–26.

[1627] “Handbuch der Emigration. Teil: Ukrainer,” 1 July 1953, BAK, B 206/1080, 14; Mechnyk, Pochatok, 206.

[1628] “Zaiavlenie ob ukhode s posta predstavitelia ‘provoda’ OUN,” 22 September 1952, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 379, 179–83, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:188; “Stepan Bandera Resigns His Post …” 30 September 1952 NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1.

[1629] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 631–32; Mechnyk, Pochatok, 210; Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 262. For Lebed’, see Breitman and Goda, Hitler’s Shadow, 88–90.

[1630] A14-493, Notes from the foreign language press, 21.04.1954, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1.

[1631] “Betreff: Druckerei Cicero,” 16 February 1954, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281.

[1632] “Vernehmungsschrift Bohdan Pidhainyj,” 14 January 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 5–11.

[1633] “Vorführungsnote Stefan Popel,” 20 January 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 48; “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 8 February 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 61.

[1634] In summer 1967 the Munich police routinely asked the police in London about Kurovets’. They learned that he never came back to London from Munich and, according to émigré information, was shot there in June 1956. Cf. KA II-147/68, 14.02.1968, StM. Pol. Dir. München 9281, 48.

[1635] Commissar Adrian Fuchs of the Munich criminal police could not clarify who broke in, and did not exclude the possibility that the ZCh OUN had staged this burglary. Cf. “Strafanzeige,” 8 March 1957, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281.

[1636] “Anzeige Tgb. Nr. 1020/57 v. 8.3.57, 09.03.1957; 1 a Js 640/57,” 11 April 1957, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281.

[1637] “Von: Der Oberstaatsanwalt dem Landgericht München I (Schönberger) An: Herrn-Generalstaatsanwalt bei dem Oberlandsgericht, Herrn Generalstaatsanwalt Dr. Hechtel persönlich in München, München 31. Juli 1958,” StM, Staatsanwaltschaften 34887, vol. 3, 1. Another document mentions that the ZCh OUN received the parcel on 20 August. Cf. “Instruktion Nr. 6.,” StM, Staatsanwaltschaften 34887, vol. 2, 71–72.

[1638] “Handakten zu der Strafsache gegen Bandera Stepan wegen Mord,” StM, Staatsanwaltschaften 34887, vol. 3, 1, 3–4.

[1639] “Letter to police in Munich,” 2 June 1958, StM, Staatsanwaltschaften 34887, vol. 3.

[1640] “Schreiben Aktenzeichen: 1 a Js 254o/58; Tgb. Nr. 35/38 VS-Vertr.,” 1 December 1958, StM, Staats-anwaltschaften 34887, vol. 3, 12–13.

[1641] Burds, Early Cold War, 14.

[1642] “Handbuch der Emigration. Teil IV: Ukrainer,” 1 July 1953, BAK, B 206/1080, 43, 46, 49; Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 8.

[1643] Balei, Fronda Stepana Bandery,14–15; “Dokladnaia zapiska,” November 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 43, 1–47, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:148–49.

[1644] Breitman, Hitler’s Shadow, 81; EGMA-19914, Chief of Base, Munich to Chief SR, 29.03.1956, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v; Attachment B to EGMA-19914, Subject: Stefan Bandera’s Anti-American Activities, 29.03.1956, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v.

[1645] Breitman, Hitler’s Shadow, 82.

[1646] Ibid., 81.

[1647] “Protokol doprosa zakhvachennogo parashiutista Pidgirnogo Evgeniia Ivanovicha,” 10 June1951, HDA SBU f. 7, op. 76, spr. 1, vol. 2, 1–16, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:21–24, 27–28, 31, 37–38; “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron,’” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:98.

[1648] Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 628–31.

