Notes

Chapter 1. In the Beginning

1. Gerd Grabow, “W. A. Lampadius, ein vielseitiger Wissenschaftler und Wegbereiter bei der Einführung der ersten Gasbeleuchtungsanlage auf dem europäischen Kontinent,” Bergknappe 32 (2008): 40–41.

2. W. A. Lampadius, “Etwas uber Flussigen Schwefel, und Schwefel-Leberluft,” Chemische Annalen (Lorenz von Crell) 2 (1796): 136–37.

3. R. Chenevix, “On the Action of Platina and Mercury upon Each Other,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society London 95 (1805): 104–30.

4. Humphry Davy, “New Analytical Researches on the Nature of Certain Bodies, Being an Appendix to the Bakerian Lecture for 1808,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society London 99 (1808): 450–70.

5. Henry M. Leicester, “Berzelius” in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. Charles C. Gillispie (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1970), 2:90–97.

6. Emilie Wöhler, “Aus Berzelius’ Tagebuch während seines Aufenthaltes in London im Sommer 1812: Aus dem Schwedischen,” Zeitschrift für angewandte Chemie 19 (1906): 187–90.

7. Jöns Jacob Berzelius and Alexander Marcet, “Experiments on the Alcohol of Sulfur, or Sulphuret of Carbon,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society London 103 (1813): 171–99.

8. Johan Erik Jorpes, Jac. Berzelius: His Life and Work (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970), 59–60.

9. Marjan J. Smeulders et al., “Evolution of a New Enzyme for Carbon Disulphide Conversion by an Acidothermophilic Archaeon,” Nature 19, no. 7369 (19 October 2011): 412–16.

10. Sarah L. Jordan et al., “Novel Eubacteria Able to Grow on Carbon Disulfide,” Archives of Microbiology 163 (1995): 131–37.

11. Thomas P. Jones, New Conversations on Chemistry, Adapted to the Present State of Science on the foundations of Mrs. Marcet’s “Conversations on Chemistry” (Philadelphia: John Grigg, 1831), 164–65. Even through the thirteenth edition of Marcet’s book (1853) there is no mention of sulphuret of carbon; see Jane Marcet, Conversations on Chemistry (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1853), 251–56.

12. Alexander Marcet, “Experiments on the Production of Cold by the Evaporation of Sulphuret of Carbon,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society London 103 (1813): 252–55.

13. Daniel H. Robinson and Alexander H. Toledo, “Historical Development of Modern Anesthesia,” Journal of Investigative Surgery 25 (2012): 141–49.

14. James Young Simpson, “Notes on the Anaesthetic Effects of Chloride of Hydrocarbon, Nitrate of Ethyle, Benzin, Aldehyde, and Bisulphuret of Carbon,” Monthly Journal of Medical Science 8 (1848): 740–44, quotation on 743.

15. John Snow, “On Narcotism by the Inhalation of Vapours,” London Medical Gazette 6 (16 June 1848): 1074–78, cited passage on 1077. Both Snow and Simpson alluded to unsubstantiated reports earlier in the year on the use of carbon disulfide for anesthesia in Christiana, Norway, Snow specifying that this had been attributed to a practitioner named Harald Thanlow.

16. William Gregory, Outlines of Chemistry, for the Use of Students (London: Taylor and Walton, 1845), 122–23, quotation on 123.

17. John S. Haller, “Sampson of the Terebinthinates: Medical History of Turpentine,” Southern Medical Journal 77, no. 6 (June 1984): 750–54.

18. Paolo A. Porto, “ ‘Summus Atque Felicissimus Salium’: The Medical Relevance of the Liquor Alkahest,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 76, no. 1 (Spring 2002): 1–29.

19. Chauncey D. Leake, “Valerius Cordus and the Discovery of Ether,” Isis 7, no. 1 (1925): 14–24.

20. August Sigmund Frobenius, “An Account of a Spiritus Vini Aethereus, Together with Several Experiments Tried Therewith: By Dr. Frobenius, F.R.S,” Philosophical Transactions 36 (1729): 283–89, cited passage on 286.

21. R. B. Prosser, “Parkes, Alexander (1813–1890),” in Dictionary of National Biography, ed. Leslie Stephen and S. Lee (London: Oxford University Press, 1959–60), 15:292–93.

22. Harriet Martineau, Health, Husbandry, and Handicraft (London: Bradbury and Evans, 1861), 406–15, quotation on 409. This work includes “Magic Troughs at Birmingham,” which originally appeared in Household Words 25 (October 1851), 113–17.

23. Kathryn Jones, “ ‘To Wed High Art with Mechanical Skill’: Prince Albert and the Industry of Art,” essay presented at a study day held at the National Gallery, London, 5 and 6 June 2010, www.royalcollection.org.uk/sites/default/files/V%20and%20A%20Art%20and%20Love%20(Jones).pdf.

24. Martineau, Health, Husbandry, and Handicraft.

25. Alexander Parkes, “Patent No. 11,147, March 25, 1846 [Commissioners of Patents],” in Abridgments of Specifications Relating to Preparation of India-Rubber and Gutta Percha (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1875), 27–28.

26. Thomas Hancock, Personal Narrative of the Origin and Progress of the Caoutchouc or India-rubber Manufacture in England (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans & Roberts, 1857), quotation on iii.

27. Ibid., unnumbered plate, “Domestic articles,” interleaved between 116 and 117.

28. “French letter,” s.v., Oxford English Dictionary, which dates to 1844 (although questioning the cited source) the first English-language appearance of this term as a colloquialism for condom.

29. Anselme Payen, Précis de chimie industrielle (Paris: Hachette, 1849), 74n.

30. Anselme Payen, Précis de chimie industrielle, 2nd ed. (Paris: Hachette, 1851), 675–89. This edition includes in its subtitle “Augmentée de Chapitres sur le Sulfure de Carbone.” Payen alludes to carbon disulfide’s explosive capacity.

31. [Brongniart, Pelouze, and Dumas reporting], “Rapport sur un mémoire de M. Payen, relatif à la composition de la matière ligneuse,” Comptes Rendus Hebdomadaires des Séances de l’Académie des Sciences 8 (14 January 1839): 51–53.

32. Guillaume-Benjamin Duchenne de Boulogne, “Étude comparée des lésions anatomiques dan l’atrophie musculaire progressive et dans la paralysie générale,” L’Union Medicale 7, no. 51 (30 April 1853): 202–3 [203 misnumbered as 303], summarizing a presentation to the Société médico-chirurgicale de Paris on 11 March and 8 April 1853. Duchenne briefly describes a case he had observed on the service of Dr. (Gabriel) Andral at the Charité.

33. [Auguste L. Dominique Delpech], “IV. Sociétes Savantes . . . Académie de Médecine,” Gazette Hebdomadaire de Médecine et de Chirurgie 3 (18 January 1856): 40–41. This notice summarized a meeting of the Académie de Médecine (15 January 1856) communicated by Michel Levy, Grisolle, and Bouchardat. See Apollinaire Bouchardat, Traité d’Hygiène Publique et Privée Basée sur l’Etiologie, 2nd ed. (Paris: Ballière, 1883), 775, in which he notes, “dans mon cours de 1852, j’ai exposé, d’après ce que j’ai observé dans la fabrique de Gariel, les effets sur les ouvriers de inhalations contines du sulfure de carbone.”

34. Delpech’s 1846 doctoral thesis included comments on work-related palsies; see Auguste L. Delpech, Des Spasmes Musculaires Idiopathiques et de las Paralysie Nerveuse Essentielle (Paris: Rignoux, Imprimeur de la Faculté de Médecine, 1846), 94–96.

35. Auguste L. Delpech, “Accidents que développe chez les ouvriers en caoutchouc: L’inhalation du sulfure de carbone en vapeur,” L’Union Medicale 10, no. 60 (31 May 1856): 265–67.

36. Auguste L. Delpech, “Accidents produits par l’inhalation du sulfure de carbone en vapeur: Expériences sur les animaux,” Gazette Hebdomadaire de Médecine et de Chirurgie 3 (30 May 1856): 384–85. This material was part of his initial Académie de Médecine presentation, 15 January 1856.

37. Auguste L. Delpech, Accidents que développe chez les ouvriers en caoutchouc: L’inhalation du sulfure de carbone en vapeur (Paris: Labe, Libraire de la Faculté de Médecine, 1856). In this monograph (with the same title as his Union Medicale article), Delpech explicitly acknowledges that Bouchardat, in his lectures on hygiene at the faculty, first called his attention to the illness among rubber workers.

38. Auguste L. Delpech, “Industrie du caoutchouc soufflé: Recherches sur l’intoxication spécial que détermine le sulfure de carbone,” Annales d’Hygiène Publique, 2nd. ser., 19 (1863): 65–183.

39. Ibid., 122–24, 165–70. Delpech identifies the inventor of the glove box device (his case 19) as Monsieur D, dwelling at rue Pradier, Paris-Belleville. A later report confirmed the inventor by name as M. Deschamps, from Belleville (Congrès International d’Hygiène [Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1878], 1:623). Belleville was a working-class sector of Paris long known for its militancy. Rue Pradier was the site of one of the last Belleville barricades to fall in the Paris Commune, May 1871; see “Une des dernières barricades de Belleville qui résiste à l’avancée des versaillais,” www.weekisto.fr/plan/dept/paris-75/commune-de-paris-1871-19eme-arrondissement.php.

40. H. Masson, “Moyen de prévenir les accidents que développe chez les ouvriers l’inhalation du sulfure de carbone en vapeur” (meeting of 5 April 1858), Comptes Rendus Hebdomadaires des Séances de l’Académie des Sciences 46 (January–June 1858): 683–84. Other early reports on carbon disulfide toxicity contemporary with Delpech’s include: Emile Beaugrand, “Action du sulfure de carbone,” Lancette Française: Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires 29 (14 July 1856): 331–32 (the case of a sixteen-year-old boy named Bois, which includes a passing remark on his ongoing sexual impotence), and Frederick Duriau, “Intoxication par le sulfate de carbone—Varioloide intercurrente—Guérison,” Lancette Française: Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires 31 (27 May 1858): 241.

41. Louis Huguin, Contribution à l’étude de l’intoxication par le sulfure de carbone chez les ouvriers en caoutchouc soufflé (thesis) (Paris: Imp. A. Parent, 1874). Two earlier medical theses at Paris, by J.-B. Tavera (1865) and Paul Gourdon (1867), also covered this topic.

42. Abel Marche, De l’intoxication par le sulfure de carbone (thesis) (Paris: A. Derenne, 1876).

43. R. R. O’Flynn and H. A. Waldon, “Delpech and the Origins of Occupational Psychiatry,” British Journal of Occupational Medicine 47 (1990): 189–98. For biographical details on Delpech, see the website of the Bibliothèque interuniversitaire de Santé, http://www2.biusante.parisdescartes.fr/bio/?cle=5338.

44. Peter E. Dans, “The Use of Pejorative Terms to Describe Patients: ‘Dirtball’ Revisited,” Baylor University Medical Center Proceedings 15 (2002): 27–30.

45. Jean Martin Charcot, Leçons du Mardi a la Salpêtrière: Policlinique, 1888–1889, notes de cours de MM. Blin, Charcot, Henri Colin (Paris: Progrès Médical, 1889), 43–53. The case of carbon disulfide intoxication was presented as the first of two cases of the third lesson of the series, Tuesday, 6 November 1888.

46. Mark S. Micale, “Charcot and the Idea of Hysteria in the Male: Gender, Mental Science, and Medical Diagnosis in Late Nineteenth-Century France,” Medical History 34 (1990): 363–411.

47. The term “Charcot’s carbon disulfide-hysteria” continued to appear until the fourth decade of the twentieth century; see Karl B. Lehman and F. Flury, Toxicology and Hygiene of Industrial Solvents, trans. Eleanor King and Henry F. Smyth Jr. (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins, 1943), 303.

48. Pierre Marie, “Hystérie dans l’Intoxication par le sulfure de carbone,” Bulletins et Mémoires de la Société Médicale des Hôpitaux de Paris (9 November 1888): 1479–80. Marie’s report was published three days after Charcot’s lesson of 6 November.

49. G. Gilles de la Tourette, Traité clinique et thérapeutique de l’hystérie (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1891), 101–9. Some years before this, Gilles de la Tourette reported on the work of an Italian investigator of carbon disulfide toxicity; see G. Gilles de la Tourette, “De l’intoxication aiguë par le sulfure de carbone: Recherches expérimentales, par le Dr. Arrigo Tomassia, Professeur de Médecine Légale a l’Université de Pavie,” Annales d’Hygiène Publique et de Médecine Légale 7, 3rd ser. (1882): 292–97.

50. George Guillain and V. Courtellemont, “Polynévrite sulfo-carbonée,” Revue Neurologique 12 (1904): 120–23.

51. Rudolf Laudenheimer, Die Schwefelkohlenstoff-Vergiftung der Gummi-Arbeiter unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der psychischen und nervösen Störungen und der Gewerbe-Hygiene (Leipzig: Verlag Von veit, 1899).

52. The clinic was founded in 1901; see Hans Laehr, Die Anstalten für Psychisch-Kranke in Deutschland, Deutsch-Österreich, der Schweiz und den Baltischen Ländern (Berlin: Reimer, 1907). Franziska zu Reventlow, a prime figure in the Munich avant-garde, was among the patients staying at the clinic; see Franziska zu Reventlow, Sämtliche Werke, vol. 5, Briefe 2: Briefe 1893 bis 1917 (Hamburg: Igel-Verlag, 2010), 182, 347.

53. Children’s Employment Commission, Commissioners Appointed to Inquire into the Employment of Children and Young Persons in Trades and Manufactures Not Already Regulated by Law: First—Sixth Report of the Commissioners (London: Her Majesty’s Printing Office, 1863–67).

54. “Gassed,” s.v., Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 6:385. The online OED, under the transitive for “gas,” meaning “to poison or asphyxiate,” has an 1896 entry as the earliest citation for “gassed.”

55. [Ophthalmological Society], “Reports of Societies: Ophthalmological Society of the United Kingdom; Nettleship: Amblyopia and Nervous Depression from the Vapour of Bisulphide of Carbon and Chloride of Sulphur,” British Medical Journal, 18 October 1884, 760. The Ophthalmological Society appointed a committee made up of Drs. Nettleship, Adams, Frost, and Gunn to investigate this problem further. One year later, the committee summarized findings from thirty-three cases of carbon disulfide poisoning, of which twenty-four had involvement of the optic nerve; see “Ophthalmological Society,” Lancet, 17 January 1885. Additional publications include W. B. Hadden, “A Case of Chronic Poisoning by Bisulphide of Carbon,” Proceedings of the Medical Society of London 9 (1886): 115–17, summarized in Lancet, 2 January 1886, 18); and A. M. Edge, “Peripheral Neuritis, Caused by the Inhalation of Bisulphide of Carbon,” Lancet, 7 December 1889, 1167–68.

56. James Ross and Judson S. Bury, On Peripheral Neuritis: A Treatise (London: Charles Griffin, 1893), 183–95, quotation on 188. This case is further reported in David Little, “Toxic Amblyopia—Bisulphide of Carbon,” Transactions of the Ophthalmological Society of the United Kingdom 7 (1886–87): 73–76.

57. Benjamin Ward Richardson, “Euthanasia for the Lower Creation: An Original Research and Practical Result,” Asclepiad 1 (1884): 260–75.

58. Benjamin Ward Richardson, On Health and Occupation (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1879), 51.

59. Thomas Oliver, “Indiarubber: Dangers Incidental to the Use of Bisulphide of Carbon and Naphtha,” in Dangerous Trades, ed. Thomas Oliver (London: John Murray, 1902), 470–74, quotation on 473–74.

60. Frederick Peterson, “Three Cases of Acute Mania from Inhaling Carbon Bisulphide,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 128 (1892): 325–26.

61. Ibid., 326.

62. F. C. Heath, “Amblyopia from Carbon Bisulphide Poisoning,” Annals of Ophthalmology 11 (1902): 4–8, quotation on 7. Dr. Heath originally read his paper before the Marion County Medical Society in Indianapolis in October 1901; it was later abstracted in The Post-Graduate: A Monthly Journal of Medicine and Surgery 17 (1902): 506–7.

63. Auguste Millon, “Mémoire sur la nature des parfums et sur quelques fleurs cultivables en Algérie,” Journal de Pharmacie et de Chimie 30 (1856): 407–21.

64. R. D. Macgregor, “Supposed Poisoning by the Daily use of Bi-sulfide of Carbon,” Australian Medical Journal 14 (15 December 1892): 622–24.

65. A. H. Douglas, “Case of Poisoning by Bisulphide of Carbon—Recovery (Under the Care of Dr. Davidson),” Medical Times and Gazette, pt. 2 (21 September 1878): 350. A later fatal case of carbon disulfide ingestion was reported in a shoemaker; see W. M. Foreman, “Notes on a Fatal Case of Poisoning by Bisulphide of Carbon with Post-Mortem Appearances and Remarks,” Lancet, 17 July 1886, 118–19.

66. R. Eglesfeld Griffith, A Universal Formulary (Philadelphia: Blanchard and Lea, 1859), 451.

67. Valery Mayet, “Phylloxera” (trans. from the French), in Report of the Board of Viticultural Commissioners for 1893–94 (Sacramento: State of California, 1894), app. C, 78–104.

68. Cephas L. Bard, “Cases in Practice: Malignant Pustule and Insanity Due to Bisulphide of Carbon,” Southern California Practitioner 7 (1892): 476–85, quotation on 481–82. Dr. Bard was the brother of U.S. senator Thomas R. Bard.

69. Ibid., 483–84. Bard also comments on the use of carbon disulfide by jockeys to lower the value of a horse by causing kicking and rearing.

70. Display advertisement, “Read and Foster’s Carbon Bisulphide,” Los Angeles Times, 26 May 1883.

71. Display advertisement, “Death to Squirrels and Gophers!,” Los Angeles Times, 14 July 1883.

72. “Foster Acquitted,” Los Angeles Times, 23 August 1883. The arrest was reported as “Rum and Revolver: The Handy Pistol Again Brought into Play; Charles Foster, in a Drunken Frenzy, Attempts to Shoot A. H. Judson—But Makes a Signal Failure of it—The Particulars,” Los Angeles Times, 14 July 1883. Dr. Bard alluded to this case.

73. Oliver, Dangerous Trades. Oliver discusses new workplace rules on carbon disulfide.

74. Briau, “Y A-T-Il une ‘folie du cuir’? Empoisonnement chronique par le sulfure de carbone,” Lyon Médecine 109 (24 November 1912): 897–901.

75. Gutta-percha was harvested from an Asian tree species (Palaquium gutta) and was also commercially prominent in the nineteenth century.

76. R. Bernard, “Different Imitations of Natural Silk,” Journal of the Society of Dyers and Colorists 21 (1905): 166–68 (June), 190–91 (July), 215–16 (August); this is a translation of “Sur les diverses imitations de la soie naturelle,” Le Moniteur Scientifique-Quesneville, no. 761 (May 1905): 321–30.

77. “Scatter Acorns That Oaks May Grow,” http://libraries.mit.edu/archives/exhibits/adlittle/history.html; see also E. J. Kahn Jr., The Problem Solvers: A History of Arthur D. Little, Inc. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1986).

78. “Death of Mr. Roger B. Griffin,” World’s Paper Trade Review 19 (5 May 1893): 30.

79. Arthur D. Little, “Carbon Filament and Method of Manufacturing Same,” U.S. Patent No. 532,568 (15 January 1895).

80. Arthur D. Little, “Report to Daniel C. Spruance, Esq., on the Technical Development of Viscose on the Continent of Europe and in Great Britain,” 10 October 1899, Papers of Arthur D. Little, box 214, MSS 30312, Library of Congress.

81. Ibid., cited passage on 118.

82. Edwin J. Beer, The Beginning of Rayon (Shorton, U.K.: Phoebe Beer, 1962). Beer draws on entries from a contemporary journal. Eye troubles are mentioned in entries for 1898 (66), 1899 (78), and 1900 (91).

83. Little, “Report to Daniel C. Spruance,” 394–98. An appendix shows Louis D. Brandeis as an attorney for Cross and Bevan. Brandeis later drafted the corporate charter for Little’s consulting company.

84. H. D. Jump and J. M. Cruice, “Chronic Poisoning from Bisulphide of Carbon,” University of Pennsylvania Medical Bulletin 17 (1904–5): 193–96, quotation on 193; initially presented in Transactions of the College of Physicians 26, 3rd ser. (1904): 314.

85. A. P. Francine, “Acute Carbon Disulphide Poisoning,” American Medicine 9 (1905): 871. The paper does not refer to the cases described by Jump and Cruice.

86. Jump and Cruice, “Chronic Poisoning from Bisulphide of Carbon,” 196.

87. E. M. Mogileveskii and A. P. Pakshver, “Fifty Years of Viscose Rayon Production in the USSR,” Fibre Chemistry 19 (1977): 110–15; see also K. E. Perepelkin, “Ways of Developing Chemical Fibres Based on Cellulose: Viscose Fibres and Their Prospects; Part I: Development of Viscose Fibre Technology; Alternative Hydrated Cellulose Fibre Technology,” Fibre Chemistry 40 (2008): 10–23.

88. Dimitri Ivanovich Mendeleev, Uchenie o promyshlennosti [Studies on industry] (St. Petersburg: Vstuplenie v biblioteka promshlennykh, 1900), vol. 1, pt. 1, n. 5, 54–55. In this lengthy footnote, Mendeleev discusses cellulose as a cheap raw material that could be converted to continuous filaments, according to the work of the pioneering viscose chemists Cross and Bevan, a process that he had become aware of only the year before (1899). Mendeleev also describes the technical basics of viscose process (for example, referring to xanthate).

89. Vasily Konstantinovich Khoroshko, “Group poisoning of the nervous system by carbon bisulphide: Professional disease” (in Russian), Meditsinkoe Obrozrenie 79 (1913): 848–59.

90. Donald Cuthbert Coleman, Courtaulds: An Economic and Social History, vol. 2, Rayon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 18–19, 82–83, 105–8.

91. Emile George Perrot, Discussion on Garden Cities: An Industrial Village on Garden City Lines, Being Built at Marcus Hook, Penna., for the American Viscose Company by Ballinger & Perrot, Architects and Engineers, Philadelphia (Philadelphia: Mitchell, 1912), quotation on facing page of fourth leaf. Perrot took the Brownville estate in England as his prototype.

Chapter 2. The Crazy Years

1. Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 5th ser., vol. 214 (15 March 1928), col. 2078.

2. “Parliamentary Intelligence,” Lancet, 24 March 1928, 630–33. The Lancet piece omits a March 15 subheading, implying, in error, that the debate took place on the previous day, March 14.

3. Coleman, Courtaulds.

4. H. A. Taylor, Jix, Viscount Brentford: Being the Authoritative and Official Biography of the Rt. Hon. William Joynson-Hicks, First Viscount Brentford of Newick (London: S. Paul, 1933). Jix took on the Joynson surname the year following his marriage.

5. David Cesarani, “The Anti-Jewish Career of Sir William Joynson-Hicks, Cabinet Minister,” Journal of Contemporary History 24 (1989): 461–82.

6. Ibid.

7. Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 5th ser., vol. 214, col. 2078.

8. Ibid., vol. 213 (23 February 1928), col. 1828.

9. Ibid.

10. Ibid., vol. 214 (29 February 1928), cols. 399–401. Further debate on wages in the artificial silk industry also occurred on 6 March 1928; see ibid., cols. 975–77.

11. William A. Robson, “The Factory Acts, 1833–1933,” Political Quarterly 5 (1934): 55–73.

12. Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 5th ser., vol. 189 (10 December 1925), col. 642.

13. “Industrial Poisoning (Medical Notes in Parliament),” British Medical Journal, 14 December 1925, 1205.

14. “Sir Thomas Legge, C.B.E., M.D.” (obituary), British Medical Journal, 14 May 1932, 913–14.

15. Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops, Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for the Year 1925 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1926), 70.

16. Ibid., 121.

17. Thomas M. Legge, Industrial Maladies (London: Oxford University Press, 1934), 150.

18. Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops, Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for the Year 1926 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1927), 86. There was only a single case of carbon disulphide poisoning documented in the Report, attributed to exposure in a worker manufacturing the chemical, not in a viscose worker.

19. “Factory Inspection Reports for Courtauld’s Works, Flint, 1922–1935,” D/DM/656/1, Flintshire Record Office, Hawarden, Wales; includes notes of churn room visits on 7 September 1922, 7 November 1922, 31 August 1923, 4 October 1923, 31 October 1924, 31 July 1925, 14 October 1926, and 20 January 1927.

20. Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops, Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for the Year 1927 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1928), 85.

21. The “full Ginsburg” is named for William H. Ginsburg, the attorney for Monica Lewinsky, who, on 1 February 1998, was the first to complete the feat.

22. Thomas Oliver, “Some Achievements of Industrial Legislation and Hygiene,” British Medical Journal, 19 September 1925, 530–31. There was a simultaneous publication (with slight editorial variants) in the Lancet, 19 September 1925, 630–32.

23. Edward William Hope, William Hanna, and Clare Oswald Stallybrass, Industrial Hygiene and Medicine (London: Baillière, Tindall and Cox, 1923), 176.

24. “Cause di avvelenamento nelle industrie della seta artificiale,” La Medicina del Lavoro 16 (1925): 418–20.

25. Ibid., 419.

26. Karl B. Lehmann, “Experimetelle Studien über den Einfluss technisch und hygienisch wichtiger Gase und Dämpfe auf den Organismus. Thiel VII: Schwefelkohlenstoff und Chlorschwefel,” Archiv für Hygiene 20 (1894): 26–77.

27. Yandell Henderson and Howard W. Haggard, Noxious Gases and the Principles of Respiration Influencing Their Action (New York: Chemical Catalog Company, 1927), 169.

28. David R. Shreeve, “Dr. Arnold Renshaw (1885–1980): Manchester Pathologist and Forensic Pathologist with a Clinical Interest in Rheumatoid Arthritis,” Journal of Medical Biography 17 (2009): 225–30.

29. [Local sections reports—Manchester], Institute of Chemistry of Great Britain and Ireland: Journal and Proceedings, pt. 2 (1925): 128.

30. Royal Institute of Chemistry, Manchester and District Section, minute book, 1918–27 (ref: M90/1/1), Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester, U.K.

31. “Obituary: Dr. Arnold Renshaw, Leader in Forensic Medicine,” Times (London), 7 June 1980, 14.

32. Antonio Ceconi, “Polineuriti,” Minerva Medica 6 (1925): 267–84, quotation on 282.

33. Ibid.

34. Giovanni Loriga, “Le condizioni iginieniche nell’industria della seta artificale,” Bollettino del Lavoro (Studi, Rapporti e Incheieste) 43, no. 4 (1925): 85–95.

35. Ibid., 86.

36. Giovanni Loriga, “Le condizioni iginieniche nell’industria della seta artificale,” La Medicina del Lavoro 16 (1925): 309–14 (same title as the more complete report in note 34 to this chapter).

37. Piero Redaelli, “Sull’anatomia patologica dell’avvelenamento cronico da solfuro di carbonio,” Bollettino della Società Medico-Chirurgica, Pavia 37 (1925): 133–40; the case was initially presented on 6 February 1925. M. Arezzi, “Osservazioni sperimentali sull’ avvelenamento da sulfuro di carbonio,” Bollettino della Società Medico-Chirurgica, Pavia 37 (1925): 141–47.

38. Giovanni Bignami, “Modificazioni del sangue nell’ avvelenamento da sulfuro di carbonio,” Bolletinno della Società Medico-Chirurgica, Pavia 37 (1925): 745–55.

39. Emmanuele D’Abundo, “Psicosso sensoriale melanconica de avvelenamento per sulfuro di carbonio,” Revista Italiana di Neuropatogia, Psichiatra e d’Elettrotearpia 16 (1923): 155–57 (published in Catania).

40. Thomas Oliver, “The Sulfur Miners of Sicily: Their Work, Diseases, and Accident Insurance,” British Medical Journal, 1 July 1911, 12–14.

41. Giarrizo Giarrizzo, Catania: La città moderna, la città comporanea (Catania: Domenico Sanfilippo, 2012), 36.

42. “Die Tagung der Arbeitsgemeinshaft Deutcher Gewerbärtze, Berlin” Social Praxis 33 (1924): 1060–62. The article summarizes a conference held on 7 July 1924, including a report on the outbreak by Dr. Beltke of Weisbadden.

43. Wauer [first name unstated], “Gesundeheitsschädigungen in der Kunstseideindustrie,” Zentralblatt für Gewerbehygiene und Unfallverhütung 12 (1925): 67–71; paper presented at the Deutchen Gesellschaft für Gewerbehygiene, Würzburg, 30 September 1924.

44. Alberto Trossarelli, “Die geistigen Störungen bei Arbeitern der Kunsteiden-industrie,” Psychiatrisch-Neurologische Wochenschrift 31 (5 January 1929): 1–6; reprinted in the same year in Monatschrfit für Textile-Industrie (Leipzig) 44 (1929): 5–8, and abstracted in Journal of Industrial Hygiene 12 (1930): 138. Two years later, Aristide Ranelletti published a summary of the Italian experience as “Die berufliche Schwefelkohlenstoffvergiftung in Italien: Klinik und Experimente,” Archiv für Gewerbepathologie und Gewerbehygiene 2 (17 December 1931): 664–75.

45. Josef Witt, “Die deutsche Zellwolles-Industrie” (diss., Friedrich-Alexanders Universität, Erlangen 1939), 74–75.

46. Emil Neumann, “Status of German Fibre Substitutes,” Textile World 61 (20 May 1922): 25–26, quotation on 26.

47. Ibid.

48. [Snia Viscosa], Mezzo secolo di Snia Viscosa (Milan: Pan Editrice, 1970), 15–17; see also Martino Orsi, “L’evoluzione della Snia Viscosa tra gli anni Venti e Trenta,” Imprese e Storia 19 (1999): 7–46.

49. Coleman, Courtaulds, 268–69.

50. The first detailed report on the industrial hygiene of carbon disulfide use in viscose appeared in France as Chevalier [last name only, as published], “La manipulation du sulfure de carbone dans les fabriques de viscose et de la soie artificielle viscose,” Bulletin de l’Inspection du Travail et de l’Hygiène Industrielle 6 (1922): 166–74. It emphasizes explosiveness but is equivocal on toxicity, describing this question as “highly controversial.” Chevalier was an inspector in the French Department of Labor at Charleville. A general review of carbon disulfide toxicity appeared in 1924: C. Mattei and J. Sédan, “Contribution a l’étude de l’intoxication par le sulfure de carbone de l’opportunité de l’inscrire parmi les maladies professionnelles prévues par la loi du 29 Octobre 1919,” Annales d’Hygiène Publique, Industrielle et Sociale, n.s., 2 (1924): 385–430. Its only mention of artificial silk (390–91) is upbeat, describing the “great future” of viscose. A thesis that appeared in 1923—Emilee Janicot, Considérations sur un cas d’intoxication par le sulfure de carbone (Paris: Les Presses Universitaires de Frances, 1923)—centers on a rubber vulcanization worker treated at Necker Hospital for chronic carbon disulfide poisoning. The thesis does not mention viscose in its background review. As late as 1925, a “lesson” (a clinical case presentation) by Jean Hallé reviewed the Necker Hospital experience with carbon disulfide poisoning, using one of Dr. Janicot’s cases. He, too, does not mention the artificial silk industry. See Jean Hallé, “Les formes cliniques du sulfcarbonisme (Leçon faite le 5 Novembre 1925),” La Semaine des Hôpitaux de Paris 3 (1926): 90–95.

51. Emile Chalencon, Du sulfocarbonisme professionnel dans l’industrie de la soie artificielle (préparation de la viscose), thesis (Firminy, France: F. Chelancon, 1927), 11.

52. Ohara Institute for Social Research, Hosei University, “Industrial Welfare Association Posters,” http://oohara.mt.tama.hosei.ac.jp/sangyofukuri/enpos1345.html.

53. Masatane Takuhara, “[Occupational diseases in an artificial silk factory],” Sangyo Fukuri [Industrial Welfare] 4 (1929): 73–82. A later paper covered the technical measurement of hydrogen sulfide; see Masatane Takuhara “[Occupational diseases in an artificial silk factory: Hydrogen sulfide in an artificial silk factory],” Sangyo Fukuri 5 (1930): 46–57. The international presentation by Takuhara summarizing the outbreak appeared as Masatane Takuhara, “Uber die Berufskrankeiten in der Kunstseide-Industrie,” in Proceedings, Sixth International Congress for Work-Related Disease (ICOH) (Geneva: ICOH, 1931), 758–59. At the same international meeting, a presentation was made on workers’ compensation data for Japan for 1929 that included 3 cases of carbon disulfide poisoning and 542 additional cases of eye disease in the artificial silk industry; see B. Koinuma, “Gewerbliche Berufskrankheiten in Japan,” ibid., 757–58.

54. “The Business World: Name Committee Meets Thursday,” New York Times, 15 April 1924, 28; “ ‘Rayon a Substitute for ‘Glos,’ ” New York Times, 18 April 1924, 34; “Retailers to Adopt ‘Rayon,’ ” New York Times, 26 April 1924, 24; “To Continue Use of ‘Glos,’ ” New York Times, 2 May 1924, 33; “Silk Association Favors Rayon,” New York Times, 11 June 1924, 34.

55. [E. I. du Pont de Nemours and Company], Leonard A. Yerkes: Fibersilk to Fiber “A” (Buffalo, N.Y.: Keller, 1945).

56. Coleman, Courtaulds, 18–19, 82–85, 104–19, 140–41, 145–47, 302.

57. Ibid., fig. 10, opposite 172.

58. George Martin Kober, “The Button, Horn, Celluloid and Allied Industries,” in Industrial Health, ed. George M. Kober and Emery Roe Hayhurst (Philadelphia: Blakiston’s and Son, 1924), 273–77.

59. Alice Hamilton, Industrial Poisons in the United Sates (New York: Macmillan, 1925), 360–69; reviewed in the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, 23 July 1925, and the Journal of the Medical Association, 15 August 1925.

60. Hamilton, Industrial Poisons, 369.

61. Alice Hamilton, day pocket diary for 1923, box 1, vol. 1923, Hamilton Family Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study, Harvard University. The diary indicates that Hamilton had attended a professional dinner the previous evening in Buffalo with Dr. Wright.

62. Richard L. Cameron, “Two Case Reports,” appearing with R. S. McBirney, “Carbon Bisulphide Poisoning,” Industrial Hygiene Bulletin (New York State Department of Labor) 2 (August 1925): 12. A synopsis of the Cameron report was published the following year in “Abstracts,” Journal of Industrial Hygiene 8 (1926): 74–75.

63. Wade Wright’s employment with Metropolitan Life was announced on 22 January 1924, with a start date deferred until that summer to allow him to “complete his term an Instructor in the Harvard Medical School” (Daniel May, company archivist, MetLife, e-mail to the author, 23 June 2008). Wade died in 1936 at the age of forty-seven, succumbing to pulmonary tuberculosis; see Journal of the American Medical Association, 14 November 1936, 1652. In a physician, such a condition would very likely have been occupationally acquired.

64. [Policyholders Service Bureau, Metropolitan Life Insurance Company], Rayon: A New Influence in the Textile Industry (New York: Metropolitan Insurance Company, n.d. [c. 1928]).

65. Ibid., 21.

66. Ibid., 11.

67. Coleman, Courtaulds, 265.

68. “High Court of Justice, Chancery Division, Nuisance Caused by Gas Fumes, Attorney-General v. Rayon Manufacturing Company (1927), Limited,” Times (London), 20 July 1928, 5. W. J. Bonner, “The Textile Industry in Surrey,” Annual of the Dorking High School for Boys O.B.A. 5 (1927): 18–20.

69. Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 5th ser., vol. 215 (22 March 1928), cols. 545–46; 29 March 1928, col. 1330; 3 April 1928, col. 1795; vol. 216 (17 April 1928), cols. 16–17; 18 April 1928, col. 180; vol. 217 (9 May 1928), cols. 252–53; 16 May 1928, cols. 1038–39; 17 May 1928, cols. 1184–85.

70. Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 5th ser., vol. 224 (4 February 1929), cols. 1418–19; 5 February 1929, col. 1604. “Ailments of Workers in Artificial Silk (Medical Notes in Parliament),” British Medical Journal, 9 February 1929, 278.

71. “Correspondence with Workers Union and National Union of Textile Workers Including Deputation to the Home Secretary, 1 March 1929,” MSS.292/144.54/6, Trades Union Council Archives, Modern Research Center, Warwick University.

72. Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops, Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for the Year 1928 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1929), 36–37.

73. Ibid., 79.

74. Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops, Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories and Workshops for the Year 1929 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1930), 46.

75. Ibid., 77–78. There were five notified cases of carbon disulfide poisoning in the artificial silk industry in 1929, all from the same facility, the Rayon Manufacturing Co., Ltd, of Leatherhead (Surrey).

76. Home Office and Ministry of Labour and National Service and Successors, Factory Inspectorate and Factory Department, Registers of Lead, etc, Poisoning and Anthrax Cases, The National Archives, United Kingdom, LAB 56/30. One of these listed workers appears to match a case presented at a clinical meeting held in November 1929; see F. R. R. Walshe, “Carbon Disulphide Intoxication,” Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 23 (1929–30): 89–90.

77. In 1929, a case of amblyopia from carbon disulfide in the artificial silk industry was first noted in France in Pierre Moulinié, De L’amblyopie par le sulfure de carbone (thesis) (Lyon: Imprimerie Bosc frères, M. et L. Riou, 1929). Case 1 of the twenty-one cases covered in this thesis worked in artificial silk and was treated by Dr. Moulinié’s mentor, Dr. Jacques Rollet, noticed in Lyon Medical 144 (15 September 1929): 320.

78. J. Strebel, “Durch SO₂ verursachte Augenschädigungen (spez. zentrale punktörnige Viskoseverätzung der Hornhäute)—Schutz durch Maskenbrille mit Zinkkohlefilter,” Schweizerische Medizinische Wochenshschrift 53 (1 June 1923): 560–61.

79. [Société de la Viscose Suisse], 50 Jahre Viscose Emmenbrücke—1906–1956 (Emmenbrücke, Switzerland: Société de la Viscose Suisse, 1956). In addition to Emmenbrücke, other Swiss producers in this period were located in Rheinfelden near Basel and at Reidekon-Ulster.

80. C. Bakker, “Oogziekten in kunstzijdefrabrieken,” Nederlandsch Tijdschrift voor Geneeskunde 67 (1923): 576–84. In 1924, Il Lavoro called attention to this report linking conjunctivitis in artificial silk manufacturing to hydrogen sulfide exposure: “Affezioni oculari in una fabrica di seta artificiale,” Il Lavoro 15 (1924): 244. Also abstracted by JAMA: “Eye Affections in Silk Factories,” Journal of the American Medical Association 82 (8 March 1924): 808.

81. Willem Reinier Hubert Kranenburg, “Oogziekten in kunstzijdefrabrieken” [letter], Nederlandsch Tijdschrift voor Geneeskunde 67 (1923): 822.

82. W. R. H. Kranenburg and H. Kessener, “Schwefelwasserstoff- und Schefelkohlenstoff-vergiftungen,” Zentralblatt für Gewerbehygiene und Unfallverhütung 12 (1925): 348–50. There were three artificial silk factories operating in the Netherlands: two owned by the Eerste Nedelandsche Kunstzjijdefabriek (ENKA, at Arnhem and Ede) and one owned by the Hollandsche Kunstjide Industrie (KHI, at Breda). The two Dutch firms merged into a single entity in 1928.

83. Eva Klein, “Les lésions oculaires dans les fabriques de soie artificielle,” Archives d’Ophtalmologie 45 (1928): 686–93. The only viscose plant located in Strasbourg was the Soieries de Strasbourg, founded in 1924 by Dr. Emile Bronnert.

84. David Rankine, “Artificial Silk Keratitis,” British Medical Journal, 4 July 1936, 6–9.

85. Ministry of Health, Report on an Investigation Regarding the Emission of Fumes from Artificial Silk Works (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1929). Long before this there was a local police-blotter entry on pollution from Courtaulds for “effluvium which constituted a nuisance.” Courtauld received a six-month extension for correction; see Coventry Standard, 24–25 May 1912. In November of that year, Courtaulds received yet another postponement (Coventry Standard, 8–9 November 1912).

86. “Amblyopia and the Artificial Silk Industry,” British Medical Journal, 1 June 1929, 1008–9.

87. Ibid., 1009.

88. Thomas Morison Legge, Shaw Lectures on Thirty Years’ Experience of Industrial Maladies: Delivered Before the Royal Society of Arts, February and March, 1929 (London: Royal Society of Arts, 1929), 16–17.

89. Correspondence, Workers Union and National Union of Textile Workers, including deputation to the Home Secretary, Trades Union Council Archives, Modern Research Center, Warwick University.

90. Gustavo Quarelli, “Intossicazione da solfuro di carbonio nella lavorazione della seta artificiale,” International Congress on Occupational Health: Opera Collecta; Congressus V, Internationalis Medicorum pro Artificibus Calamitate Afflictis Aegrotisque, Budapest, 2–8 Sept. 1928 (Budapest: Victor Hornýanszky, 1929), 805–18.