[1649] Philby, My Silent War, 145; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 627–32; Motyka, Tak było w Bieszczadach, 467–76; Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 261; Richard J. Aldrich, The Hidden Hand. Britain, America and the Cold War Secret Intelligence (Woodstock: Overlook Press, 2002), 170–71. For details concerning the agent “Zenon” and the network established by the UB, see Igor Hałagida, Prowokacja “Zenona”: Geneza, przebieg i skutki operacji MBP o kryptomimie “C1” przeciwko banderowskiej frakcji OUN i wywiadowi brytyjskiemu, 1950–1954 (Warsaw: EFEKT, 2005). For the recognition of the infiltration in 1955, see KGB’s Operation “Karmen” Against Ukrainian Groups: 1, 5, 07 June 1955, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v. For avoiding radar and parachuting, see Dorril, MI6, 242–43; Simpson, Blowback, 173. For Secret Intelligence Service (SIS) couriers, see “Protokol doprosa zakhvachennogo parashiutista Matviieiko Mirona Vasil’evicha,” 12 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 16–26, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:44. The majority of parachuted Ukrainian MI6 and CIA agents were caught by the Soviet authorities. According to Mykhailo Klymchuk, an OUN-UPA member and former Waffen-SS soldier who remained in the United Kingdom after the war, only three Ukrainians returned from Soviet Ukraine after parachuting—interview by author, London, 14 May 2008. For infiltration of the ZP UHVR, see “Anklageschrift gegen Bogdan Staschynskij,” 24 March 1962, BAK, B 362/10137, 190b.

[1650] Breitman, Hitler’s Shadow, 82–83.

[1651] “Stenograma: Protokol doprosa Matviieiko Mirona Vasil’evicha,” 9 December 1952, HDA SBU f. 6, spr. 56232, 173–79, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:339; “Protokol doprosa Matviieiko Mirona Vasil’evicha,” 10 December 1952, HDA SBU f. 6, spr. 56232, 180–87, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:341; ASBML, 3094, 4–5.

[1652] Sushko, Zavdannia vykonav, 144, 146, 167.

[1653] Breitman, Hitler’s Shadow, 83; Dorril, MI6, 247.

[1654] For 1955, see E-36, Natalie C. Grant to Jacob D. Beam, 29 April 1956, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1. The OUN-B member Zenon Matla established contact with French intelligence in 1946. Cf. “Protokol doprosa zakhvachennogo parashiutista Matviieiko Mirona Vasil’evicha,” 14–15 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 42, 237–249, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:126. For Lebed’ and French intelligence in 1946, see also Snyder, The Red Prince, 233–34.

[1655] “Protokol doprosa zakhvachennogo parashiutista Matviieiko Mirona Vasil’evicha,” 14–15 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 42, 237–49, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:127–28.

[1656] Breitman, Hitler’s Shadow, 83.

[1657] Ibid., 84.

[1658] Ibid., 84.

[1659] Sushko, Zavdannia vykonav, 165.

[1660] “Protokol doprosa zakhvachennogo parashiutista Matviieiko Mirona Vasil’evicha,” 14–15 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 42, 237–49, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:128–29.

[1661] Sushko, Zavdannia vykonav, 165.

[1662] Sprava Myroslava Styranky, 30.12.1955, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v. For Stets’ko’s visits to Spain and Taiwan, see Slava Stetzko, “A.B.N. Ideas assert themselves: The 20th Anniversary of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (A.B.N.), 1943–1963,” Ukrainian Review, 3 (1963): 9.

[1663] Munich to Director, MUCO 033, 5 September 1956, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-19, B 11, Aerodynamic: Operations, 14, 1v; Breitman, Hitler’s Shadow, 83–84. For Bandera’s connection to von Mende, see also “Vorführungsnote Stefan Popel,” 20 January 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 47. For von Mende’s connections with American intelligence, see Ian Johnson, A Mosque in Munich: Nazis, the CIA, and the Muslim Brotherhood in the West (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2010), 53–57. For the Munich police proceeding against Bandera, see “Vorführungsnote Stefan Popel,” 20 January 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 45–48; “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 81–90. For von Mende and Ukrainian nationalists during the Second World War, see John-Paul Himka, “Introduction,” Engels and the ‘Nonhistoric’ Peoples: The National Question in the Revolution of 1848, Roman Rosdolsky, ed. John-Paul Himka (Glasgow: Critique Books, 1986), 2‒3.