91. Gustavo Quarelli, “L’azione del sulfuro di carbonio sul sistema nervosa vegitivo,” IVe Réunion de la Commission Internationale Permanente pour l’étude des Maladies Professionnelles, Lyon, 3–6 Avril 1929, vol. 2, Comptes Rendus des Séances et Communications Diverses (Lyon: Trévoux, 1929), 200–204.

92. Gustavo Quarelli, “Spasmo di torsione ed avvelenamento da sulduro di carbonio,” Proceedings, VII Congresso Nazionale di Medicina del Lavoro—Napoli, 10–13 October 1929, 52–68. See also G. B. Audo Guinotti, “Sul tremor nell’avvelenamento professionale da solfuro di carbonio,” La Riforma Medica 45 (21 September 1929): 1275–78.

93. Philip Williamson and Edward Baldwin, eds., Baldwin Papers: A Conservative Statesman, 1908–1947 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 216.

94. Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 5th ser., vol. 230 (25 July 1929), cols. 1459–60.

95. Karl Bonhoeffer, “Über die neurologischen und psychischen Folgeerscheinungen der Sehwefelkohlenstoffvergiftung,” Monatsschrift für Psychiatrie und Neurologie 75 (1930): 195–206.

96. Gustavo Quarelli, “Del tremor parksinosimile dell’intossicazione cronica da solfuro di carbonio,” Medicina del Lavoro 21 (28 February 1930): 58–64.

97. Fedele Negro, “Les Syndromes parkinsoniens par intoxication sulfo-carbonée,” Revue Neurologique 2 (November 1930): 518–22.

98. Gustavo Quarelli, Clinica delle Malattie Professionali (Turin: Union Tipografico–Editrice Torinese, 1931), 197–200, photographic illustration of the man with hand spasm, opposite 196.

99. Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, Lords, 5th ser., vol. 83 (10 November 1931), cols. 33–37.

100. “Major J. S. Courtauld, M.P., Business, Politics and Racing” (obituary), Times (London), 21 April 1942.

101. Thomas M. Legge, “An Industrial Danger,” Statesman and Nation, n.s., 2 (15 August 1931): 190. This was one of Legge’s last publications before his death the following year.

102. Ibid.

103. William Henry Willcox and G. Roche Lynch, “The Artificial Silk Industry” [letter], New Statesman and Nation, n.s., 2 (26 September 1931): 371.

104. E. Grey-Turner, “The Detective-Physician: The Life and Work of Sir William Willcox” (book review), Medical History 17 (1972): 104–6; “G. Royce Lynch, O.B.E., M.B., F.R.I.C., D.P.H.” (unsigned obituary), British Medical Journal, 13 July 1957, 105.

105. Willcox and Roche, “Artificial Silk Industry.”

106. Ibid.

107. “Chancery Division, Artificial Silk Factory: Sequestration Writ Suspended, Attorney-General v. Rayon Manufacturing Company (1927), Limited,” Times (London), 21 October 1931, 9.

108. This small competitor of Courtaulds shut down in October 1932; see Coleman, Courtaulds, 332.

Chapter 3. Wrapped Up in Cellophane

1. Coleman, Courtaulds, 174–76; see also Jeffrey Harrop, “Growth of the Rayon Industry in the Inter War Years,” Bulletin of Economic Research 20 (1968): 71–84.

2. “Major Developments in Teijin’s History,” www.teijin.com/ir/library/annual_report/pdf/ar_04_08.pdf. Teikoku went on to be absorbed into the Teijin industrial group.

3. Toray, “Corporate Brand,” www.toray.com/aboutus/brand.html. Toyo morphed into Toray.

4. Grace Hutchins, Labor and Silk (New York: International Publishers, 1929), 63–81.

5. Ibid. The diagrammatic figure “International Connections in the Rayon Industry” is on 68.

6. Mira Wilkins, The History of Foreign Investment in the United Sates, 1914–1945 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 216.

7. Alan M. Wald., Exiles from a Future Time. Forging of the Mid-Twentieth-Century Literary Left (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 76–80.

8. Alexander Trachtenberg, The History of Legislation for the Protection of Coal Miners in Pennsylvania, 1824–1915 (New York: International Publishers, 1942).

9. Albert Maltz, The Way Things Are, and Other Stories (New York: International Publishers, 1938). The short story “Man on the Road” originally appeared in the New Masses (8 January 1935).

10. “To Buy Oxygen Company; Union Carbide Arranges for Deal with the International,” New York Times, 12 September 1930. The company’s name was the International Oxygen Company.

11. Hutchins, Labor and Silk, 120–25.

12. Ibid., 79.

13. Julia M. Allen, Passionate Commitments. The Lives of Anna Rochester and Grace Hutchins (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2013), 152.

14. “Esther Shemitz Chambers; Widow of Man Who Played Key Role in the Alger Hiss Case,” Los Angeles Times, 28 August 1986. Shemitz died at age eighty-six.

15. Hutchins, Labor and Silk, 164–66.

16. E. M. Mogileveskii and A. P. Pakshver, “Fifty Years of Viscose Rayon Production in the USSR,” Fibre Chemistry 19 (1977): 110–15. K. E. Perepelkin, “Ways of Developing Chemical Fibres Based on Cellulose: Viscose Fibres and Their Prospects; Part I. Development of Viscose Fibre Technology: Alternative Hydrated Cellulose Fibre Technology,” Fibre Chemistry 40 (2008): 10–23.

17. Mogileveskii and Pakshver, “Rayon Production in the USSR,” 110.

18. Ibid.

19. Coleman, Courtaulds, 172–73.

20. Oxford English Dictionary Online, s.v. “cellophane,” “diaphane,” and “diaphanous.” In addition to its direct meaning as transparent, diaphane was also a nineteenth-century descriptor of a specific weave of silk characterized by the presence of transparent colored figures.

21. [DuPont], Leonard A. Yerkes. This twenty-two-page corporate publication was in homage to Yerkes (“Len” or even “LAY”), a chemical engineer and chief architect of DuPont’s rayon and cellophane operations.

22. Heinrich Voelker, 75 Jahre Kalle: Ein Beitrag zur Nassuaischen Industrie-Geschichte von Universitätsprofessor Dr. Heinrich Voelcker, 1863–1938 (Wiesbadden-Biebrich: Kalle & Co. Aktiengesellschaft, n.d. [1938]).

23. Marin Tillmanns, Bridge Hall Mills: Three Centuries of Paper and Cellulose Film Manufacture (Tisbury, U.K.: Compton, 1978), 104–9.

24. Ibid., 109.

25. Cyril Henry Ward-Jackson, The “Cellophane” Story: Origins of a British Industrial Group (Edinburgh: British Cellophane Limited, 1977). Ward-Jackson worked for British Cellophane from 1948. In 1941, he wrote A History of Courtaulds: An Account of the Origin and Rise of the Industrial Enterprise of Courtaulds Limited and of Its Associate the American Viscose Company (London: Curwin, 1941).

26. C. P. Atkinson, “Manufacture, Dyeing, and Application of Viscacelle (Regenerated Cellulose Film),” Journal of the Society of Dyers and Colourists 5 (1934): 132–38, quotation on 132.

27. Coleman, Courtaulds; see also Ward-Jackson, “Cellophane” Story.

28. [Courtaulds Ltd.], National Rayon Week (London: Courtaulds Ltd., 1936). This was an eleven-page promotional pamphlet.

29. “ ‘Say Rayon’ Week; Many Uses and Endless Variety,” Straits Times (Singapore), 25 June 1936.

30. “Our Overseas Trade,” Advertiser (Adelaide, Australia), 22 April 1936.

31. William Sunners, American Slogans (New York: Paebar Company, 1949), 71, 73, 190.

32. James A. Farley, “Address of Chairman James A. Farley of the Democratic National Committee at the Washington Day Banquet of the Kansas Democratic Club at Topeka, to be Broadcast over the Nationwide Hookup of the National Broadcasting Company, Feb. 22, 1936,” Papers of James Aloysius Farley, box 61, file 1, Library of Congress; quotation is on 6; emphasis in the original.

33. “Democracy Saved, Farley Declares; He Says Roosevelt Leadership Has Thwarted Enemies of Best Governing Plan,” New York Times, 23 February 1936.

34. “Wrapped up in Cellophane,” New York Post, 30 January 1936.

35. On 6 November 1947, Farley was a guest on the first television broadcast of Meet the Press; photographic image at www.nbcnews.com/id/34344875/displaymode/1247?beginSlide=1.

36. Gail Collins, “The Milt Romney Pardon,” New York Times, 1 December 2011.

37. Kevin N. Kruse, “For God so Loved the 1 Percent . . . ,” New York Times, 17 January 2012.

38. Daniel Scroop, Mr. Democrat: Jim Farley, the New Deal, and the Making of Modern American Politics (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006), 131.

39. Coleman, Courtaulds, 389–97. An extended key U.S. Senate debate on the rayon tariff can be found in the Congressional Record, 72nd Cong., pt. 3, 27 January 1930, 2423–47.

40. Coleman, Courtaulds, 400–406.

41. “Eleanor du Pont Engaged; Daughter of Irenee du Pont to Wed Philip S. Rust [sic],” New York Times, 4 January 1931.

42. “Eleanor du Pont’s Bridal; Chooses Attendants for Marriage to P. G. Rust on May 8,” New York Times, 6 April 1931.

43. “Eleanor F. du Pont Wed to Philip G. Rust; Bishop Philip Cook Officiates at Wilmington, Del.,” New York Times, 10 May 1931.

44. Philip G. Rust, “Means for Treating Yarn,” U.S. Patent Office, application files, 2 August 1928, serial no. 297,075; patented 27 October 1931, Patent 1,829,678.

45. “Philip Goodenow Rust Jr.” (obituary), Delaware News Journal, 31 October 2010. His Georgia ranch was called Winnstead Plantation.

46. Frank W. Taussig and Harry Dexter White, “Rayon and the Tariff: The Nature of an Industrial Prodigy,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 45 (1931): 588–621.

47. Ibid., 588. Although Taussig and White were early promoters of the term “duopoly,” an earlier usage is credited to Arthur Cecil Pigou, Economics of Welfare (London: Macmillan, 1920), 232; see Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. “duopoly.”

48. Frank W. Taussig and Harry Dexter White, Some Aspects of the Tariff Question: An Examination of the Development of American Industries under Protection, 3rd ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1931).

49. Gottfried Haberler, “Taussig, Frank W.,” in David L. Stills, ed. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York: Macmillan/Free Press, 1968), 15:516–18.

50. Benn Steil, The Battle of Bretton Woods: John Maynard Keynes, Harry Dexter White, and the Making of a New World Order (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2013), 20–21.

51. Taussig and White, “Rayon and the Tariff,” 609.

52. Coleman, Courtaulds, 406–8. Coleman consistently misspells “Isidor” as “Isidore.”

53. “Salvage: Cable to Johnson Courtaulds Coventry,” 20 March 1932, exhibit 1, Federal Trade Commission Docket 2161, Federal Trade Commission (Record Group 122), U.S. National Archives.

54. “Isidor Reinhard: Cables to Henry Johnson,” 11 August 1932 (exhibit 394); 17 August 1932 (exhibit 395) and 19 August 1932 (exhibit 393), Federal Trade Commission Docket 2161, Federal Trade Commission (Record Group 122), U.S. National Archives.

55. “Charge Not Fought by 7 Rayon Makers; Federal Trade Commission Concludes Three Years of Conspiracy Hearings,” New York Times, 13 May 1937.

56. Coleman, Courtaulds, 402.

57. “Rayon Group Ordered to Stop ‘Price Fixing’; Federal Commission Charges Ten Corporations Entered into a ‘Conspiracy,’ ” New York Times, 7 July 1937.

58. Coleman, Courtaulds, 408n3. Covington, Burling, Rublee, Acheson & Shorb has been a powerhouse firm in Washington, D.C., since 1919 (now Covington & Burling).

59. “Mystery: The American Viscose Corp.; A U.S. Investment of $930,000 by Some Shrewd and Close-Mouthed Britishers Yields a Stupendous Net in Twenty-Six Years, Estimated by Fortune at $300,000,000-odd,” Fortune, July 1937, 39–43, 106, 108, 110, 112. The striking, modernist photographic images that illustrate the piece were made by William M. Rittase, available at the website The Visual Telling of Stories, www.fulltable.com/VTS/f/fortune/photos/rittase/mna.htm.

60. Fortune, “Mystery: The American Viscose Corp.,” 110.

61. Ibid., 112. Sir Esme Howard at that time was Britain’s ambassador to the United States.

62. Ibid., 112.

63. The important role of the cablegrams in the case was emphasized in the contemporary press; see “Rayon Price Fixing Charged,” Wall Street Journal, 2 June 1934. The “smoking-gun” cable from Salvage to Johnson served as the FTC’s exhibit 1 among 1700 (see note 53 to this chapter).

64. Coleman, Courtaulds, 408.

65. Eli Reinhard, personal communication with the author, San Jose, California, 18 December 2013.

66. “Sylphrap,” letter from Lorillard Tobacco, 13 June 1935, item no. 04357363, Truth Tobacco Industry Documents, University of California, San Francisco, https://industrydocuments.library.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/ggjn0166. This was an internal communication on the performance of the Sylvania product.

67. Du Pont Cellophane Co., Inc., v. Waxed Products Co., Inc., No. 6839, District Court, E.D. New York. 6 F. Supp. 859 (11 May 1934).

68. Du Pont Cellophane Co., Inc., v. Waxed Products Co., Inc., No. 266, Circuit Court of Appeals, Second Circuit, 85 F.2d 75 (17 July 1936), heard before Judges Learned and Augustus N. Hand, the opinion by the latter.

69. Du Pont Cellophane Co., Inc., v. Waxed Products Co., Inc., 304 U.S. 575 (1938). Harry D. Nims, cocounsel with Covington, was an expert on trademarks. DuPont followed with legal action targeted directly at Sylvania, which also failed; E.I. Du Pont de Nemours & Co. v. Sylvania Industrial Corporation, 122 F.2d 400 (4th Cir. 1941).

70. Taussig and White, “Rayon and the Tariff,” 619. Their observation resonates with Thorstein Veblen’s views expressed in “Dress as an Expression of the Pecuniary Culture” (chap. 7 of Veblen’s Theory of the Leisure Class [1899]).

71. Irmgard Keun, Das kunstseidene Mädchen (Berlin: Universitas Deutsche Verlags-Aktiengesellschaft, 1932). The British translation appeared in 1933 under the Chatto and Windus imprint, translated by Basil Creighton.

72. Richard Denia Charques, review of The Artificial Silk Girl, Times Literary Supplement, 7 December 1933, 874. A brief notice in New Stateman and Nation referred to Keun’s Doris character as “a half-hearted and amateurish little hetaira” (21 October 1933, 486).

73. Yvette Florio Lane, “ ‘No Fertile Soil for Pathogens’: Rayon, Advertising, and Biopolitics in Later Weimar Germany,” Journal of Social History 44 (2010): 545–62. See also the work of Maria Makela, a historian at the California College of the Arts, www.cca.edu/academics/faculty/mmakela.

74. Keun, Das kunstseidene Mädchen, 78, 83, 154, 158 for Bembergerseide.

75. Irmgard Kuhn, The Artificial Silk Girl, trans. Karthie con Ankum (New York: Other Press, 2002), 94.

76. Felix Stössinger, “Die verwandelte Tauentzien: Umschichtung im Berliner Westen,” in Glänzender Asphalt: Berlin im Feuilleton der Weimarer Republik, ed. Christian Jäger and Erhard Schütz (Berlin: Fannei & Walz, 1994), 107–11; anthologized from Vossische Zeitung, 17 April 1932.

77. Keun, Artificial Silk Girl, 134; the original wording is echt Vulkanfieber (Keun, Das kunstseidene Mädchen, 154).

78. Thomas Taylor, “Improvement in the Treatment of Paper and Paper Pulp,” U.S. Patent Office, Patent No. 114,880, 16 March 1871. The patent was for the treatment of paper with zinc chloride.

79. “The Business Girl and Lux” (advertisement), Times (London), 25 August 1926.

80. Carl A. Alsberg, “Economic Aspects of Adulteration and Imitation,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 46 (1931): 1–33, quotation on 5. Alsberg, a physician, was with the Food Research Institute at Stanford University. He was first chief of the Bureau of Chemistry at the Food and Drug Administration before taking his post at Stanford.

81. Ibid., 6.

82. Joseph Bersch, Cellulose, Cellulose Products, and Artificial Rubber, trans. William T. Brannt (Philadelphia: Baird, 1904), 323–28. White factice required disulphur dichloride, which could be diluted with carbon disulfide.

83. Three cases of carbon disulfide toxicity were reported from a factice (in German, kautschukerzatz) USSR operation using rapeseed oil; see A. E. Kulkow, “Beiträge zur Klinik der gewerblichen Vergiftungen,” Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie 103 (1926): 435–54. Kulkow was based at the V. A. Obukh Institute for Occupational Diseases, the premier Soviet center for this specialty.

84. Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. “factice.”

85. The earliest proponent for the use of carbon disulfide in perfume manufacturing seems to have been Auguste Millon in Algeria; see chapter 1, note 63.

86. Thomas Brough, “Artificial Silk,” Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 75 (10 December 1926): 97–115.

87. Imitesan cilkku celai centamilc cintu (Kirusnakiri, India: Sri Cuppiramaniya Vilassam Piras, 1930); this is an eight-page song cycle in Tamil.

88. Aldous Huxley, Brave New World (London: Chatto and Windus, 1932), 17.

89. Ibid., quotations on 139; acetate is also mentioned in chapters 3, 9, and 13.

90. Ibid. Viscose textiles are mentioned in chapters 2, 3 (twice), 7, 8, 9, 12, and 18.

91. Ibid., 164. In addition, Huxley’s Lenina sports a “morocco surrogate” (i.e., synthetic leather) cartridge belt for her contraceptives (chapter 3).

92. American Medical Association, Department of Investigations, folder 899 Violetta-Viscose Treatment (inclusive); folders 0884-08, Viscose Treatment, Special Data, 1924–67; 0885-01 Viscose Treatment, Correspondence, 1926–30; 0885-02 Viscose Treatment, Correspondence, 1931–68.

93. Federal Trade Commission, “Stipulation of facts with vendor-advertiser and agreement to cease and desist; False and misleading advertising a treatment for varicose veins,” stipulation no. 0340, 17 July 1933; AMA, Department of Investigations, Violetta-Viscose Treatment, folders 0884-08, item 58. The cited claim referred to is on the first page of the ten-page order.

94. P.N.L., “So-Called Viscose,” 30 June 1927, AMA, Department of Investigations, Violetta-Viscose Treatment, folders 0884-08, item 54. The two-page report, initialed “P.N.L.,” was transmitted to Dr. Cramp at the AMA. It was reproduced verbatim within “ ‘Viscose’ for varicose veins” in the “Propaganda for Reform” column of the Journal of the American Medical Association 29 (16 July 1927): 225.

95. Cole Porter, “You’re the Top,” 1934; see Cole Porter, The Complete Lyrics of Cole Porter, ed. Robert Kimball (New York: Da Capo, 1992), 170. Of note, the P. G. Wodehouse adaptation of the musical Anything Goes for the London stage, which did make alterations to some of the lyrics of “You’re the Top” (for example, notoriously adding Mussolini to the list of top things), retained the cellophane lyric; see Hal Cazalet and Sylvia McNair, The Land Where Good Songs Go: The Lyrics of P. G. Wodehouse (audio recording), Harbinger Records.

96. Edward Heyman (words) and Richard Myers (music), “If Love Came Wrapped in Cellophane,” © 8 February 1935, Library of Congress, Copyright Office, Catalogue of Copyright Entries, Part 3 Musical Compositions, 1935, n.s., vol. 30, no. 2, 167 (entry 3440).

97. Billie Madsen (words and music), “My Cellophane Baby,” © 2 March 1937, Library of Congress, Copyright Office, Catalogue of Copyright Entries, Part 3 Musical Compositions, 1937, n.s., vol. 32, no. 3, 321 (entry 6794).

98. Steven Watson, Prepare for Saints: Gertrude Stein, Virgil Thomson, and the Mainstreaming of American Modernism (New York: Random House, 1998), 169, 276.

99. [Gertrude Stein], Four Saints in Three Acts (New York: Aaronson and Cooper, 1934); souvenir booklet for the stage production.

100. Ring Lardner, “Quadroon,” New Yorker, 19 December 1931, 17–18, quotation on 18.

101. “Le Cellophane,” in “Talk of the Town,” New Yorker, 30 January 1932, 11.

102. E. B. White, “Alice Through the Cellophane,” New Yorker, 6 May 1933, 22–24, quotation on 22.

103. [Brooks Paper Company], How to Make Things with Cellophane: A Book of Suggestions (St. Louis: Brooks Paper Company, 1932), 17.

104. Ibid.

105. Dashiell Hammett, The Thin Man (1934; repr., New York: Vintage, 1992), 192.

Chapter 4. Body Count

1. Petricha E. Manchester to Dr. Alice Hamilton, telegram, 11 March 1933, Special Collections, Linda Lear Center for Special Collections and Archives, Shain Library, Connecticut College (hereafter cited as Special Collections, Lear Center).

2. Alice Hamilton, Industrial Poisons Used in the Rubber Industry, Bureau of Labor Statistics Bulletin 179 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1915). The “cold cure” using carbon disulfide was sometimes also referred to as the “acid cure.”

3. Ibid., 26–32.

4. Ibid., 30.

5. Ibid., 31.

6. Ibid., 19.

7. Ibid., 34, 38.

8. “The Dangers of Rubber Manufacture,” Journal of the American Medical Association 66 (29 January 1916): 356–58. The unsigned editorial refers to Ohio and thus may have been authored by Emery Hayhurst, head of the Division of Occupational Diseases of the Ohio State Board of Health; see, for example, Emery Roe Hayhurst, A Survey of Industrial Health-Hazards and Occupational Diseases in Ohio, Transmitted February 1, 1915 (Columbus, Ohio: Heer, 1915).

9. Alice Hamilton, “Marcus Hook, Nov. 28th 1919,” typed three-page report of a factory site visit, Special Collections, Lear Center. Although Hamilton does not identify the name of the facility, she lists “Dr. C. E. Ford, 25 Broad St. New York” first among a group joining her on the visit, a link to Benzol Products Co. (later National Aniline and Chemical Company Inc.), which had a manufacturing site in Marcus Hook.

10. George Edmund de Schweinitz, “Concerning Some Varieties of Toxic Amblyopia, with Illustrative Cases, Being a Clinical Communication,” Transactions of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia, 3rd ser., 47 (1921): 216–19, also reported in the American Journal of Ophthalmology 5 (1922): 381–88 (de Schweinitz’s cases on 386–88). De Schweinitz was an expert on the condition; see G. E. de Schweinitz, The Toxic Amblyopias (Philadelphia: Lee Brothers, 1896), 105–16.

11. Alice Hamilton, “Inorganic Poisons, Other than Lead, in American Industries,” Journal of Industrial Hygiene 1 (1919): 89–102. This paper makes clear that the insane-asylum-committed case that Hamilton reported in 1915 was from a Detroit, Michigan, factory.

12. Hamilton, Industrial Poisons in the United States, 360–69.

13. Ibid., 368–70.

14. Ibid., 369. Hamilton refers to a fatal case of “carbanilid” poisoning. There are variant terms and spellings for thiocarbanilid(e), carbanilid(e), and sulpho-carbanilide (preferred technical name, N,N’-diphenylthiourea).

15. Alice Hamilton, “Nineteen Years in the Poisonous Trades,” Harper’s Magazine, 1 October 1929, 580–91.

16. Ibid., 587.

17. Ibid., 591.

18. Alice Hamilton to Mrs. Petricha E. Manchester, 11 March 1933, Special Collections, Lear Center.

19. Ibid.

20. Alice Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades (Boston: Little, Brown, 1943), 391–92.

21. Petricha E. Manchester to Dr. Alice Hamilton, telegram, 11 March 1933.

22. “Industrial Poisons a Hazard to Workers,” Bulletin of the Consumers’ League of New York 2, no. 1 (1923): 3.

23. Barbara Sicherman, Alice Hamilton: A Life in Letters (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984), 281.

24. Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 390. Hamilton notes: “Other histories came to me from Estelle Lauder, of the Philadelphia Consumers’ League, but I had no way of checking up on these stories.” A. Estelle Lauder was a leader with the Consumers’ League of Eastern Pennsylvania and active in occupational safety and health in this period.

25. Pierre S. du Pont to Petricha Manchester, 22 November 1927, Hagley Library and Museum, Pierre S. du Pont Papers, LMSS 10/A/File 614. The records of the National Consumers’ League held at the U.S. National Archives contain records of later correspondence from Manchester: to Mary Dublin (then general secretary of the National Consumers’ League and a personal friend of Hamilton’s) on 18 December 1939, and to Elizabeth Magee on 25 March 1944, when she was general secretary (Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, National Consumer League Records, reel 15). Thus, Manchester was still active at the time that Hamilton published Exploring the Dangerous Trades.

26. U.S. Department of Labor, Division of Labor Standards, Reports of Committees and Resolutions Adopted by Third National Conference on Labor Legislation, November 9, 10, 11, 1936 (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1936), 5–6, 9–11.

27. In August 1944, Hamilton assumed the honorific post of national president of the National Consumers’ League; see Sicherman, Alice Hamilton, 375.

28. Alice Hamilton, day pocket diary, entry for 3 March 1938, Hamilton Family Papers 86–133, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study, Harvard University. The diary entry notes the other diners as “Edison of Navy” and “Quaker in Spa.(nish) Relief.” Edison may be Charles Edison (son of the inventor Thomas Edison), who at that time was undersecretary of the navy.

29. The Delaware Rayon Company was one of only three of the ten charged companies that continued to fight the case until the end; see “Charge Not Fought by 7 Rayon Makers; Federal Trade Commission Concludes Three Years of Hearings; Only Three of Ten Appear; Indication Is That Orders Will Be Issued to Stop Fixing of Companies’ Prices,” New York Times, 13 May 1937.

30. “John Pilling Wright; President of Textile Companies Dies in Newark, Del., at 66,” New York Times, 19 April 1947. At the time of his death, Wright was the president of Delaware Rayon, New Bedford Rayon, and the Continental-Diamond Fibre Company. Wright’s home later was given to the University of Delaware to become its presidential residence. See “Out of the Attic,” NewarkPostOnline.com, www.newarkpostonline.com/news/local/article_253e7b44-2aa8-56a6-9612-b1dc2ede0155.html?mode=jqm.

31. Theresa Hessey, Newark (Mount Pleasant, S.C.: Arcadia, 2007), 109.

32. “Historical Note: Inventory of the New Bedford Rayon, Inc., Records in the New Bedford Whaling Museum Research Library,” New Bedford Whaling Museum, www.whalingmuseum.org/explore/library/finding-aids/mss25.

33. “Old Steel Plant Sold; Shell-Loading Works of Bethlehem Corp., near Wilmington, Bought by Delaware Rayon Co.,” Wall Street Journal, 16 February 1926.

34. Delaware Federal Writers’ Project, Delaware: A Guide to the First State (New York: Viking, 1938), 467. A 1955 revision of the guidebook still calls attention to the “Delaware Rayon Plant” in its tour number 10 but, consistent with Alice Hamilton’s experience, adds a parenthetical note “(no admission)” not in the original (italics in text).

35. Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 184.

36. Bowing v. Delaware Rayon Co., Superior Court of Delaware, New Castle County, 38 Del. 206; 190 A. 567; 1937 Del. LEXIS 24; 8 W.W. Harr. 206 (15 February 1937).

37. Ibid.

38. Bowing v. Delaware Rayon Co., Superior Court of Delaware, New Castle County, 38 Del. 339; 192 A. 598; 1937 Del. LEXIS 34; 8 W.W. Harr. 339 (2 April 1937)

39. Ibid.

40. Susan M. Hartmann, “Herrick, Elinore Morehouse,” in Barbara Sicherman and Carol Hurd Green, eds., Notable American Women: The Modern Period (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1980), 335–57.

41. Elinore Herrick, “Rough Draft of Chapters for Memoir,” Elinore Morehouse Herrick, Papers, 1931–1964, file 154, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University, “Chapter II. “I BECOME A BUREAUCRAT” (capitalization and quotation marks in original), quoted passage on 8.

42. Ibid., “Chapter One. I BREAK A STRIKE” (capitalization in original), quoted passage on 4.

43. Victoria Enos, “Two Weeks at the Industrial Rayon Corporation in February 1930,” National Women’s Trade Union League of America Records, 1910–1934, B-16, folder 30, pp. [1]–[8] (seq. 139–46), Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. (hereafter cited as National Women’s Trade Union League of America Records). This most likely but not definitively describes the Industrial Rayon Corporation in Covington, Virginia.

44. Ibid., 4.

45. Four-page typed manuscript, National Women’s Trade Union League of America Records.

46. Frieda Schwenkmeyer to Elizabeth Christman, 18 September 1930, National Women’s Trade Union League of America Records. This letter transmits the typed report on Industrial Rayon cited in note 43 to this chapter.

47. Brownie Lee Jones to the General Council, Trade Union Congress [U.K.], 17 October 1929, Trade Union Congress Archives, Modern Records Center, University of Warwick. Brownie Lee Jones set up the Industrial Department for the Denver YWCA and then served in that role in Flint, Michigan, before working in Richmond, Virginia, from 1928 to 1932. When Jones came to the Richmond YWCA, Lucy Randolph Mason was its director; she then went to the National Consumers’ League; see “Oral History Interview with Brownie Lee Jones,” conducted by Mary Fredrickson, 20 April 1976, Program on Women and Work, Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations, University of Michigan—Wayne State University, vitae (unpaginated) and p. 22–29, which focus on her time with the YWCA in Richmond.

48. Joseph A. Fry, “Rayon, Riot, and Repression: The Covington Sit-Down Strike of 1937,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 84 (1976): 3–18.

49. Marie Tedesco, “North American Rayon Corporation and American Bemberg Corporation” and “Elizabethton Rayon Plants Strikes, 1929,” Tennessee Encyclopedia of History and Culture, http://tennesseeencyclopedia.net/entry.php?rec=1005 and http://tennesseeencyclopedia.net/entry.php?rec=1277.

50. The school was founded in 1923 and was originally called First High School; see the website for Carter County Schools, https://sites.google.com/a/hvhs.carterk12.net/happy-valley-high/home/archives.

51. “Dr. Mothwurf Arrested; Chief Chemist of Bayer Plant Will Be Examined Here,” New York Times, 24 August 1918; see also Mira Wilkens, The History of Foreign Investment in the United Sates, 1914–1945 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 124, 702n357.

52. “38 Germans are Sent to Internment Camp,” New York Times, 12 November 1918.

53. ZoomInfo, “Dr. Arthur Franz Mothwurf,” www.zoominfo.com/p/Arthur-Mothwurf/1207715184.

54. James A. Hodges, “Challenge to the New South: The Great Textile Strike in Elizabethton, Tennessee, 1929,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 23 (1964): 343–57.

55. Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, “Disorderly Women: Gender and Labor Militancy in the Appalachian South,” Journal of American History 73 (1986): 354–82.

56. “Miss Margaret Bowen” [address], Report of the Proceedings of the Forty-Ninth Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor, Held at Toronto, Ontario, Canada 49 (October 1929): 276–67.

57. Bessie Edens, “My Work in an Artificial Silk Mill,” in Scraps of Work and Play, Southern Summer School for Women Workers in Industry, Burnsville, North Carolina, July 11–August 23, 1929, 21–23, American Labor Education Service Records, Kheel Center for Labor Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University, quotation on 21.

58. Alfred Hoffmann, “The Mountaineer in Industry,” Mountain Life and Work 5 (1930): 2–7, quotation on 3.

59. Christine Galleher [sic], “Where I Work,” in Scraps of Work and Play, 23. Her named is spelled elsewhere as Galliher.

60. [Ida Heaton], Scraps of Work and Play, 17. Among a group of unsigned brief personal reports, this appears to have been written by Ida Heaton, who also worked at Glanzstoff.

61. Matilda Lindsay, “Rayon Mills and Old Line Americans,” Life and Labor Bulletin 7, no. 71 (1929): 3–4.

62. Ibid., 4.

63. “The National Guard and Elizabethton,” Life and Labor Bulletin 7, no. 74 (1929): 1–2.

64. “North American Rayon (Bemberg & Glanzstoff) Strike of 1929 and Preparations for a Visit by Herbert Hoover,” unnumbered series (series A), American Bemberg Corporation (American Glanzstoff Corporation) (North American Rayon Corporation) Film and Video Collection, State of Tennessee, Department of State, Tennessee State Library and Archives.

65. Rozella Hardin, “Elizabethton Once Had Its Own Chewing Gum Factory,” Elizabethton (Tennessee) Star, 19 January 2009.

66. “Lehman Quit as Director of Rayon Concerns in Protest on Troops in Southern Mill Strike,” New York Times, 15 May 1929.

67. Sherwood Anderson, “Elizabethton, Tennessee,” Nation, 1 May 1929, 526–27.

68. Press photograph, uncredited, stamped “Referred-E. Dept. October 5 29 N.E.A.,” collection of the author.

69. “Rayon Mills’ Head Dies by his Own Hand; Konsul W. C. Kummer Breaks Down after Taking Charge at Elizabethton, Tenn.,” New York Times, 2 October 1929; see also “Charles Wolff Succeeds Mothwurf,” New York Times, 1 February 1930.

70. Scraps of Work and Play.

71. Hall, “Disorderly Women.”

72. Scraps of Work and Play, n.p. This appears in a “Jokes” section that follows the main body of the text numbered 1–49.

73. Anderson, “Elizabethton, Tennessee,” 527.

74. Alice Hamilton, Industrial Toxicology, Harper’s Medical Monographs (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1934), 241–44.

75. Ibid., 244n. Hamilton uses footnotes sparingly in the book—there are fewer than 36 in 271 pages of text. The bibliography, by contrast, has 655 citations. In the book’s preface, Hamilton notes that the citations reflect the medical literature up to January 1933 (that is, a year before the 1934 publication). Thus, it is likely that Hamilton had completed her work on this handbook before the March 1933 telegram from Manchester (see note 1 to this chapter).

76. Alice Hamilton to Petricha Manchester, 11 March 1933.

77. Sicherman, Alice Hamilton, 357.

78. Alice Hamilton, “Some New and Unfamiliar Industrial Poisons,” New England Journal of Medicine 215 (3 September 1936): 425–32.

79. Ibid., 427.

80. Alice Hamilton, “The Making of Artificial Silk in the United States and Some of the Dangers Attending It,” in Discussion of Industrial Accidents and Diseases: 1936 Convention of the International Association of Industrial Accident Boards and Commission, Topeka, Kansas, Division of Labor Standards, U.S. Department of Labor, Bulletin 10 (Washington D.C.: Governmental Printing Office, 1937), 151–59.

81. Ibid., 151.

82. Ibid., 154.

83. Ibid., 159.

84. Hamilton, “Nineteen Years in the Poisonous Trades.”

85. Sicherman, Alice Hamilton, 249.

86. Mary Ann Dzuback, “Women and Social Research at Bryn Mawr College, 1915–40,” History of Education Quarterly 33 (1993): 579–608. Mildred Fairchild Woodbury was Kingsbury’s longtime collaborator and successor as department chair at Bryn Mawr.

87. Susan M. Kingsbury to Dean Helen Taft Manning, Bryn Mawr College, 26 February 1935, Archives, Bryn Mawr College. Although it is not clear how Cohn became connected with the Byrn Mawr research project, Kingsbury’s letter leaves little doubt that Alice Hamilton was not acquainted with her directly before this. Other than Cohn’s medical school dean, the other recommender that Kingsbury quotes is Dr. Henry Kessler, medical director of the New Jersey Rehabilitation Clinic. Previously, Kessler had been heavily involved in occupational medicine, studying illness as well as injury. A Dr. Kessler (likely the same) was noted by Hamilton as being present on her visit to the Marcus Hook aniline factory (see note 9 to this chapter).

88. Department of Labor and Industry, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Report to Governor Georg H. Earle by Ralph M. Bashore, Chairman Governor’s Commission on Occupational Disease Compensation and Supplements (Harrisburg, Penn.: Department of Labor and Industry, 1937). This typed, mimeographed report includes a memorandum of transmission to Pennsylvania’s governor Earle from Bashore (5 pp.), followed by four supplements, each paginated separately: “Draft of Commission’s Bill for Occupational Compensation” (8 pp.); “Report of the Medical Committee” (5 pp.); “Preliminary Report of the W.P.A. Survey of Industrial Disease Hazards” (3 pp.); and “Bryn Mawr Study of Occupational Disease in Pennsylvania” (83 pp. with a 2-page appendix). The results of the lead poisoning investigation appear on pp. 6–61 of the Bryn Mawr Study report.

89. Ibid., “Bryn Mawr Study of Occupational Disease in Pennsylvania,” 5–5a.

90. Ibid., 64.

91. Ibid., 68.

92. Ibid., 70. This case is case 1 in Cohn’s series in the Bryn Mawr Report (the coworker hospitalized at the same time appears as case 32).

93. Ibid., 78. This was case 28.

94. Ibid. The suicide attempt is case 33, the worker who shot off his arm is case 36. Spinning room (as opposed to churn room) workers with mental illness include cases 16 and 30 and the brother of case 12.

95. Ibid.; memorandum of transmission from Bashore, 12 March 1937.

96. Gerald Markowitz and David Rosner, eds., “Slaves of the Depression”: Workers’ Letters About Life on the Job (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1987), 43–45. In a brief introduction to the letter referred to in the text, viscose manufacturing is mischaracterized as a part of “the developing plastics industry.”

97. Ibid. The letter from Bashore’s department was signed by Raymond J. Nicaise.

98. Dan Cupper, Working in Pennsylvania: A History of the Department of Labor and Industry, ch. 2, “1913—1940: From Small Beginnings: The Department of Labor and Industry Is Created,” Pennsylvania Department of Labor and Industry, www.portal.state.pa.us/portal/server.pt?open=514&objID=621479&mode=2. The occupational disease statute was one part of a wider legislative agenda for the improvement of workers’ compensation, which was central to the labor reforms of the Pennsylvania “Little New Deal”; see Richard C. Keller, Pennsylvania’s Little New Deal (New York: Garland, 1982), 269–71.

99. Occupational Disease Prevention Division, Survey of Carbon Disulphide and Hydrogen Sulfide Hazards in the Viscose Rayon Industry, Bulletin 46 (Harrisburg, Penn.: Department of Labor and Industry, August 1938); see, in particular, Lillian Erskine, “Scope of the Viscose Rayon Survey,” 7–9.

100. Ibid., 1, transmittal letter from Bashore, 31 August 1938.

101. Ibid, 7. Erskine describes her federal position as “Special Agent.”

102. Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 392.

103. Bernd Holdroff, “Friedrich Heinrich Lewy (1885–1950) and His Work,” Journal of the History of Neurosciences 11 (2002): 19–28.

104. See F. H. Lewy, “The Application of Chronaximetric Measurement to Industrial Hygiene, Particularly to the Examination of Lead Workers,” and Ronald E. Lane and F. H. Lewy, “Blood and Chronaximetric Examination of Lead Workers Subjected to Different Degrees of Exposure: A Comparative Study,” American Journal of Industrial Hygiene 17 (1935): 73–78, 79–92. Lewy’s work with chronaximetric measurement began in Germany; see F. H. Lewy and Stefan Weisz, “Chronaxieuntersuchungen an schwach- und starkgefährdeten Bleiarbeitern,” Archiv für Gewerbepathologie und Gewerbehygiene 1 (1930): 561–68. Although Hamilton notes in her autobiography that Lewy had done previous work on carbon disulfide psychoisis and palsy, this appears to have been related work of Weisz’s limited to palsy (i.e., neuropathy). See Stefan Weisz, “Chronaximtriche Untersuchungen uber die Wirkung verschiedene Gewerbegifte,” Deutsche Medizinische Woschenschrift 55 (1929): 782–83.

105. Patrick J. Sweeney, Mark Frazier Lloyd, and Robert B. Daroff, “What’s in a Name? Dr. Lewey and the Lewy Body,” Neurology 49 (1997): 629–30.

106. Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 393.

107. Occupational Disease Prevention Division, “Neurologic Aspects of CS2 Intoxication,” in Survey of Carbon Disulphide and Hydrogen Sulfide Hazards, 31–37. Lewy went on to publish his neurological findings in a major medical journal: F. H. Lewey [sic], “Neurological Medical and Biochemical Signs and Symptoms Indicating Chronic Industrial Carbon Disulphide Absorption,” Annals of Internal Medicine 15 (1941): 869–83. The mental health findings from the study were published the following year by the lead psychiatrist on the team: Francis J. Braceland, “Mental Symptoms Following Carbon Disulphide Absorption and Intoxication,” Annals of Internal Medicine 16 (1942): 246–61. Braceland became a major figure in U.S. psychiatry. In addition, an article on the study’s ophthalmologic findings was published: Robb McDonald, “Carbon Disulfide Poisoning,” Archives of Ophthalmology 20 (1938): 839–45.