[1664] EGMA-18250, Chief of Base Munich to Chief, SR, 15.01.1956, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v. Dorril claims that Bandera secretly visited Washington in 1950 to establish better relations with American intelligence. Cf. Dorril, MI6, 244. For a picture of Bandera in Canada, see Mudryk-Mechnyk, Spohad pro Stepana Banderu, 18.

[1665] “Otnoshenie provoda OUN,” 6 February 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 41, 179–84, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 2:418–19.

[1666] Sosnovskyi, Dmytro, 198–99, 379–80.

[1667] “Subject: Stefan Bandera,” 19.01.1956, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v.

[1668] EGMA-18250, Chief of Base Munich to Chief, SR, 15.01.1956 and Action SR6, from Munich to Director, 30.12.1955, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v.

[1669] Stepan Bandera, “Promova na p”iatu zustrich ukraїntsiv ZSA i Kanady 1954 roku,” in Perspektyvy ukraїns’koї revoliutsiї, ed. Vasyl’ Ivanyshyn (Drohobych: Vidrodzhennia, 1999), 617–22.

[1670] “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron,’” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:85–86.

[1671] Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:83–84, 86, 87. According to Matviieiko, Harabach’s predecessor Mykola Klymyshyn was also involved in fraud, because of which he left for the United States.

[1672] Attachment D to Egma 48874, 7.01.1960, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 2v.; Sprava: Ivan Kashuba pro ostanni momenty v zhyttiu Bandera, 04.01.1960; NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v. After Bandera’s assassination this affair was wrongly linked to his death.

[1673] “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM, Pol. Dir. München 9281, 90.

[1674] “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron,’” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:71–72.

[1675] “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron,’” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:72, 86.

[1676] Ibid., 87; Mudryk-Mechnyk, Spohad pro Stepana Banderu, 14; Irena Kozak, interview by author, Munich, 16 February 2008.

[1677] “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron,’” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:81–82.

[1678] Stets’ko-Muzyka, Z ideiamy Stepana, 179.

[1679] “Protokol doprosa parashiutista po klichke ‘Miron’,” 16 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 27–72, in Serhiichuk, Stepan Bandera, 3: 85–86.

[1680] For pictures of Bandera in private life after the Second World War, see Zhyttia i diial’nist’, ed. Posivnych, 2008, 157, 181, 191; Sushko, Zavdannia, l.

[1681] Stets’ko-Muzyka, Z ideiamy Stepana, 179–80, 185–86.

[1682] Interrogation of Iaroslava Bandera, 17 October 1959, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272, 32–33.

[1683] Interrogation of Dmytro Myskiv, 19 October 1959, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272, 36.

[1684] Sushko, Zavdannia, 137–38, 169, 170–71.

[1685] Andrii Kutsan, interview by author, Munich, 14 February 2008.

[1686] Arsenych, Rodyna Banderiv, 65–68, 72. For financial help, see Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:101. For Oksana Bandera in 1989 onward in Ukraine, see page 340 below.

[1687] Bandera’s articles appeared in various Ukrainian nationalist newspapers. They were collected and republished in 1978 in Stepan Bandera, Perspektyvy ukraїns’koї revoliutsiї, ed. Stepan Lenkas’kyi (Munich: Vydannia Orhanizatsiї Ukraїns’kykh Natsionalistiv, 1978). The volume was reprinted in 1993 by the Vidrodzhennia publishing house. See Stepan Bandera, Perspektyvy ukraїns’koї revoliutsiї, edited by Vasyl’ Ivanyshyn (Drohobych: Vidrodzhennia, 1999).

[1688] “Lyst Stepana Bandery,” 18 November 1945, HDA SBU spr. 10876, vol. 1, 154–63, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:383.

[1689] S. Siryi, “Znachennia shyrokykh mas ta їkh okhoplennia,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 15.

[1690] Ibid., 45.

[1691] S. Siryi, “Plianovist’ revoliutsiinoї borot’by v kraiu,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 59.

[1692] Stepan Bandera, “Perspektyvy ukraїns’koї natsional’no-vyzvol’noї revoliutsiї,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 509.

[1693] Siryi, “Do zasad nashoї vyzvol’noї polityky,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 52.