108. “Head of Medical Department Retires at American Viscose,” Delaware County (Pennsylvania) Daily Times, 9 August 1969; see also “Dr. J. A. Calhoun; Medicine Pioneer” (obituary), Delaware County Daily Times, 11 February 1976.

109. On Drinker’s close relationship with the American Viscose Corporation, see Philip Drinker, “Industrial Hygiene with Illustrations Drawn from the Rayon Industry, Thursday, February 8, 1940, Northeastern Section and Rhode Island Section of the American Chemical Society,” Nucleus 17 (1940): 103; see also George M. Reece, Ben White, and Philip Drinker, “Determination and Recording of Carbon Disulfide and Hydrogen Sulfide in the Viscose-Rayon Industry,” Journal of Industrial Hygiene and Toxicology 22 (1940): 416–24. Financial support by the AVC is not formally acknowledged in that publication, although White was an AVC employee.

110. Alice Hamilton to Verne Zimmer, 4 May 1939, U.S. National Archives, Division of Labor Standards, Department of Labor, Classified General Files, Record Group 100, box 28, 1937–1941, file 7-0-6-5 Viscose Study (Rayon), hereafter cited as U.S. National Archives, Viscose Study (Rayon). Zimmer’s response, approving Hamilton’s plan to visit the American Viscose Corporation “under the invitation of Dr. Calhoun and Mr. Drinker,” was sent on 8 May 1939.

111. Alice Hamilton, Occupational Poisoning in the Viscose Rayon Industry, U.S. Department of Labor, Division of Labor Standards, Bulletin 34 (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1940). The document was formally transmitted by Verne Zimmer to Frances Perkins, the secretary of labor, on 17 November 1939.

112. Lillian Erskine, “Appendix: A Study of Cases of Psychosis among Viscose Rayon Workers,” in ibid., 63–76.

113. Ibid., 72–73. This is Erskine’s case 15.

114. Lillian Erskine to Verne Zimmer (Division of Labor Standards), 5 May 1938, U.S. National Archives, Viscose Study (Rayon). The cover memorandum states, “Attached hereto are Cases I, II, and V of the Supplementary Lewistown Survey, which together with those in your possession (Cases II, IV and VII) complete the files of the Lewistown Supplementary Survey.” The case numbering does not correspond to the numbering Erskine used in her published appendix; the case in question is case 2 among the transcribed records.

115. Erskine, “Appendix: A Study of Cases of Psychosis,” 73. These are Erskine’s cases 5 (p. 69), 6 (70), 2 (68), and 16 (73).

116. Jean Alonzo Curran, “Transcript of Taped Interview, Nov. 29, 1963, with Alice Hamilton, M.D., A.M. (hon.), S.D. (hon.), Assistant Professor of Industrial Medicine, Emerita, Harvard University of Public Health,” Jean Alonzo Curran Papers, Special Collections, Francis A. Countway Library of Medicine, Center for the History of Medicine, Harvard University. A JAMA editorial also emphasized the importance of pathological data from the study: “Industrial Carbon Disulfide Poisoning,” Journal of the American Medical Association 112 (7 January 1939): 51–52.

117. Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, Pennsylvania Governors, “Governor George Howard Earle III,” www.portal.state.pa.us/portal/server.pt/community/1879-1951/4284/george_howard_earle/469117.

118. George H. Earle to Franklin D. Roosevelt, 27 November 1933, in Edgar B. Nixon, ed., Franklin D. Roosevelt and Foreign Affairs, vol. 1, January 1933–February 1934 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), 504–7.

119. Richard C. Keller, “Pennsylvania’s Little New Deal,” Pennsylvania History 29 (1962): 391–406 (see note 98 to this chapter for Keller’s expanded work on this subject). See also Randolph H. Bates, “A Prophet Without Honor in His Own House: Governor George H. Earle III and Pennsylvania’s Little New Deal” (thesis, Pennsylvania State University, 1996).

120. Lillian Erskine, “Report to Ralph M. Bashore,” 21 March 1938, seven-page typescript, U.S. National Archives, Division of Labor Standards, Department of Labor, Classified General Files, Record Group 100, box 28, 1937–1941.

121. “Earle Taxes Assailed; Business Men Assert Industry Is Being Driven from State,” New York Times, 9 April 1938.

122. “Earle Retraction Demanded by Foes,” New York Times, 27 April 1938. Earle refers to the American Viscose Corporation as the “Viscose Company,” the name by which the company had been known. The former had been set up as a holding company for the latter (along with the related Viscose Corporation of Virginia) as early as 1922. In 1937, however, all the assets were integrated into the American Viscose Corporation as the single remaining business entity (still owned by Courtaulds); see Coleman, Courtaulds, 302–3.

123. “Earle Retraction Demanded by Foes,” New York Times.

124. Ibid.

125. Lillian Erskine to Verne Zimmer, 30 April 1938, two-page typescript, U.S. National Archives, Viscose Study (Rayon).

126. George Howard Earle, “Address of George H. Earle, Governor of Pennsylvania, from Station WHP, Harrisburg, and Over State-wide Radio Network, Wednesday Evening, October 5, 1938 at 6:45 P.M.” (transcript), Democratic State Committee press release, Manuscript Group 342, George Howard Earle Papers, Speeches (series 342m.3), Pennsylvania State Archives, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.

127. Keller, Pennsylvania’s Little New Deal; see also “Lawrence Freed in Pennsylvania; Jury of Republicans Clears Him and 7 Other Democrats of Gift Assessing Plot,” New York Times, 13 April 1940.

128. Fred G. Stuart to Frances Perkins, 6 June 1938, U.S. National Archives, Viscose Study (Rayon).

129. V. A. Zimmer to Fred G. Stewart, 12 June 1938, U.S. National Archives, Viscose Study (Rayon).

130. Samuel T. Gordy and Max Trumper, “Carbon Disulfide Poisoning,” Journal of the American Medical Association 110 (7 May 1938): 1543–59.

131. Ibid.

132. Medical legal testimony by Gordy and Trumper was noted in Plaugher v. American Viscose Corp. (151 Pa. Super. 401; 30 A.2d 376, 1943). Thomas Plaugher was a deceased Marcus Hook employee, and the case was linked to testimony in the John Nichols case (see the following note). The court record refers to seven carbon disulfide cases, four heard by Referee Alessandroni (presumably from Marcus Hook) and three by Referee Patterson in Lewistown. The attorneys in the Plaugher case were Henry Temin and Todd Daniel. A letter dated 14 November 1934 from Estelle Lauder, secretary of the Consumers’ League of Eastern Pennsylvania, to Clara Beyer of the Labor Standards Committee [sic] at the U.S. Department of Labor recommends both Trumper and Temper for consideration: “I am not suggesting their appointment to anything, you know, merely letting you know that they exist” (Department of Labor, Classified General Files, Record Group 100, box 27, 1934–1937). One of Henry Temin’s sons, Howard, went on to become a Nobel laureate for the discovery of reverse transcriptase.

133. “Medicine: CS2 [sic] Poisoning,” Time, 18 March 1940, 56. This article recounts the case of a Marcus Hook American Viscose Company worker named John Nichols, which was heard by Alessandroni (see the preceding note). Time noted that Trumper and Gordy were at the hearing.

134. Although not directly connected with Trumper, Alice Hamilton did have ties to Estelle Lauder, who had written to the Division of Labor Standards on his behalf (see note 132 to this chapter). Hamilton was linked to Trumper also through Adele Cohn, whose report acknowledged the assistance of Max Trumper. Hamilton’s Exploring the Dangerous Trades does not mention Trumper or Cohn by name.

135. Philip Drinker, “Ventilation of Churn Rooms in Viscose Rayon Manufacture,” Safe Practice Bulletin 25 (Harrisburg, Pa.: Occupational Disease Prevention Bureau, Department of Labor and Industry, n.d. [c. 1939]), six pages with added illustrations, quoted passage on 4.

136. The American Standards Association was the initial arbiter of recommended workplace exposure limits. Another organization, the American Conference of Governmental Industrial Hygienists, was founded in 1938 (originally as the National Conference of Governmental Industrial Hygienists) and by the 1940s was recommending its own set of exposure limits. When OSHA was founded, it adopted the nonbinding limits proposed by both organizations as legal standards; see Liora Salter, Mandated Science: Science and Scientists in the Making of Standards (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer Academic, 1988), 36–37.

137. Drinker, “Ventilation of Churn Rooms,” 4.

138. Hamilton, Occupational Poisoning, 61–62.

139. Bernard J. Alpers and Friedrich H. Lewy, “Changes in the Nervous System Following Carbon Disulfide Poisoning in Animals and in Man,” Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry 44 (1940): 725–39. Additional details of experimental animal-exposure data, underscoring adverse vascular effects in the brain, appeared in Friedrich H. Lewey [sic] et al., “Experimental Chronic Carbon Disulfide Poisoning in Dogs: Clinical, Biochemical, and Pathological Study,” Journal of Industrial Hygiene and Toxicology 23 (1941): 415–36. Alice Hamilton made a point of presenting Lewy’s abstract on his work at the 1938 Congress of the Permanent Commission on Occupational Health held in Germany. She was one of the small U.S. delegation, which included Henry Kessler.

140. Alpers and Lewy, “Changes in the Nervous System,” 738.

141. “Carbon Disulphide Poisoning—Dermatitis from Formaldehyde,” Journal of the American Medical Association 103 (11 August 1934): 433–34.

142. Ibid.

143. Geraldine Strey, reference librarian, Wisconsin Historical Society, to the author, e-mail, 30 August 2010; data were derived from Madison city directories for years including 1927, 1929, 1931, and 1937.

144. Norman William Pettys, “Transparent Wrapping Materials,” Industry Report, September 1932, Retail Credit Company, Atlanta, Georgia. The publication was noted in a synopsis published in Industrial Medicine 1 (1932): 128.

145. Samuel T. Gordy and Max Trumper, “Carbon Disulfide Poisoning: Report of 21 Cases,” Industrial Medicine 9 (1940): 231–34.

146. Ibid., 234. Gordy and Trumper directly quote their own prior work (unpublished previously) presented at the Ninth Annual Convention of the Greater New York Safety Council, 20 April 1938.

147. Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 394.

Chapter 5. Rayon Goes to War

1. American Viscose Corporation, one-page printed letter, collection of the author. “Crown” refers to AVC’s “Crown Rayon Yard” product line. By 1943, the AVC had plants in Marcus Hook, Lewistown, and Meadville, Pennsylvania (the last producing nonviscose cellulose acetate rayon); Roanoke and Front Royal, Virginia; and Parkersburg and Nitro, West Virginia.

2. American Viscose Corporation, Rayon Goes to War (Marcus Hook, Pa.: American Viscose Company, 1943), twelve-page pamphlet, unpaginated.

3. Ibid., 5.

4. DuPont (Cellophane), “The silent enemy in the steaming jungle” (advertisement), Saturday Evening Post, 19 June 1943.

5. Hutchins, Labor and Silk, 66.

6. Ibid., 67.

7. DuPont, “Our Company,” History, 1900–26, “1917: Old Hickory,” www.dupont.com/corporate-functions/our-company/dupont-history.html.

8. [DuPont], Leonard A. Yerkes.

9. U.S. Senate, Hearings Before the Special Committee Investigating the Munitions Industry: Profiteering, Government Contracts, and Expenditures During World War, Including Early Negotiations for Old Hickory Contract, 73rd Cong., pt. 13 (13 December 1934) and pt. 14 (14 December 1934) (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1935).

10. “Merchants of Death,” 4 September 1934, U.S. Senate website, Senate History, www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/minute/merchants_of_death.htm.

11. Royal Society, “Cross, Charles Frederick (1855–1935) Elected 1917,” Certificate of a Candidate for Election, Archives, Royal Society, U.K., EC/1917/04.

12. Coleman, Courtaulds, 290–91.

13. Ibid., 419.

14. Wilkins, History of Foreign Investment, 151–52.

15. “To Make Artificial Silk; Girls Go from Here to Belgium to Learn Tubize Process,” New York Times, 13 September 1920.

16. “Transformation of Munitions Plants to Needs of Peace,” Chemical Age 28 (1920): 308.

17. Ferenc Horváth, Sárvar Monográfiája (Szombathely, Hungary, 1978), 491–94.

18. Jerzy Skoracki, “On Beginning of Chemical Fibres’ Manufacturing in Poland,” Chemik 65 (2011): 1307–18. A review of occupational substances toxic to the nervous system published in Poland just before World War II presented two clinical case summaries of workers likely from the Tomoschaw factory; see M. Kalinska, “Zaburzenia psychiczne na skaieck zairnć zawadowych,” Polska Gazaeta Lekaska 18 (1939): 164–68.

19. “Expansion and Competition in Artificial Silk Manufacture,” Chemical Age 28 (1920): 320.

20. Kit Wiegel, “Since Tubize, Hopewell Has Never Been the Same,” Hopewell (Virginia) News, 13 July 2012, reprinting the contents of an article that originally ran on 14 May 1976.

21. “Run Striker Gauntlet to Avert Blast; Fifty Guarded Men Enter Tubize Chatillon Factory to Remove Explosive Material,” New York Times, 1 July 1934.

22. “Rayon Strike Shuts Mill Permanently; Tubize Chatillon to Abandon Hopewell, Va., Yarn Factory, Abolishing 1,500 Jobs; Union Attacks Proposal, Charges Report of Damage to Idle Machinery is a Ruse to ‘Starve Out’ Workers,” New York Times, 25 July 1934.

23. “Rayon Company Formed; New Concern in Brazil to Get Equipment from Tubize,” New York Times, 17 June 1935.

24. Wilkins, History of Foreign Investment, 328.

25. R. S. Borrows, “Plant Notice Number 106, Hopewell Works”: “Agitated unemployed . . . working conditions in our Hopewell plant are generally good . . . [as] those at Rome . . . Without the influence of certain persons . . . there would be no strike talk in this community,” Tubize Corporation, Hopewell, Va., 1934, collection of the Virginia Historical Society.

26. Michelle Brattain, The Politics of Whiteness: Race, Workers, and Culture in the Modern South (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001), 61.

27. H. L. Barthelemy, “Ten Years’ Experience with Industrial Hygiene in Connection with the Manufacture of Viscose Rayon,” Journal of Industrial Hygiene and Toxicology 21 (1939): 141–51.

28. Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. “dope.”

29. A. J. A. Wallace Barr, “Dope,” in A. J. Swinton, ed., The Aeroplane Handbook (London: Aeroplane and General Publishing Company, 1920), 140–44. A footnote states, “This article was written just before the cessation of hostilities in November, 1918.”

30. “Fatal Case of Poisoning by Tetrachloride of Ethane,” Lancet 184 (26 December 1914): 1489–91. This report is a summary of the coroner’s inquest in the death of Luxmore Drew, a thirty-six-year-old doping worker, including testimony by the forensic specialist Dr. William Henry Willcox. Willcox later provided additional information on this and another thirteen cases, three fatal; see William Henry Willcox, “Toxic Jaundice Due to Tetrachlor-Ethane Poisoning: A New Type Amongst Aeroplane Workers,” Lancet 185 (13 March 1915): 544–47.

31. [Paul] Jungfer, “Tetrachloräthanvergiftungen in Flugzeugfabriken,” Zentralblatt für Gewerbehygiene 2 (June 1914): 222–23. Jungfer reports four cases, one of which was fatal; the exposure occurred in the winter of 1913–14. Hamilton made this work known in the United States: Alice Hamilton, “Industrial Poisoning in Aircraft Manufacture,” Journal of the American Medical Association 64 (15 December 1917): 2037–39.

32. “The King’s Interest in Flying: Factory and Aerodrome Visited,” Times (London), 1 June 1917.

33. Coleman, Courtaulds, 180–83.

34. “Scatter Acorns That Oaks May Grow,” http://libraries.mit.edu/archives/exhibits/adlittle/history.html. See also Kahn, Problem Solvers.

35. Arthur D. Little, “Carbon Filament and Method of Manufacturing Same,” U.S. Patent No. 532,568, 15 January 1895. The patent was filed on 18 June 1894.

36. Harry S. Mork, Arthur D. Little, and William W. Walker, “Artificial Silk,” U.S. Patent 712,200, 28 October 1902.

37. The Royal Little Story: Commemorating the Establishment of the Royal Little Professorship in Business Administration at the Harvard University Graduate School of Business Administration, March 1, 1966 (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University, 1966).

38. The War Record of the Fifth Company New England Regiment Second Plattsburg Training Camp (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1922), 34, listing Royal Little’s business address as the Lustron Company, 44 K Street, South Boston. His service record was with the 42nd Division, Company K, 167th Regiment, which experienced some of the highest numbers of gas casualties among the American Expeditionary Force; see: Cory J. Hilmas, Jeffery K. Smart, and Benjamin A. Hill, “History of Chemical Warfare,” in Medical Aspects of Chemical Warfare, ed. Shirley D. Tuornisky (Washington, D.C.: Borden Institute, Walter Reed Army Medical Center, 2008), 9–76.

39. Derrick C. Parmenter, “Tetrachlorethane Poisoning and Its Prevention,” Journal of Industrial Hygiene 2 (1921): 456–65; George R. Minot and Lawrence W. Smith, “The Blood in Tetrachlorethane Poisoning,” Archives of Internal Medicine 28 (1921): 687–702.

40. Parmenter, “Tetrachlorethane Poisoning,” 457.

41. Dr. Legge visited Hendon on 4 December 1914; See William Henry Willcox, “Lettsomian Lectures (in Abridged Form) on Jaundice, with Special Reference to Types Occurring during the War,” Lancet 193 (24 May 1919): 869–72. Willcox recounts the visit with Legge on 871.

42. [Department of Industrial Hygiene, Harvard School of Public Health], “Report upon the Activities of Industrial Hygiene with the Exception of the Industrial Clinic from 1918 to 1922” (22-page typescript), Archives of the Department of Industrial Hygiene, School of Public Health, Countway Medical Library, 1918–1934 (E72.5.A1). The discussion of Drs. Edsall and Legge’s visit to Lustron appears on 6.

43. Harry S. Mork and Charles F. Coffin Jr., “Manufacture of Cellulose-Acetate Artificial Silk,” U.S. Patent 1,551,112, filed 22 March 1923, awarded 25 August 1925.

44. “Artificial Silk Production Doubled in 1921,” Textile World 61 (4 February 1922): 153, 285.

45. Royal Little Story. Eliot Farley was a lifelong associate, including serving as best man at Royal Little’s wedding in 1932; see “Miss Ellis Bride of Royal Little,” New York Times, 11 September 1932. The Special Yarns Corporation, with Harry S. Mork as its director, was listed in 1927 as being located at 60 K Street, South Boston, virtually next door to the 44 K Street address that had been Lustron’s; see Callie Hull and Clarence J. West, comps., Handbook of Scientific and Technical Societies and Institutions of the United States and Canada (Washington D.C.: National Research Council, 1927), 99.

46. Royal Little Story, 12.

47. Ibid.

48. Valentin Wehefritz, Wegbereiter der chemischen Technik: Prof. Dr. phil. Ernst Berl (1877–1946)—Ein deutches Gelehrtenschicksal im 20. Jahrhundert (Dortmund: Dortmund Universitätsbibliothek, 2010). For additional biographical details, see “Berl, Ernst,” in International Biographical Dictionary of Central European Emigrés, 1933–1945, ed. Herbert A. Strauss and Werner Röder, vol. 2: The Arts, Sciences, and Literature, pt. 1: A–K (Munich: Saur, 1983), 93.

49. Ernst Berl, “Making Explosives Then and Now,” Chemical and Metallurgical Engineering 46 (1939): 608–14.

50. Ibid., 608.

51. Ernst Berl, “Explosions That Weren’t Planned,” Chemical and Metallurgical Engineering 47 (1940): 236–39. For Sarvar, Hungary, see also note 17 to this chapter.

52. Wehefritz, Wegbereiter der chemischen Technik Prof. Dr. phil. Ernst Berl.

53. “Recipe for Fuel,” Time, 23 September 1940, 56. Berl’s American Chemical Society presentation was covered in greater depth by the New York Times: William T. Laurence, “Makes Coal or Oil of Grass in Hour,” New York Times, 13 September 1940.

54. Baron Ralph S. von Kohorn, “Cellulose to Cell Phones,” unpublished autobiographical manuscript, Wellington, New Zealand, 2008. Of the emigration from Germany, von Kohorn acknowledges that although not religiously observant, his parents were Jewish and his father began to transfer assets in anticipation of events. Baron Ralph von Kohorn, who was Oscar’s younger son, died in 2010.