[1694] Ibid., 53.

[1695] Stepan Bandera, “Slovo do Ukraїns’kykh natsionalistiv-revoliutsioneriv za kordonom,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 88. For the original brochure from 1948, see Stepan Bandera, Slovo do Ukraїns’kykh natsionalistiv-revoliutsioneriv za kordonom (1948), 17.

[1696] Bandera, Slovo do Ukraїns’kykh, 88.

[1697] Ibid., 94.

[1698] Ibid., 126.

[1699] Stepan Bandera, “Ukraїns’ka Natsional’na Revolutsiia, a ne tilky protyrezhymnyi rezystans” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 151–52, 159–60. The article was first published in Ukraїns’kyi samostiinyk in 1950, No. 4, 5, 7, 8, 10–13, and 15.

[1700] Stepan Bandera, “Proty ideinoho rozbroiuvannia vyzvol’noї borot’by,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 244.

[1701] Ibid., 248–49.

[1702] Bandera, Ukraїns’ka Natsional’na Revolutsiia, 140.

[1703] Ibid., 130.

[1704] Ibid., 131.

[1705] Ibid., 143.

[1706] Stepan Bandera, “Nezminna stratehiia Moskvy,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 393. First published in Shliakh peremohy, 18 November 1956.

[1707] Stepan Bandera, “Z nevycherpnoho dzherela,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 413. First published in Shliakh peremohy, 7 January 1957.

[1708] Stepan Bandera, “Proty fal’shuvannia,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 323–24.

[1709] Stepan Bandera, “Khoch iaki velyki zhertvy—borot’ba konechna,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 357. First published in Shliakh peremohy, No. 2–3, 1956; Bandera, Z nevycherpnoho dzherela, 410.

[1710] Stepan Bandera, “Pershe interviu providnyka OUN, Stepana Bandery z chuzhynnymy zhurnalistamy” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 637. In 1951 Stalin was indeed afraid of a war with Western Europe and ordered the East European satellites to build up their armies. Cf. Snyder, Bloodlands, 362.

[1711] “Lyst Stepana Bandery,” spring 1951, HDA SBU f. 13, spr. 372, vol. 41, 389–423, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 2:568.

[1712] “Protokol doprosa zakhvachennogo parashiutista Matviieiko Mirona Vasil’evicha,” 12 July 1951, HDA SBU f. 6, op. 37, spr. 56232, 16–26, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 3:42.

[1713] Bandera, Perspektyvy ukraїn’s’koї, 512.

[1714] Ibid., 515.

[1715] Cf. Stepan Bandera, “Na pivmeti,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 604–9. First published in Shliakh peremohy, 3 May 1959. For the Ukrainian nationalists and the role of nuclear weapons in the struggle against the Soviet Union, see Rossoliński-Liebe, Erinnerungslücke Holocaust, 409, 415–16.

[1716] Stepan Bandera, “Tretia svitova viina i vyzvol’na borot’ba,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 226–27. First published in Surma, No. 22–24, 1950.

[1717] Stepan Bandera, “Interviu nimets’koї radiostatsiї v Kel’ni zi Stepanom Banderoiu,” in Perspektyvy, ed. Ivanyshyn, 616. First published in Shliakh peremohy, No. 43–44, 1954.

[1718] Bandera, Interviu nimets’koї radiostatsiї, 612.

[1719] Ibid., 612.

[1720] The NKVD-KGB documents concerning Bandera’s assassination and attempts to assassinate Bandera are still classified. In response to my e-mail request, the FSB archive in Moscow informed me by letter dated 18 July 2006 that it does not possess any documents concerning Bandera’s assassination.

[1721] Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 217–18; Shumuk, Za skhidnim obriiem, 429–33; Horbovyi’s interrogation in Poland 9 August 1947, see HDA SBU f. 6, spr. 70138, vol. 1, 179–184, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk,1:596–601.

[1722] Snyder, The Red Prince, 242–45.

[1723] Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 8.

[1724] “Handbuch der Emigration. Teil IV: Ukrainer,” 1 July 1953, BAK, B 206/1080, 46. For a KGB investigation record of Moroz, see “Protokol doprosa zaderzhannoho Moroz T. T.,” 7 July 1946, HDA SBU f. 9, spr. 106, t. 3, 5–7, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:495–515.

[1725] Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 8. Similarly to the OUN, the AK was persecuted by the MGB. Therefore Stel’mashchuk was almost certainly not an AK member when he worked for the MGB. Cf. “Handbuch der Emigration. Teil: Ukrainer,” 1 July 1953, BAK, B 206/1080, 47.

[1726] “Handbuch der Emigration. Teil: Ukrainer,” 1 July 1953, BAK, B 206/1080, 47. The document does not say who exactly executed Stel’mashchuk, but OUN-B historians claimed that “Stel’mashchuk disappeared from West Germany.” Cf. Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 9.

[1727] Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 9; “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM. Pol. Dir. München 9281, 86–87.

[1728] Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 8–9; KGB ’s Operation “Karmen” Against Ukrainian Groups, 5–6, 07.06.1955, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v.

[1729] “Vernehmungsniederschrift Stefan Popel,” 7 February 1956, StM. Pol. Dir. München 9281; KGB ’s Operation “Karmen” Against Ukrainian Groups: 3–4, 7 June 1955, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v. The Ukrainian commission of ZCh OUN activists established to investigate Bandera’s death also mentions several attempts to assassinate Bandera: one in 1946 organized by Moroz, one in 1948 organized by Zabs’kyi, and one in 1951–1952 organized by Leguda and Lemian. Cf. Report of the investigating commission, ASBML, 3113, 2.

[1730] Investigation of Iaroslava Bandera, Melach and Chaja Gamse, Magdalena Winkelmann, 16 October 1959 BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272, 2, 4, 8, 9.

[1731] “Sicherstellung einer Schußwaffe,” BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272, 1, 42.

[1732] Interrogation of Iaroslav Bentsal’, 16 October 1959, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272, 13.

[1733] Sprava: Ivan Kashuba pro ostanni momenty v zhyttiu Bandera, 4 January 1960; NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v.

[1734] “Informatsiї Pani Slavy,” 5 November 1959, ASBML, 3100, 3.

[1735] “Ziznannia plastuna. Do spravy Liudmyly Stapenko,” ASBML, 3120, 4; “Ziznannia plastuna. Chleny provodu ZCh OUN rivnozh reahuvaly na tse,” ASBML, 3120, 5; “Ziznannia druha Shuma,” ASBML, 3142, 1.

[1736] Record of Bandera’s dissection, 16 October 1959, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272; Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 26.

[1737] For the ZCh OUN five-man investigating commission and the private investigators from Bradford, see Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 37, 40; Investigation into the Death of Stepan Bandera, 24 June 1960, ASBML, 3158, 1.

[1738] Interrogation of Eugenia Mack, 17 October 1959, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272, 23.

[1739] Interrogation of Roman Debryckyj and Osyp Ferelycz, 17 October 1959, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272, 19, 22.

[1740] Document signed by Dr. Berg and Dr. Thoma, 2 December 1959, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272.

[1741] Attachment A to Egma 48874, 14.07.1960, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, 4, Stepan Bandera Name File, 2v; Interrogation of Iaroslav Bentsal’, 16 October 1959, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272, 13.

[1742] Attachment C to Egma 48874, 4 January 1960, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, 2–3, Stepan Bandera Name File, 2v; From Chief of Base Munich to Chief SR, 2 May 1960, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, Stepan Bandera Name File, 1v; Attachment A to Egma 48874, 14 July 1960, NARA, RG 263, E ZZ-18, 15–16, Stepan Bandera Name File, 2v.

[1743] I. Brechak, “Smert’ na bonns’kii psarni,” Radians’ka Ukraїna, 21 October 1959, 4; B. Aleksandrov, “Neschastnyi sluchai ili ubiistvo?” Komsomol’skaia pravda, 22 October 1959, 3.

[1744] Stephan Liebholz to Gösta von Uexküll, 12 May 1960, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272, 4; Interrogation of Gösta von Uexküll, 9 November 1961, BAK, B 362/10142, 349; “Ermittlungsbericht,” 19 October 1961, BAK, B 362/10142, 253–56.