55. Robert N. Proctor, The Nazi War on Cancer (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999), 13–15; see also Christopher Sellers, “Discovering Environmental Cancer: Wilhelm Hueper, Post-World War II Epidemiology, and the Vanishing Clinician’s Eye,” American Journal of Public Health 87 (1997): 1824–35.

56. David A. Hounshell and John Kelly Smith Jr., Science and Corporate Strategy: Du Pont R&D, 1902–1980 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 560.

57. G. H. Gehrmann, “Proposal for Scientific Medical Research,” 28 November 1933, five-page typewritten memorandum, Willis Harrington Papers, Hagley Library and Museum, Accession No. 1813, box 16.

58. Ibid., 3.

59. John Parascandola, “The Public Health Service and Jamaica Ginger Paralysis in the 1930s,” Public Health Reports 110 (1995): 381–83.

60. Maurice L. Smith, Elias Elvove, and W. H. Frazier, “The Pharmacological Action of Certain Phenol Ethers, with Special Reference to the Etiology of So-Called Ginger Paralysis,” Public Health Reports 45 (17 October 1930): 2509–24.

61. John P. Morgan, “The Jamaica Ginger Paralysis,” Journal of the American Medical Association 248 (15 October 1982): 1864–67. This highlights a 1932 FDA memorandum detailing the Celluloid Company as the ultimate source of Lindol (spelled as “Lyndol” in this report).

62. R. L. Shuman, superintendent, Chemical Specialties Dept., to P. Lorillard Company, attn. J. J. Driscoll, 27 August 1931, Truth Tobacco Industry Documents, University of California, San Francisco, https://industrydocuments.library.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/tfgx0169. An earlier letter from Celluloid to Reigel Paper (3 March 1931) remarked: “You will note that Lindol is used extensively by the Du Pont Cellophane Co.”; https://industrydocuments.library.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/fryh0169.

63. Shuman to Lorillard, 27 August 1931.

64. Hounshell and Smith, Science and Corporate Strategy, 558.

65. Gehrmann, “Proposal for Scientific Medical Research,” 3.

66. Hounshell and Smith, Science and Corporate Strategy, 560–63.

67. Wilhelm C. Hueper, “Etiologic Studies on the Formation of Skin Blisters in Viscose Workers,” Journal of Industrial Hygiene and Toxicology 18 (1936): 432–47.

68. Frank C. Wiley, Wilhelm C. Hueper, and Wolfgang F. von Oettingen, “On the Toxic Effects of Low Concentrations of Carbon Disulfide,” Journal of Industrial Hygiene and Toxicology 18 (1936): 733–40.

69. Ibid., 739. Given the prominent reputation of Dr. Karl B. Lehmann (1858–1940) as a leading toxicologist, it is not likely one would have been directly critical of his work. Only after his death did Alice Hamilton remember with dismay a 1933 visit to Lehmann in Würzburg and his “enthusiastic approval” of Nazi-led book burning (Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 377).

70. Hounshell and Smith, Science and Corporate Strategy, 206–9. Another driving force in the DuPont–I. G. Farben relationship was the commercial development of nylon of two types, DuPont’s nylon-6,6 (the standard form in clothing textiles) and Farben’s nylon-6, which still has major applications in furnishings (especially carpets). DuPont’s counterpart on the Farben side during the negotiations related to synthetic rubber precursors was Dr. Fritz ter Meer, who came to Wilmington, Delaware, in 1935.

71. Hounshell and Smith, Science and Corporate Strategy, 560–63.

72. Pilar Barrera, “The Evolution of Corporate Technological Capabilities: Du Pont and IG Farben in Comparative Perspective,” Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte / Journal of Business History 39 (1994): 31–45.

73. “Recent Developments in the German Rayon Industry,” Industrial and Engineering Chemistry 18 (1926): 1356. The I. G. Farben takeover of Köln-Rottweil included the “Vistra” rayon staple plant in Premnitz; by 1932, Farben had gone on to establish a second major staple facility in Wolfen.

74. Witt, “Die deutsche Zellwolles-Industrie” 202, table 54. By 1938, I. G. Farben accounted for 32 percent of German rayon staple, and Glanzstoff approximately 30 percent (Glanzstoff’s additional nonstaple rayon output was considerable).

75. Ibid., 92–95, 202–3 (tables 54, 55). The two new conglomerates accounted for 33 percent of German staple production in 1938. The factories in each group retained individual names, along with the overarching Phrix identity. The Wittenberg facility, for example, was Kürmarksiche Zellwolle- und Zellulose A.G.

76. Werner Knapp, “Die Grundlagen der Siedlungsgestaltung” and “Zellwolle Seidlung,” in Architektur Wettbewerbe I (Stuttgart: Karl Krämer, 1938), 5–11. The “Leben-Boden-Blut” triangle appears on 5.

77. Universum Film AG (UFA), Ein Phrix-Werk Entshtent, twenty-nine-minute motion picture (c. 1938).

78. Robert Wilfer and Katja Beck, “Kalle: From Cellophane to Casings,” Fleiswirtschaft International 1 (2011), www.kalle.de/fileadmin/user_upload/news_presse/pressespiegel/en/2011/Fleischwirtschaft_International_Ausgabe_Maerz_2011.pdf.

79. Ralf Foster and Jeanpaul Goergen, “Ozaphan: Home Cinema on Cellophane,” trans. Anke Mebold, Film History 19 (18 February 2007): 372–83.

80. Although there was no strip in the Ozaphan series about the making the cellophane product (called Ozalid), there was a film documenting the process, but with no health hazard content: Ozalid: Das Trocken-Lichtpaus-Verfahen, produced by Döring-Film-Werke and directed by August Koch, c. 1935; it is film 101 in the archives of the Kalle company, Wiesbaden (Ralf Foster, e-mail to the author, 1 July 2013).

81. Coleman, Courtaulds, 186.

82. Fred Aftalion, A History of the International Chemical Industry: From the Early Days to 2000, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia: Chemical Heritage Press, 2001), 208. It has been argued that despite the priority on autarky, the staple industry was less a nationally coordinated effort (a so-called command economy) than might be presumed; see Jonas Scherner, “The Beginnings of Nazi Autarky Policy: The ‘National Pulp Programme’ and the Origin of Regional Staple Fibre Plants,” Economic History Review 61 (2008): 867–95.

83. Hans Reiter, “Arbeitshygiene und Vierjahresplan” [Industrial Hygiene and the Four-Year Plan], in Das Reichsgesundheitsamt 1933–1939: Sechs Jahre Nationalsozialistische Fuhrung (Berlin: Julius Springer, 1939), 243–52. Reiter referred specifically to rayon staple factories (zellwollefrabriken) and exposure to hyrdogen sulfide (schwefelwasserstoff), but did not mention carbon disulfide (schwefelkohlensstoff).

84. Siegfried Seher, Zellwolle: Ein Weg zur Freiheit (Kelheim-Donau, Germany: Süddeutsche Zellwolle Aktiengesellschaft, 1938).

85. Paul G. Ehrhardt, Zellwolle: Vom Wŭnder ihres Werdens (Frankfurt am Main: Brönners Druckerei und Verlag, 1938). The book includes ninety-six photographic illustrations by Dr. Paul Wolff. The dust jacket only notes “Flox Zellwolle.”

86. Anton Lübke, Das deutsche Rohstoffwunder: Wandlungen der deutschen Rohstoffwirtschaft, 4th ed. (Stuttgart: Forkel-verlag, 1939), 337–56. Plates 25–28 pertain to rayon, plate 27 being the Wolff image of the shirtless worker. This edition, with the Sudetenland supplement, is 572 pages long, as are all editions thereafter; the first through third editions are 556 pages.

87. The Library of Congress copy inscribed by Lübke to Adolf Hitler is in the Third Reich Collection, which includes Hitler’s personal library; see https://catalog.loc.gov/vwebv/holdingsInfo?searchId=7990&recCount=25&recPointer=1&bibId=841388.

88. [Vereinigte Glanzstoff-Fabriken (VGF)], Wir von Glanzstoff=Courtaulds, issue 1 (January 1939). The St. Pölten facility was the Erste Östreichechische Glanzstoff-Fabrik. In 1939, A. G. Glanzstoff’s main staple facility was in Kassel-Battenheim; staple production at Cologne was coming online as well.

89. [VGF], Wir von Glanzstoff=Courtaulds, issue 9 (September 1938), 225–52.

90. [Phrix-Gesellschaft M.B.H.], Der Phrixer, issue 7 (May 1940). “Zellwolle und Zucker,” by “N.R.,” appears on 30.

91. Jeffrey T. Schnapp, “The Fabric of Modern Times,” Critical Inquiry 24 (1997): 191–245, cited passage on 195. A six-page appendix translates a previously unpublished prose manuscript by Marinetti on the technical-chemical process of viscose synthesis.

92. Valerio Cerretano “The ‘Benefits of Moderate Inflation’: The Rayon Industry and Snia Viscosa in the Italy of the 1920s,” Journal of European History 33 (2004): 233–84.

93. Felice Casorati, Portrait of Riccardo Gualino, 1922 (private collection); exhibited in Annalisa Scarpa, Sguardi sul Novecento: Collezionismo privato tra gusto e tendenza (Milan: Skira, 2012).

94. Cerretano, “ ‘Moderate Inflation.’ ”

95. Riccardo Gualino, Frammenti di vita (Turin: Nino Aragno, 2007). Gualino began these memoirs while exiled on Lipari in 1931. A connoisseur and collector, Gualino worked closely with the art historian critic Lionello Venturi, a prominent antifascist who refused to sign a loyalty oath to Mussolini and was forced out of his chair at the University of Rome shortly afterward.

96. Schnapp, “Fabric of Modern Times.”

97. [Ricerche e Studi S.p.A. (Mediobanca Milan)], The Chemical Industry [L’industria chimica] (Milan, 1970), 9, www.archiviostoricomediobanca.mbres.it/documenti/MONOGRAFIE_THE_CHEMICAL_INDUSTRY_1970_INTEGRAZIONE.pdf.

98. “Sniafiocco & Vistra,” Time, 5 November 1934, 59. Vistra was the trade name for I. G. Farben staple.

99. Antonio Ferretti, “Process of the Manufacture of Artificial Textile Fibers,” U.S. Patent 2,338,920, 11 January 1944, one of a series of Ferretti’s casein-related patents.

100. “Lanital,” Time, 6 December 1937, 100.

101. Federico Ferrari, “Torre Snia Viscosa, 1935–1937,” Ordine degli Architetti, Pianificatori, Paesaggisti e Conservatori della provincia di Milano, www.ordinearchitetti.mi.it/it/mappe/itinerari/edificio/723-torre-snia-viscosa/17-milano-alta.

102. Jonathan D. Taylor, “Museum Review: A Future Woven in Rayon,” Chemical Heritage 27, no. 3 (2009), www.chemheritage.org/discover/media/magazine/articles/27-3-a-future-woven-in-rayon.aspx. This reviews a 2009 exhibition on the history of the SNIA plant held at Museo Territoriale Bassa Friulana in the present-day community of Torviscosa.

103. Schnapp, “Fabric of Modern Times.”

104. Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Teoria e invensione Furturistica (Verona: Arnoldo Mondadori, 1968), 1058. In 1940, the tetralogy of SNIA pieces were renamed in a series of “simultaneous” poems, Il Poema non umano dei tecnicismi (Schnapp translates this as The Non-Human Poem of Technicisms). Torre Viscosa became “Poesia simultanea dei canneti Arunda Donax,” the latter being the Latin name of the reed harvested at Torviscosa.

105. Cinzia Sartini Blum, F. T. Marinetti’s Futurist Fiction of Power (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 142. Blum translates the final line of the poem as “High above traveling traveling endlessly the new constellation whose stars form the word Autarchy.”

106. Schnapp, “Fabric of Modern Times,” 243. I have substituted “xanthate” for “xanthogenate,” his translation of santogenato.

107. Bruna Bianchi, “I tessili: Lavoro, salute, conflitte,” Annali Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli 20 (1979–80): 973–1070. The fire suggests that the operation did involve inflammable carbon disulfide.

108. Ibid., 987.

109. Alice Sotgia, “Sul filo della pazzia: Produzione e malattie del lavoro alla Viscosa di Roma negli anni Venti e Trenta,” Dimensioni e Problemi della Ricerca Storica 2003, no. 2: 195–210, quotation on 206.

110. Diego De Caro, “Le psicosi da solfocarbonismo,” L’Ospedale Psichiatrico 9 (1941): 207–34, quotation on 214.

111. Luigi Tomassini, La salute al lavoro: La Societa Italiana di Medicina del Lavoro e Igiene Industriale dale origini a oggi (Piacenza: Nuova Editrice Berti, 2012), 55–57. Signatories to the founding resolution included Quarelli, Loriga, Vigliani, and Ranelletti.

112. Gustavo Quarelli, “L’intossicazione professionale da solfuro di carbonio,” Rassegna della Providenza Sociale 21 (1934): 10–73. The Istituto nazionale fascista per l’assicurazione contro gli infortuni sul lavoro (INFAIL) also produced a separate reprint with a preface by Quarelli, 12 July 1934.

113. Atti del congresso: XI˚ Congresso Nationale di Medicina del Lavoro, 29–31 October 1934. Communications on carbon disulfide included an extensive report by Aristide Ranelletti on “sulfocarbonismo” (carbon disulfide illness).

114. Gustavo Quarelli, L’impotenza sessuale nel solfocarbonismo professionale e la sua grande importanza nel problema razziale (Rome: Edizioni Universitas, 1939). This fifteen-page tract begins, “Il Partito Nazionale Fascista alla continua lotta per la difesa ed il miglioramento della razza, ha efficacemente contribuito facilitando lo studio delle malattie professionali.”

115. Enrico C. Vigliani, Fabio Visintini, and Paolo Emelio Maspes, “Prime osservazioni sulla miopatia da solfuro carbonio,” La Medicina del Lavoro 35 (January–March 1944): 1–9. (The Fascist year had been dropped from the journal’s masthead). There were limited German case reports of carbon disulfide after the mid-1930s. One notable exception is Hans Schramm, “Chronische Schwefelkohlenstoff Vergiftungen in der Kunsteide- und Zellwolle-Industrie,” Deutsche Medizinische Wochenscrift 7 (1940): 80–182. A later article on combustion in rayon staple manufacturing appeared in a leading German medical forensic journal (one of a cluster of such fires in 1939–40 in German factories): Walter Specht, “Zur Frage der Selbstentzundüng von Zellwolle Untersnehnngen über die Ursache von Trocknerbründen,” Deutsche Zeitschrift für die gesamte gerichtliche Medizin 36 (1942): 174–80.

116. S.K., Agent in Italy (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Doran, 1942). The book appeared in England in 1943 under the Hutchinson imprint.

117. Jacqueline M. Atkins, ed., Wearing Propaganda: Textiles on the Home Front in Japan, Britain, and the United States, 1931–1945 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2005).

118. Brooklyn Museum, press release, 30 October 1942, https://www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/exhibitions/854/Inventions_for_Victory.

119. Atkins, Wearing Propaganda, 286, 292.

120. Coleman, Courtaulds, 192–99.

121. U.S. Department of Defense, The “Magic” Background of Pearl Harbor, vol. 3, August 5, 1941–October 17, 1941 (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1970), 173–74.

122. Atkins, Wearing Propaganda, 165–67.

123. “Clothing of Troops,” Barrier Miner (Broken Hill, New South Wales), 24 January 1938.

124. Montserrat Llonch Casanovas, Tejiendo en red: La industria del género de punto en Cataluña, 1891–1936 (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2007), 105–7. A medical publication during the Spanish Civil War period reported on carbon disulfide poisoning in twenty-two workers in the industrial extraction of vegetable oils: Juan Dantín Gallego, “Erfahrungen über Schwefelkohlenstoffschädigungen bei der Olivenölbereitung in Andalusien mit einigen diesbezüglichen Tierexperimenten,” Archiv für Gewerbepathologie und Gewerbehygiene 8 (6 November 1937): 124–38.

125. “La SNIACE, Empresa espanola de fribras textiles artificiales,” ABC (Madrid), 16 April 1943. A second Spanish rayon concern also was established in Miranda de Ebro early in the Franco years: FEFASA (Fabricación Española de Fibras Textiles Artificiales S.A.). Its manufacturing process, like that of the Wittenberg Phrix plant, was meant to utilize straw; see “FEFASA en la Industria National,” ABC (Madrid), 30 July 1957.

126. U.S. Office of Strategic Services, “Transfer of the Italia SNIA Viscosa Monopoly to Spain, 23 and 26 December 1943” (memorandum), Dissemination No. A 17849, 10452-1225A OSS Secret Stamp No. 52328, U.S. National Archives, declassified on 11 September 2010.

127. Coleman, Courtaulds, 463.

128. Ibid, 463–91. Lend-lease is also covered in Wilkins, History of Foreign Investment, 482–509. Wilkins details a number of British-held assets that were not sold but put up in part to collateralize U.S. loans to the British in 1941, including Celanese of America, Courtaulds’ cellulose acetate competitor.

129. “Viscose Unveiled,” Time, 26 May 1941, 89. This piece followed up on earlier coverage by Time on the impending deal: “Viscose Sale,” Time, 24 March 1941, 76.

130. Steil, Battle of Bretton Woods, 104–13. Steil’s cited source for Keynes’s purpose to “sabotage the viscose deal” (113) is Lucius Thompson’s diary entry for 22 May 1941 (Treasury Papers, National Archives, United Kingdom). The events from Morgenthau’s perspective are covered in John Morton Blum, ed., The Morgenthau Diaries: Years of Urgency, 1938–1941 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965), 235–41.

131. Charles P. Kindleberger, oral history interview, Truman Library, Independence, Missouri. In The Battle of Bretton Woods, Benn Steil notes that Harry Dexter White took a “hard line” on British reserves; speculating on the potential reasons for this, he does not allude to White’s prior research on viscose and the tariff as a specific factor in the forced sale of AVC. Steil comments that Dean Acheson in the Department of State opposed White; Acheson’s legal role in defending DuPont in viscose matters before he returned to State Department service is likely to have informed his views on AVC.

132. Coleman, Courtaulds, 473.

133. U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration, Office of Textiles and Apparel (OTEXA), “The Berry Amendment,” http://web.ita.doc.gov/tacgi/eamain.nsf/d511529a12d016de852573930057380b/013cde07c51132d98525738c0074568e?OpenDocument&country=Berry.

134. Associated Press, “Jeffers Defies Cotton Block on Tire Rayon,” 13 October 1942; see also Clifford Kennedy Berryman, “In the Lion’s Den” (cartoon), 15 October 1942, Library of Congress, http://loc.gov/pictures/resource/acd.2a05901.

135. Which Jobs for Young Workers, No. 4: Advisory Standards for Employment Involving Exposure to Carbon Disulfide (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Labor, Children’s Bureau, December 1942); see also His Majesty’s Factory Inspectorate, Memorandum on Precautions Against Dangers of Poisoning, Fire, and Explosion in Connection with the Use of Carbon Bisulphide in Artificial Silk, India Rubber and Other Works, Factory Department, form 836 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1943). Even the International Labour Office (a vestige of the League of Nations, with a wartime office in Montreal, Canada) put out an update on carbon disulfide: Occupation and Health: Encyclopaedia of Hygiene, Pathology, and Social Welfare, Studied from the Point of View of Labour, Industry, and Trades. Special Supplement. Industrial Health in Wartime (Montreal: International Labour Office, 1944), 19–21.

136. Rudolf Danner, 50 Jarhe Viscose Emmenbrücke, 1906–1956 (Emmenbrücke, Switzerland: Société de la Viscose Suisse, 1958), 25, 29–39.

137. From 1938 through 1942, only four cases of carbon disulfide poisoning received compensation in Switzerland; from 1943 to 1937 there were twenty-one such cases—data available only in four-year increments (Dr. David Meidinger, Swiss Accident Insurance Fund, to the author, e-mail, 21 August 2013).

138. Ragnar Magnusson, En stråle av ljus: Svenska Rayon AB, 1943–1993; Fabriken, bygden, människor, händelser (Edsvalla, Sweden: Ekens, 1993). For background on Svenskt Konstsilke (founded 1918), the Swedish private rayon concern predating Svenska Rayon, see Sylvia Danielsson, Att förädla: En historia på 90 år; Konstsilke, ett högteknologiskt garn (Borås: AB Svenskt Konstsilke, 2008).