[1745] On 12 October 1959 Myskiv went to Rome and returned to Munich on 16 October. Cf. “Anklageschrift gegen Bogdan Staschynskij,” 24 March 1962, BAK, B 362/10137, 198b–199; Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 53; “Strafsache gegen Bogdan Staschynskij, 9 StE 4/62,” 19 October 1062, BAK, B 362/10139, 562b.

[1746] Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 45–46, 594–95.

[1747] Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 37.

[1748] BAK, B 362/10551, 107.

[1749] Interrogation of Bohdan Stashyns’kyi, 6 September 1961, BAK, B 362/10141, 34–37.

[1750] Interrogations of Bohdan Stashyns’kyi, 6 September 1961, 7 September 1961, BAK, B 362/10141, 38–39, 41–43. For Mykhailo Stakhur and Halan’s assassination, see chapter 8 below, subsection “Halan—Soviet Martyr and Heroic Intellectual.”

[1751] Interrogation of Bohdan Stashyns’kyi, 7 August 1961, BA Koblenz , B 362/10141, 43; Interrogation of Bohdan Stashyns’kyi, 1 September 1961, BAK, B 362/10136, 4; Karl Anders, Mord auf Befehl: Der Fall Stachynskij (Tübingen: Fritz Schlichtenmayer, 1963), 17–19.

[1752] Interrogations of Bohdan Stashyns’kyi, 7 September 1961, BAK, B 362/10141, 55–56; “Voruntersuchung gegen Bogdan Staschynskij,” 22 May 1962, BAK, B 362/10137, 274.

[1753] Interrogation of Bohdan Stashyns’kyi, 7 September 1961, BAK, B 362/10141, 59.The pill was later analyzed by West German technicians. It was not an antidote, as the KGB informed Stashyns’kyi, but a kind of tranquilizer. See “Svidchennia profesora doktora Miullera,” in Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 247–48.

[1754] “Anklageschrift gegen Bogdan Staschynskij,” 24 March 1962, BAK, B 362/10137, 194v–5.

[1755] Interrogation of Bohdan Stashyns’kyi, 6 December 1961, BAK, B 362/10143, 408–12; Documents from 4 and 6 December 1961 concerning the bomb at the grave of Konovalets’, BAK, B 362/10136, 116–17. Konovalets’ was assassinated on 23 and not 25 May 1938.

[1756] “Anklageschrift gegen Bogdan Staschynskij,” 24 March 1962, BAK, B 362/10137, 195v–7v.

[1757] Ibid., 198–8v.

[1758] Psychiatric opinion, Aktenzeichen BVU 7/61, 9 BJs 561/61, 5 March 1962, BAK, B 362/10137, 209, 214; Interrogation of Inge Pohl, 11 September 1961, BAK, B 362/10141, 64.

[1759] Interrogation of Inge Pohl, 11 September 1961, BAK, B 362/10141, 64.

[1760] Ibid., 68–70; Psychiatric opinion, Aktenzeichen BVU 7/61, 9 BJs 561/61, 05.03.1962, BAK, B 362/10137, 220.

[1761] Interrogation of Inge Pohl, 11 September 1961, BAK, B 362/10141, 68–76.

[1762] In the hospital in Berlin, Bohdan learned that the baby did not die of pneumonia but choked on food he had vomited. A babysitter was responsible for this neglect. Cf. “Voruntersuchung gegen Bogdan Staschinskij,” 24 January 1962, BAK, B 362/10143, 558; Interrogation of Inge Pohl, 11 September 1961, BAK, B 362/10141, 76–78.

[1763] Interrogation of Inge Pohl, 11 September 1961, BAK, B 362/10141, 78–80. Inge described their escape slightly differently during the trial. Cf. Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 238–39.

[1764] “Bericht, GVS 160-7/71,” BStU, AK 2832/76, vol. 1l, 122–24.

[1765] “Stenografische Niederschrift,” 2, BStU, MfS ZAIG 10591, vol. 1.