139. “Consolidated statement on operational readiness of restored pulp and paper mills and previously hit viscose factory on Karelian Peninsula issued by the governmental commission on April 12, 1940; Statement issued by the governmental commission on the readiness of the restored pulp and paper mill in Keksholm for operation 1940/1941,” reel 3.4641, 3.4644, file 27, 36; “Correspondence and other materials re logistical supplies to the USSR NKVD Gulag for restoration of a viscose-producing factory and pulp and paper enterprises in the Karelo-Finskaia SSR 1940,” reel 3.6919, file 3910, Archives of the Soviet Communist Party and Soviet State Microfilm Collection, State Archives of the Russian Federation (Gosudarstvennyĭ arkhiv Rossiĭskoĭ Federatsii—GARF), 1903–90, Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford University. The 12 April 1940 memorandum asserts that the “quick and successful undertaking of work to restructure the factories of Karelia, given to the USSR by peaceful agreement with Finland . . . was only possible thanks to the actions and daily help of the Central Committee of the Party (Bolsheviks) and the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR”; those working on this included the deputy of the People’s Commissariat of Cellulose Paper Production and the deputy head of the Main Administration of Labor Camp Production Construction of the NKVD of the USSR. Georgii Mikhalovich Orlov, who also appears in the Jääski-related files, is a figure emblematic of the close links between the NKVD and the cellulose industry. He studied at the Leningrad Forestry Institute in the 1920s and then became an engineer in that industry. Arrested briefly in 1938 for “lack of political vigilance against enemies of the people” and then rehabilitated the same year, he was brought into the NKVD and became head of the “Cellulose and Paper Section” of the Gulag. By 1940–41 he had become deputy head of the entire Gulag operation and then the head of the Main Division of Camp Production and Building of the NKVD, before assuming the role in 1944 of commissar of Cellulose and Paper Production. He remained a powerful governmental bureaucrat for decades; see K. A. Zalesskii, Imperiia Stalina: Biograficheskii entsiklopedicheskii slovar’ (Moscow: Veche, 2000).

140. Leo Noro was a leading figure in Finnish occupational medicine in the last decades of the twentieth century and was involved in later studies of the Finnish rayon industry (Henrik Nordman to the author, e-mail, 18 March 2009).

141. Leo Noro, “Svavelväte- och kolsvavlaförgiftningar,” Nordisk Medicin 24 (October–December 1944): 2015–20.

142. Emil A. Paluch, “Two Outbreaks of Carbon Disulfide Poisoning in Rayon Staple Fiber Plants in Poland,” Journal of Industrial Hygiene and Toxicology 30 (1948): 37–42. For additional information on Widzewska Manufaktura, see Arkadiusz Dąbrowski, “Widzew Manufacture,” Local Paper, May 2007 (English-language edition of Gazeta Lokalna, Łódź).

143. Albert Langelez, “Viscose et sulfocarbonisme: Un enquête médicale,” Archives Belges de Médicine Sociale et d’Hygiène et Revue de Pathologie et de Physiologie de Travail 4 (1946): 67–85, quotation on 84.

144. Jean Auffret, “L’Industrie des fibres artificielles et ses dangers,” Archives des Maladies Professionnelles de Médicine du Travail et de Sécurité Sociale 7 (1946): 181–96.

145. Dominique Veillon, Fashion Under the Occupation, trans. Miriam Kochan (Oxford: Berg, 2002), 69–84.

146. Michelle Blondé, Une usine sans la Guerre: La Société Nationale de la Viscose à Grenoble, 1939–1945 (Grenoble: Presse Universitaires de Grenoble, 2008); see also Patrice Ricard, Jean-Louis Pelon, and Michel Silho, Memoires de Viscosiers: Ils filaient la soie artificielle à Genoble (Grenoble: Presse Universitaires de Grenoble, 1992), 120–25. Text publications supported by the Musée de la Viscose, Isére, France.

147. Agnès Humbert, Résistance: A Woman’s Journal of Struggle and Defiance in Occupied France, trans. Barbara Mellor (New York: Bloomsbury, 2009).

148. Ibid., 121–22.

149. Ibid., 142.

150. Ibid., 151–52.

151. Ibid., 157 (“nervous system is completely shattered”), 168 (“drugged and fuddled by the acid vapors”), 200 (“has just thrown herself out of the clothing store window”).

152. In her descriptions of the plant’s operations, Humbert refers either to “the viscose” or to “the acid.” She footnotes the later term, explaining that the acid was carbon disulfide, but is deliberate in not using that word in the body of the text. Of note, the single appearance of the footnote (and the only time in the book she reverts to this device) is in connection with the foul odor in the plant. Sulfur contaminants of carbon disulfide do indeed impart a rotten smell, even though the solvent, when pure, is supposedly rather sweet smelling. In the original, “l’odeur extrêment désagréable de l’acide,” with the footnote “1. Sulfure de carbone” (Agnès Humbert, Notre Guerre: Souvenirs de Resistance, Paris, 1940–41; Le Bagne; Occupation en Allemagne [1946; repr., Paris: Tallandier, 2004], 250.). Her English translator, Barbara Mellor, concurs that Humbert was not likely to have understood the scientific aspects of rayon manufacturing at the time nor to have sought further information before rapidly writing her book and publishing it by May 1946 (Barbara Mellor to the author, e-mail, 3 January 2011).

153. Christopher Browning makes this point regarding slave labor in his cogent review of Wolf Gruner, Jewish Forced Labor Under the Nazis: Economic Needs and Racial Aims, 1938–1944 (New York: Cambridge University Press, in association with the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, 2006), in Holocaust Genocide Studies 21 (2007): 509–10.

154. German Federal Archives, Directory of Places of Detention, www.bundesarchiv.de/zwangsarbeit/haftstaetten/index.php.en?action=2.2&tab=4&id=100001104. Today the proper term is Justizvollzugsanstalt (justice enforcement facility).

155. Peter Zenker, Zwangsarbeit in Siegburg, www.peter-zenker.de/documents/Zwangsarbeit_SU_Langfassung.pdf. Rheinsiche Zellwolle came into operation shortly before it was absorbed into the Phrix combine, having taken over a defunct Bemberg operation and converted it to produce rayon staple; see the entry for 10 December 1936 in the Siegburg city archives, www.stadtarchiv-siegburg.de/web/stadtarchiv/01680.

156. The “Working Students” (werkstudenten) image of 1926 appeared in August Sander’s Face of Our Time (1929). The image is held in the collection of the National Galleries of Scotland, https://www.nationalgalleries.org/object/AL00058.

157. The prison image of Erich Sander in the infirmary is held at the Tate Museum, London, www.tate.org.uk/research/publications/tate-papers/19/august-sanders-portraits-of-persecuted-jews. The Tate incorrectly attributes this image to August Sander, who had no possible access to take such a photograph. It may have been a triggered self-photograph or possibly one taken by Karl Hugo Schmölz (the son of another Cologne photographer, Hugo Schmölz, and a family friend). “Schmölz” is mentioned in a letter from Eric Sander as working with him on prison photographic documentation.

158. Erich Sander, letter from Siegburg Prison, 13 June 1942, typed transcription, August Sander Archive, GSA 164.19/42.42. I am indebted to Gerd Sander, Erich’s nephew, for sharing these letters with me and allowing for their use.

159. Erich Sander, letter from Siegburg Prison, 27 June 1942, typed transcription, August Sander Archive, GSA 164.21/42.49.

160. Roger Repplinger, Leg dich, Zigeuner: Die Geschichte von Johann Trollmann und Tull Harder (Munich: Piper, 2008). For boxing statistics, see “Johann Trollmann,” BoxRec, http://boxrec.com/list_bouts.php?human_id=062355&cat=boxer.

161. Gibsy—Die Geschichte des Boxers Johann Rukeli Trollmann: Ein Film von Eike Besuden mit Hannes Wegener und Hannelore Elsner, http://realfictionfilme.de/filme/gibsy/index.php.

162. U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, “Neuengamme,” Holocaust Encyclopedia, www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10005539.

163. Günter Rodegast, Zwangsarbeiter und KZ-Häftlinge: Kurmärkische Zellwolle und Zellulose AG aus der Geschichte eines Wittenberger Phrix-Werkes (Wittenberge: Prignitzer Heimatverein Wittenberge, 2000).

164. Gruner, Jewish Forced Labor, 208–13.

165. Hermann Kaienburg, “Zwangsarbeit fur das ‘deutsche Rohstoffwunder’: Das Phrix-Werk Wittenberge im zweiten Weltkrieg,” 1999: Zeitschrift fur Sozialgeschichte des 20. und 21. Jahrhunderts 9 (1994): 12–41.

166. Birgit Pelzer-Reith and Reinhold Reith, “Die ‘Eisweiβlücke’ und die biotechnologische Eiweiβsynthese,” Technikgeschichte 79 (2012): 303–40. An innovation at Lenzing was “submerged fermentation,” a technology that could have aided antibiotic development (and proved key in the United States), but was never applied by the Germans at the time; see Gilbert Shama and Jonathan Reinarz, “Allied Intelligence Reports on Wartime German Penicillin Research and Production,” Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 32 (2002): 347–67.

167. German Federal Archives, Directory of Places of Detention, “Zwangsarbeitslager für Juden Küstrin-Neustadt,” www.bundesarchiv.de/zwangsarbeit/haftstaetten/index.php.en?action=2.2&tab=7&id=2397; see also Andreas Weigelt, “Küstrin,” in The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945: Early Camps, Youth Camps, and Concentration Camps and Subcamps under the SS-Business Administration Main Office (WVHA), ed. Geoffrey P. Megargee (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), 1:1321–23.

168. Gazyma Choptiany, “Hirschberg [Arbeitskommando]; Hirschberg [Arbeitsslagen],” in Megargee, Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1:748–49. The testimony of a survivor of one of the Hirschberg camps, Mordechai Schwimmer, thirteen at the time, recounts his experience unloading the logs; see “Testimony of Mordechai Schwimmer, born in Tirgu-Mures, Romania, 1931, regarding his experiences as a child in the Tirgu-Mures Ghetto and Bireknau, Hirschberg, Buchenwald and Theresienstadt camps,” ID 3565405, Yad Vashem Archives, Jerusalem, transcript of video interview (in Hebrew). For another personal account, see Stanislaw Dziaduś, “ ‘Hirschberg’ i ‘Treskau,’ podobozy Gross-Rosen: Uurywki wspomień” [The “Hirschberg” and “Treskau” branches of the Gross-Rosen concentration camp: Excerpts from the memoirs], Przeglad Lekarski 25 (1969): 138–46. Dziaduś was imprisoned with a Polish work detail that was kept separate from Jewish slave laborers.

169. Pelzer-Reith and Reith, “Die ‘Eisweiβlücke’ und die biotechnologische Eiweiβsynthese.”

170. Roman Sandgruber, Lenzing: Anatomie einer Industriegründung im Dritten Reich (Linz, Austria: Oberösterreichisches Landesarchiv, 2010), 87–100.

171. Gine Elsner, Heilkräuter, “Volksernährung,” Menschenversuche: Ernst Günther Schenck (1904—1988); Eine deutsche Arztkarriere (Hamburg: VSA, 2010), 86–89.

172. Sandgruber, Lenzing, 287–312.

173. Margret Lehner, “Nebenlager Lenzing-Pettighofen,” in Christian Hawle, Gerhard Kriechbaum, and Margret Lehner, eds., Täter und Opfer: Nationalsozialistische Gewalt und Widerstand im Bezirk Vöcklabruck, 1938–1945 (Weitra, Austria: Bibliothek der Provinz, 1995), 33–57. The satellite camp at Lenzing is also covered in Sandgruber, Lenzing, 228–86.

174. Clare Parker, Klara’s Story (London: Clare Parker, 1999), 63. The Yad Vashem archive contains the testimonies of a number of women who also survived the Lenzing camp. Elsa Kraus recounted how her right arm was caught between two machinery wheels in the plant, but because of the raw material in the process the arm was not crushed; a few weeks after that, her eyes and face became swollen from the fumes; see “Testimony of Elsa Kraus” (in English), file 069/40, Yad Vashem Archives, Jerusalem.

175. Annie Jacobsen, Operation Paperclip: The Secret Intelligence Program That Brought Nazi Scientists to America (New York: Little, Brown, 2014), 81–82, 302–4, 309. Jacobsen alludes to Scheiber’s protein-substitute work, although mischaracterizing the product as being “made up of cellulose, or pieces of used clothing” (309).

176. Gerda Zorn, Ostland geht unser Ritt: Deutsche Eroberungspolitik zwischen Germanisierung und Völkermord (Berlin: Dietz, 1980, 58–64). For the takeover of the Nici thread factory in 1945, see the website of the Ariadna Thread Factory, www.ariadna.com.pl/index.php?id=53 (in Polish, with English translation available). Phrix took over the original Polish rayon plant in Tomaszów. Feliks Wiślicki, its founding director and a Polish Jew, had already gotten out by becoming an economic advisor to the Free Polish government in exile in London. For other sites of forced labor in the Thüringischen Zellwolle enterprises, and the role of the Schwarza factory, where more than two hundred Russian forced laborers worked, see Norbert Moczarski, Bernhard Post, and Katrin Weiß, Zwangsarbeit in Thüringen, 1940–1945: Quellen aus den Staatsarchiven des Freistaates Thüringen (Erfurt, Germany: Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Thüringen, 2002), 29, 54, 93–94, 181–82, 194, 196, 246, 248, 260.

177. Fragmentary evidence on zellwolle “recycling” operations in the Łódź Ghetto is contained in memoranda and letters in National and Provincial Archives of Poland, Zydowski Instytut Historyczny (Warsaw), held on microfilm by Yad Vashem, Jerusalem, specifically, “Getto-Verwaltunf-Lodz,” Record Group 54, file 998 [Ko–K].

178. Material documenting I. G. Farben’s use of slave labor in its rayon staple manufacturing is surprisingly fragmentary. For Farben’s factory at Wolfen, which had a subcamp originally administered by the Ravensbrück concentration camp that later came under the aegis of Buchenwald, see Evelyn Zgenehagen, “Wolfen,” in Megargee, Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1:440.

179. Terezín survivors’ testimonies that document the Glanzstoff work detail (Arbeitskommando) include those of František Soukop (testimony 878), Adolf Bureš (testimony 1281; it was he who reported that future Archbishop Josef Beran labored at Glanzstoff), František Kuno (testimony 2140), and Dr. Robert Bardfeld (testimony 2197); Miroslava Langhamerová, Historical Department, Terezin Memorial, Czech Republic, e-mail to the author, 16 June 2014.

180. Wolfgang E. Wicht, Glanzstoff: Zur Geschichte der Chemiefaser, eines Unternehmens und seiner Arbeiterschaft, Bergische Forschungen 22 (Neustadt/Aisch, Germany: Verlagsdruckerei Schmidt, 1992), 87–89.

181. Raimonod Finati, ed., Allo straflager di Colonia: L’odissea di 369 giovanissimi ufficiali deportati nel campo di lavoro AK 96 alla Glanzstoff-Courtaulds nei racconti dei protagonist (Cuneo, Italy: L’arciere, 1990), poem, 9; eye effects, 63; ersatz milk, 68.

182. Ervin O. Anderson, Report on the International Synthetic Fiber Industry, Economic Warfare Section, War Division, U.S. Department of Justice, confidential report, file 60-0-28, 1 August 1944, 129–30.

183. Božena Malovcová, ed., História jednej myšlienky: Svit (1934–2009) (Spišská Nová Ves, Slovakia: Bambow, 2009). As of 1937, there was a dispensary for the treatment of workers serviced two hours per week by a Dr. Pohl. See also Henrieta Moravčíková, “Architektúra koncernu Bat’a ako činitel’ modernizácie: Príklad Slovensko” [The architecture of the Bata Company as a factor of modernization: The example of Slovakia], in L. Hornakova, ed., The Bata Phenomenon: Zlin Architecture, 1910–1960 (Zlin, Czech Republic: Regional Gallery of Fine Arts in Zlin, 2009), 227–39.

184. Alice Jakubovic, oral history interview, U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, http://collections.ushmm.org/search/catalog/irn511521.

185. Some attribute the Cologne factory’s escape to the stake that Courtaulds held. For this line of argument, see Claudio Sommaruga, La “Glanzstoff & Courtaulds” di Colonia: Un’isola risparmiata nel ciclone della Guerra (Naples: Guisco, 1996). Sommaruga was among the Italians imprisoned at Glanzstoff. In Coventry, at least one plant component of Courtaulds was destroyed. The story of George Hough, who had been a manager at Courtaulds in Coventry, was told by his son to the BBC as part of its “WW2 People’s War” personal reminiscences project, www.bbc.co.uk/history/ww2peopleswar/stories/26/a5135726.shtml.

186. Elsner, Heilkräuter, “Volksernährung,” Menschenversuche.

187. Harold Wickliffe Rose, The Rayon and Synthetic Fiber Industry of Japan: Supplementary Material Gathered for the United States Department of State and War Department Textile Mission to Japan, January–March, 1946 (New York: Textile Research Institute, 1946).

188. Von Kohorn, “Cellulose to Cell Phones.” Of the plants the von Kohorn memoir specifically mentions, however, most were scrapped during the latter part of the war, not bombed.

189. Armando Ferraro, George A. Jervis, and David J. Flicker, “Neuropathologic Changes in Experimental Carbon Disulfide Poisoning in Cats,” Archives of Pathology 32 (1941): 723–38.

190. Richard B. Richter, “Degeneration of the Basal Ganglia in Monkeys from Chronic Carbon Disulfide Poisoning,” Journal of Neuropathology and Experimental Neurology 4 (October 1945): 324–53, quotation on 338. Richter was chief of the neurology service at the University of Chicago. Among his many students was the future psychoanalyst Heinz Kohut, who was a trainee in neurology under Richter while he was carrying out the monkey experiments.

191. Deutsches Historisches Museum, “Gewebe mit Judensternen” [Textile with Jewish stars], inventory number KTe. 80/122, http://dhm.de/datenbank/dhm.php?seite=5&fld_0=FM100434. As catalogued, the material is described as “regeneratzellulose” (regenerated cellulose), but is clearly zellwolle (rayon staple). The object’s size is 78 × 103 cm (30.7 × 40.5 in).

192. American Viscose Corporation, Rayon Goes to War, final page (unnumbered).

Chapter 6. The Heart of the Matter

1. Samuel Courtauld to Lord Woolton, 19 June 1944, Office of the Minister of Reconstruction, Lord President of the Council and Minister for Science, CAB 124/701, The National Archives, United Kingdom.

2. Michael D. Kandiah, “Marquis, Frederick James, First Earl of Woolton (1883–1964),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/34885 (subscription required). For more on Woolton pie, see Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. “Woolton.”

3. Samuel Courtauld to Lord Woolton, 29 June 1944, CAB 124/701, National Archives, United Kingdom.

4. Samuel Courtauld to Hugh Dalton, memorandum, 28 June 1944, CAB 124/701, National Archives, United Kingdom.

5. Charles Barr, Ealing Studios, 3rd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 134–44; see also Amy Sargeant, “The Man in the White Suit: New Textiles and the Social Fabric,” Visual Culture in Britain 9 (2008): 27–54.

6. Rose, Synthetic Fiber Industry of Japan.

7. The Textile Research Institute was founded in 1930 as the United States Institute for Textile Research, but at nearly the same time special enabling legislation funded the Textile Foundation. The foundation was legislated to have five directors, three from the textile industry, subject to presidential appointment. A main activity of the foundation was to spend down its assets through the Textile Research Institute; see John H. Dillon, History of the Textile Research Institute, 1930–1965 (Princeton, N.J.: American Textile Institute, 1965).

8. Rose, Synthetic Fiber Industry of Japan, 326.

9. Ibid., 140–41. Another Hiroshima survivor named Hiroyuki Suzuki (a twenty-year-old soldier at the time) was “Bombed at Ujina-cho 3-chome, Hiroshima; Former site of Kinka Rayon (Daiwa Spinning Mill), Vessel Training Department of the Instructional Regiment”; see Memories of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, “Messages from Hiroshima,” www.asahi.com/hibakusha/english/hiroshima/h01-00068-6e.html.

10. Masatane Takuhara and Tsuyoshi Okada, [Psychiatric diseases recently occurred in a viscose rayon silk factory], Sangyo Fukuri 8 (1933): 22–35. This describes four viscose workers confined to a psychiatric hospital over a two-month period; see also Masatane Takuhara, [Recent outbreak of carbon disulfide poisoning occurred in a viscose silk factory], Sangyo Fukuri 9 (1934): 36–59, detailing thirty-six workers with carbon disulfide poisoning.

11. J. Kubota, “Historical View of Carbon Disulphide Poisoning in the Japanese Viscose Rayon Industry,” in Heinrich Brieger and Jaroslav Teisinger, eds., Toxicology of Carbon Disulphide: Proceedings of a Symposium, Prague, Sept. 15th–17th, 1966 (Amsterdam: Excerpta Medica Foundation, 1967), 192–96.