[1766] “Stenografische Niederschrift,” 3–4, BStU, MfS ZAIG 10591.

[1767] BStU, AK 13460/86, vol. 3, 238–52.

[1768] “Anklageschrift gegen Bogdan Staschynskij,” 24 March 1962, BAK, B 362/10137, 198v–9; Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 53; “Strafsache gegen Bogdan Staschynskij, 9 StE 4/62,” 19 October 1962, BAK, B 362/10139, 562v; Document of the Munich Police considering Lippolz’s letters to Gösta von Uexküll, 14 June 1960, Munich, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272. For Myskiv, see Opinion of Kriminal Oberamtmann Schmitt, 14 June 1960 Munich, BayHStA, Landeskriminalamt 272.

[1769] Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 55–56; “Bart ab,” Der Spiegel, 29 November 1961, 32–34.

[1770] BStU, MfS ZAIG 9677, vol. 1; BStU, MfS HA IX/11, AK 2832/76, vol. 1.

[1771] For Nachtigall battalion, see page 190 above, et seq.

[1772] Wachs, Der Fall, 206.

[1773] For the killing of Polish professors, see page 214 above.

[1774] For propaganda, see Wachs, Der Fall, 207–8. For the annihilation of the Jewish population by Nachtigall, cf. TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 57, 17; Bruder, “Den Ukrainischen Staat, 150.

[1775] LN-W: Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 1, 6–8.

[1776] LN-W: Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 5, 42; LN-W: Gerichte Rep. 350, vol. 14, 181–82. See also chapter 4 above. For VNN, see Wachs, Der Fall, 212–13.

[1777] Wachs, Der Fall, 219.

[1778] Ibid., 226.

[1779] Ibid., 267, 276.

[1780] Radians’ka Ukraїna 21 October 1959, 4; Komsomol’skaia pravda 22 October 1959, 3. The same caricature was printed in several other newspapers, for example in Neues Deutschland on 19 October 1959. Cf. Wachs, Der Fall, 223.

[1781] The minutes of the trial are in Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 120–271.

[1782] “Promova d-ra Mira,” in Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 297–303.

[1783] “Slovo Pani Dariї Rebet,” in Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 303–4.

[1784] “Slovo Natalky Bandery,” in Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 305–7.

[1785] “Promova Charl’za Dzh. Kerstena,” in Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 311.

[1786] “Promova d-ra Iaroslava Padokha,” in Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 316.

[1787] “Promova oborontsia Stashyns’koho advokata d-ra Zaidelia,” in Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 323.

[1788] “Usne obgruntovannia vyroku,” Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 338, 340.

[1789] Ibid., 329, 334, 339.

[1790] Letter from Dr. Helmuth Seydel to Generalbundesanwalt, 14 October 1964, BAK, B 362/10557, 5; Letter from Inge Pohl, 29 November 1964, BAK, B 362/10557, 65–66.

[1791] Letter from Dr. Recken to Peter Stähle, 6 February 1969, BAK, B 362/10140, 979.

[1792] BAK, B 362/10557, 5; BAK, B 362/10557, 65–66.

[1793] Quoted in William Taubman, Khrushchev: The Man and His Era (London: Free Press, 2005), 598. See also Aleksandr Fursenko and Timothy Naftali, ‘One Hell of a Gamble’: Khrushchev, Castro, Kennedy and the Cuban Missile Crisis 1958–1964 (London: John Murray, 1998), 334, 401.

[1794] For the ideological dimension of Bandera’s assassination, see chapter 9.

[1795] Chaikovs’kyi, Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi, 341.

[1796] “Spetsial’noe soobshchenie,” HDA SBU, f. 16, op. 33, spr. 36, 14–33, in Stepan Bandera, ed. Serhiichuk, 1:58–75.

[1797] Oleksandr Korniichuk, “Smert’ zradnykam Ukraїny!” Za radians’ku Ukraїnu, 31 July 1941. This article was already noticed by the OUN in August 1941. Cf. TsDAVOV f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 42, 19.

[1798] See for example “Zvernennia do naselennia okupovanykh raioniv Ukraїny,” Radians’ka Ukraїna, 5 June 1943, 1–2.