12. The research appeared in a series of three publications by Yukio Suzuki: “Experimental research on carbon disulfide poisoning. 1. Animal experiments on the correlation between carbon disulfide gas concentration and exposure time. 2. Animal experiments on the accumulation effect from inhalation of carbon disulfide gas at various concentrations. 3. Effect of temperature on carbon disulfide gas poisoning” [in Japanese], Rodo Kagaku Kenkyu [Labor science research] 16 (May 1939): 49–55, and (September 1939): 11–15, 16–23. The three reports involved forty-five, twenty-six, and fifty-eight society (Bengalese) finches.

13. T. Toyama and H. Sakurai, “Ten-Year Changes in Exposure Level and Toxicological Manifestations in Carbon Disulfide Workers,” in Brieger and Teisinger, Toxicology of Carbon Disulphide, 197–204, quotation on 197.

14. Rose, Synthetic Fiber Industry of Japan, 61. For general background on color doping see Avinash P. Manian, Hartmut Ruef, and Thomas Bechtold, “Mass Coloration of Regenerated Cellulosics: A Review,” Lenzinger Berichte 85 (2006): 87–90.

15. Rose, Synthetic Fiber Industry of Japan, 257.

16. Ibid., 60. After the war, the Japanese industry retained a leadership position in crimped rayon technology; see M. Horio and T. Kondo, “Theory and Morphology of Crimped Rayon Staple,” Textile Research Journal 23 (1953): 137–51.

17. LeRoy Henry Smith, Synthetic Fiber Developments in Germany: Report Prepared by the Synthetic Fibers Team of the Technical Industrial Intelligence Committee (New York: Textile Research Institute, 1946).

18. Ibid., 3.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid., 3–4.

21. Ibid., 158–79. Mothwurf’s name also appears as “Motwurf.” The text lists four Mothwurf patents, two German and two American (179). The U.S. patents (2,345,622 and 2,365,096) were filed by Mothwurf in the summer of 1940, with mesne (that is, intermediate) assignment to the Industrial Rayon Company; the patents were awarded in 1944. The American team was not aware of a Canadian patent for his invention (CA 427212), issued on 1 May 1945, that lists Industrial Rayon, Edward G. Budd Manufacturing Company, and Budd International Corporation as co-owners of the patent. In 1938, Mothwurf began working as the agent of Budd International on contract to Thüringischen to install a continuous-process apparatus at its Schwarza plant. The machine was moved to Lenzing; Mothwurf left the employ of Budd to work directly for Schwarza in January 1942. Reports on Trusteeships, Sch 6/2 Lenzinger Zellwolle-und Papierfabrik AG: Correspondence (n.d., September 1945–September 1948), 120–21 (official translation), 127–29 (German-language original), Property Control Branch, U.S. Allied Commission for Austria, U.S. National Archives. For additional details on Mothwurf’s history with Lenzing, see Sandgruber, Lenzing, 319–22.

22. Smith, Synthetic Fiber Developments in Germany, 3.

23. L. Hemsley et al., The Viscose Continuous and Rayon Staple Fibre Plants of the British, American, and French Occupation Zones of Germany, Final Report No. 290 (London: British Intelligence Objectives Sub-committee, [1946]), 2.

24. Ibid., 6. Detailed reports on specific plants appear as follows: Krefeld, 34–59; Glanzstoff Courtaulds Cologne, 87–102; Siegburg, 113–33; Kelheim, 255–72.

25. E. G. Locke, J. F. Saeman, and G. K. Dickerman, “The Production of Wood Sugar in Germany and Its Conversion to Yeast and Alcohol,” in Wood Yeast for Animal Feed, Northeastern Wood Utilization Council (New Haven, Conn.), Bulletin 12, November 1946, 95–154, quotation on 139.

26. The information comes from a series of articles appearing in Der Spiegel over a period of more than a decade; see “Das Leben ist so bitter: Alles mit viel Liebe gekocht,” 22 September 1949, 9–10; “Die Hellsherin befragt,” 2 September 1953, 10–12; “Schweizer Touren,” 17 February 1960, 20–21.

27. The United States of America vs. Carl Krauch et al., U.S. Military Tribunal Nuremberg, judgment of 30 July 1948, http://werle.rewi.hu-berlin.de/IGFarbenCase.pdf. One of the convicted defendants was Fritz ter Meer, the Farben negotiator who had visited DuPont (see note 70 to chapter 5).

28. Paul Macarius Hebert, “Dissenting Opinion on Count Three of the Indictment,” Nuremberg Trial Documents, 28 December 1948, available at Louisiana State University Law Center, Digital Commons at LSU Law Center, http://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1046&context=nuremberg_docs.

29. Jacobsen, Operation Paperclip, 302–14.

30. Elsner, Heilkräuter, “Volksernährung,” Menschenversuche, 141–42.

31. Jacobsen, Operation Paperclip, 431–32. Jacobsen addresses the conjecture that Grünenthal’s ties to concentration camp experimentalists may link wartime prisoners as the original source of the company’s human-testing experience with thalidomide.

32. K.-J. Neumarkarker, “Karl Bonhoeffer and the Concept of Symptomatic Psychoses,” History of Psychiatry 12 (2001): 213–26.

33. J. J. Martin, N. Partington, and S. Pearson, The Manufacture of Carbon Bisulphide in Germany: With Notes on Sulphur Recovery and Thio-urea; B.I.O.S. Final Report 1702 (London: British Intelligence Objectives Sub-Committee, 1946), quotations on 21 and 28.

34. See Hedwig Wolff, 1946–1956: Zehn Jahre VEB Zellstoff- und Zellwollewerke Wittenberge (Wittenberg: Betriebsparteiorganisation “Karl Liebknecht” im VEB Zellstoff- u. Zellwollewerke Wittenberge, 1956). A later, anonymous pamphlet is Kämpfer: Garanten des sicheren Schutzes unserer sozialistischen Heimat; 30 Jahre Kampfgruppen der Arbeiterklasse im VEB Zellstoff- und Zellwollewerke Wittenberge (Wittenberg: VEB Zellstoff- und Zellwollewerke, 1983). The forty-year anniversary publication referred to the plant as “an exemplar of the great struggles of our time.”

35. Biographical details on Siegfried Rädel, after whom the Pirna plant was renamed, come from www.etg-ziegenhals.de/Siegfried_Raedel.html. Clara Zetkin, after whom the Glanzstoff facility in Elsterberg was renamed, was a radical feminist and comrade of Rosa Luxemburg.

36. V. A. Kritsman, V. I. Kuznetsov, and V. M. Pevzner, “Man-Made Fibres Research in the German Democratic Republic,” Fibre Chemistry 3 (1971): 459–63. On the attractiveness of the East German viscose industry to West German investment, see “Die letze Börsenwoch,” Der Zeit, 23 January 1947.

37. Johannes Karsch, “Die Keratoconjunctivitis chemicalis in den Sächsichen Kunstseidenwerken Pirna,” Klinische Monatsblätter für Augenheilkunde und für augenärztliche 123 (1953): 440–49. It is unclear whether this is the Johannes Karsch after whom Karsch-Neugebauer syndrome (a rare genetic combined eye and hand abnormality) was later named, based on authorship of a 1936 German case report. Another report from the DDR in this period details three cases of psychosis from carbon disulfide (classified as the exogenous Bonhoeffer type), including one in a rayon staple worker; see P. D. Krüger and E. Schilf, “3 Fälle von Schwefelkohlenstoffvergiftung des Nervensuystems nebst einer Erörterung der exogenen Reaktionstypen Bonhoeffers,” Psychiatrie Neurologie und Medizinische Psychologie 4 (1952): 139–46.

38. Herbert Zenk, “Zur Symptomatik der Schwefelkohlenstoffeinwirkungen auf Grund von Reihenuntersuchungen Krankenstandsanalysenund Verdachtsmeldungen der Jahre 1956 bis 1965,” Das Deutsche Gesundheitswesen 27 (1972): 518–20, quotation on 520.

39. Emil Paluch and Wanda Szamborska, “Badania toksykologiczne nad zatruciami dwurusiarczkiem wȩgla i siarkowodorem w polskim przemyśle wiskozowym,” Polski Tygodnik Lekarski 1, no. 39 (1946): 1177–81; no. 40 (1946): 1217–22. The identification of Tomaszow and Chodakow is based on V. Vishnevskaya, “The Man-Made Fibre Industry of the Polish People’s Republic,” Fibre Chemistry 3 (1972): 168–70.

40. Feliks F. Sekuracki, “Occupational Medicine in Poland,” Industrial Medicine and Surgery 27 (1958): 469–471, quotation on 470.

41. P. Bělin, V. Bencko, and J. Petráň, “Znečistenie oczdušia vo Svite v preibehu roku 1962: Zdroj znečistenia, jeho charakteristika, a poloha vzhl’adóm k sídlisku” [Air pollution in Svit during 1962: Source of pollution, its characteristics, and degree in relation to the environment], Československá Hygiena 9 (1962): 73–77. For the soldier with the Czech army, see Ivan Brod, From Auschwitz to Du Pont (New Canaan, Conn.: Information Economics Press, 2008), 71–76.

42. Raimondo Finati, “Il rientro in Italia,” in Raimondo Finati, ed., Allo straflager di Colonia (Naples: L’Arciere, 1990), 135–37.

43. Liliana Rimini Lagonigro, “Alessandro Rimini nei ricordi della figlia,” in Giovanna D’Amia, ed., Alessandro Rimini: Opere e silenzi di un architetto Milanese (Milan: Maggioli, 2011), 121–28.

44. [Snia Viscosa], Mezzo secolo di Snia Viscosa, 40–42.

45. L’espresso, http://video.espresso.repubblica.it/tutti-i-video/torviscosa-il-corto-di-antonioni-/617/616. The credits list Antonioni as “Michelangiolo.” Although not credited, the film score is by Giovanni Fusco, a close collaborator of Antonioni (Red Desert, among other films); see the biographical page of a website dedicated to the composer, www.giovannifusco.com/BiografiaENG.asp.

46. Sylwia Kuźma, “Popularizing Haute Couture: Acceptance and Resistance to the New Look in the Post-1945 United States,” Americanist: Warsaw Journal for the Study of the United States 24 (2008): 143–57.

47. “Rose Pâle,” ballad, c. 1947–48, words by Henri Contet, music by Paul Durand. The song was recorded by Simone Langlois and by Lucienne Delyle, each an important chanteuse in postliberation France. Contet is closely associated with Edith Piaf. “Two bits” is used to capture the casual feel of the French lyric, “quatre sous.”

48. Arthur Knight, “Courtaulds in Continental Europe in the 1950s and 1960s: Some Recollections and Reflections,” Business and Economic History 16 (1987): 213–26. Sir Arthur Knight coordinated overseas activities for Courtaulds starting in 1946, becoming its chairman in 1975.

49. Rowland Tennant, A History of Holywell and Greenfield (Wrexham, Wales: Bridge Books, 2007), 153.

50. Just before Courtauld’s death, in October 1947, Anthony Blunt was appointed the institute’s director; Courtauld Institute of Art, “History,” www.courtauld.ac.uk/about/history.shtml, and “About the Gallery,” www.courtauld.ac.uk/gallery/about/history.shtml.

51. R. and J. H-W, “Mr. Samuel Courtauld,” Times (London), 17 December 1947. Although initialed only, “J. H-W.” is almost certainly John Coldbrook Hanbury-Williams, who had become chairman of Courtaulds in 1946.

52. Tomassini, La salute al lavoro; Vigliani’s editorial is covered on 75–76.

53. Enrico C. Vigliani, “L’intossicazione cronica da solfuro da carbonio: Una statistica di 100 casi,” La Medicina del Lavoro 37 (1946): 165–93.

54. Enrico C. Vigliani, “Clinical Observations on Carbon Disulfide Intoxication in Italy,” Industrial Medicine and Surgery 19 (1950): 240–42.

55. Vigliani, “L’intossicazione cronica da solfuro da carbonio,” cases presented on 176–77, 179–80.

56. Enrico C. Vigliani and Benvenuto Pernis, “L’intossicazione cronica da solfuro da carbonio,” in Atti 11. Congresso Internazionale di Medicina del Lavoro, Napoli, 13–19 Settembre 1954 (Naples: Istituto di Medicina del Lavoro, 1954), 373–416. Vigliani had earlier reported on some of the initial cases in this series in Enrico C. Vigliani and C. L. Cazullo, “Alterazioni del sistema nervosa central di origine vascolare nel sulfocarbonismo,” Medicina del Lavoro 41 (1950): 49–63.

57. Enrico C. Vigliani and Benvenuto Pernis, “Carbon Disulphide Poisoning in Viscose Rayon Factories,” British Journal of Industrial Medicine 11 (1954): 234–44.

58. Enrico C. Vigliani and Benvenuto Pernis, “Klinische und experimentelle Untersuchungen über die durch Schwefelkohlenstoff bedingte Atherosklerose,” Archiv für Gewerbepathologie und Gewerbehygiene 14 (1955): 190–202.

59. Vigliani and Pernis, “Carbon Disulphide Poisoning in Viscose Rayon Factories,” 237.

60. Vigliani and Pernis, “L’intossicazione cronica da solfuro da carbonio,” 381–88. The cases are summarized in a numerical listing; there is also a similar but shortened listing as an appendix to the British Journal of Industrial Medicine publication, also omitting the final eight cases (thus, forty-three as oppoed to the fifty-one cases in the original Italian).

61. Vigliani and Pernis, “Klinische und experimentelle Untersuchungen über die durch Schwefelkohlenstoff bedingte Atherosklerose.” The early Swiss paper cited was E. Attinger, “Chronische Schwefelkohlenstoffvergiftung unter dem scheinbar ungewöhnlichen Bilde einer schweren Gefäßkrankheit,” Schweizerische medizinische Wochenschrift 78 (10 July and 21 August 1948): 667–69, 815; see also Lewey [sic] et al., “Carbon Disulfide Poisoning in Dogs.”

62. Among others, Vigliani cited the groundbreaking work of Dr. Gofman on cholesterol, which began appearing in the early 1950s. For the history of the “lipid hypothesis” of atherosclerosis in the first part of the twentieth century, see Daniel Steinberg, “An Interpretative History of the Cholesterol Controversy: Part 1,” Journal of Lipid Research 45 (2004): 1583–93.

63. In 1957, another publication based on further cases from Switzerland supported Vigliani’s work; see Hans-Kaspar von Rechenberg, “Schwefelkohlenstoffvergiftung und das sulfocarbotoxische vasculäre Spätsyndrom,” Archiv für Gewerbepathologie und Gewerbehygiene 15 (11 July 1957): 487–530.

64. [Morgan Stanley], Memorandum on the Rayon Industry, Particularly American Viscose Corporation, Celanese Corporation of America, and Industrial Rayon Corporation (New York: Morgan Stanley, 1949), 3.

65. DuPont, “Our Company,” “History,” “1941–69,” “Orlon” http://www2.dupont.com/Phoenix_Heritage/en_US/1941_detail.html.

66. [Morgan Stanley], Memorandum on the Rayon Industry.

67. W. T. Astbury and C. J. Brown, “Structure of Terylene” (letter), Nature 158 (14 December 1946): 871.

68. J. R. Whinfield, “Chemistry of ‘Terylene,’ ” Nature 158 (28 December 1946): 930–31, quotation on 931.

69. “Textile with a Great Stretch—Next Solar Eclipse,” “Notes on Science,” New York Times, 10 November 1946.

70. “ ‘Dacron’ Name Adopted; Du Pont Substitutes Trade-Mark for Former ‘Amilar’ Fiber,” New York Times, 22 March 1951.

71. “New Dacron Plant Opened by Du Pont,” New York Times, 24 May 1953.

72. One of the earliest uses of the term “polyester” in reference to the Terylene/Dacron class of fibers was a 1951 notice of DuPont’s planned construction of its new facility; see “News and Notes—In the Laboratories,” Science 115 (25 May 1951): 614.

73. “Coronation Spurs Rivalry in Fabrics,” New York Times, 6 October 1952. At the coronation there was likely little synthetic, although the silk coronation banners, when they underwent conservation for the fiftieth jubilee, turned out to have a gold fringe made of rayon; see National Trust, Textile Conservation Studio, https://nttextileconservationstudio.wordpress.com/tag/queen-elizabeth-ii.

74. “Tire Cord Battle: Nylon vs Rayon; Fight to the Finish for $250 Million Market Pits Chemical Producers against Textile Industry,” Chemical and Engineering News 38 (4 January 1960): 23–24.

75. [Morgan Stanley], Memorandum on the Rayon Industry.

76. Carlisle M. Thacker and Elmer Miller, “Carbon Disulfide Production: Effect of Catalysts on Reaction with Methane and Sulfur,” Industrial and Engineering Chemistry 36 (1944): 182–84.

77. Coleman, Courtaulds, 309–10. The decision to establish a cellulose acetate facility (in Meadville, Pennsylvania) followed an extensive back-and-forth with DuPont, involving factors related to Courtaulds’ European competitors as well.

78. [Clinton DuPont Cellophane] Midwest Blend 8, no. 1 (March–April 1950).

79. Crawford H. Greenewalt, Address of Crawford H. Greenewalt, President, E.I. du Pont de Nemours & Company, Inc. before du Pont Employees and Business Leaders of Buffalo, New York Marking 25th Anniversary of Cellophane (Wilmington, Del.: E. I. du Pont de Nemours, 1949).

80. [E. I. du Pont de Nemours], Old Hickory Cellophane: A Quarter Century of Progress, 1929–1954 (Old Hickory, Tenn.: E. I. du Pont de Nemours, 1954).

81. Spruance Cellophane News 5 (25th anniversary issue), no. 20 (1 November 1955).

82. [Clinton DuPont Cellophane], Midwest Blend 8, no. 1 (March–April 1950). In 1952, Gordon K. Inskeep, an editor of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry, together with Prescott Van Horn, a member of DuPont’s “film department,” published a report on cellophane largely based on the operations of the Clinton plant: Inskeep and Van Horn, “Cellophane: A Staff-Industry Collaborative Report . . . ,” Industrial and Engineering Chemistry 44 (1952): 2521–24, quotation on 2521 (title ellipsis in the original).

83. Du Pont Cellophane Co., Inc., v. Waxed Products Co., Inc., 85 F.2d 75 (2nd Cir. 1936).

84. “Dr. F. H. Reichel of Virginia Heads Giant Viscose Firm,” Washington Post, 3 July 1948.

85. “DuPont Company Gives Fellowships in Science to Forty-Seven Schools,” Yale Daily News, 13 December 1947.

86. United States v. E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., 118 F. Supp. 41 (D. Del. 1953); United States v. E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., 351 U.S. 377 (1956).

87. G. Edward White, Earl Warren: A Public Life (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 397.

88. “Arnold N. Nawrocki, Cheese Innovator, 78” (obituary), New York Times, 12 July 2003.

89. Although developed in the 1940s, Saran Wrap was first introduced as a household product in 1953, see In: A Perspective on Global Packaging by Dow (2013), http://storage.dow.com.edgesuite.net/dow.com/packaging/in_perspective/In_Perspective_1.pdf.

90. The Coventry rhyme was included in a discussion titled “Courtaulds (and its chimneys!)” on the Historic Coventry Forum, http://forum.historiccoventry.co.uk/main/forum-posts.php?s=0&id=4271&q=&member=&cat_id=3&show_cats=&var1.

91. “The ‘Haff’ Disease,” Journal of the American Medical Association 83 (29 November 1924): 1783. Follow-up reports reiterated the suspected industrial source, citing arsine as the specific causative pollutant; see Journal of the American Medical Association 84 (17 January 1925): 216. Palytoxin was the biological factor eventually identified as the cause of Haff disease.

92. “Pollution Protests Halt Rayon Plant; Industry at Paw Paw, W. Va. Warmly Opposed,” Washington Post, 12 April 1934.

93. Du Pont Rayon Co., Inc., v. Richmond Industries, Inc., et al., 85 F.2d 981 (4th Cir. 1936). Fifteen years later, DuPont was still focused on James River pollution, supporting a study reported as Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, Department of Limnology, James River, Virginia Stream Survey Report, July–August 1951 (Philadelphia: Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, 1952).

94. Percy Harold McGauhey, H. F. Eich, William Herbert Jackson, and Croswell Henderson, “A Study of the Stream Pollution Problem in the Roanoke, Virginia, Metropolitan District,” Engineering Experiment Station Series no. 51, Bulletin of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute 35 (May 1942), 1–120 (entire issue), quotation on 7–8.

95. Ibid., 9.

96. Arthur Evans, “Plant Waste, Sewage Add to TVA Problems; Some Sections Polluted, Engineer Says,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 12 December 1945.

97. Max Forester, “Plan Advanced to End Stream Pollution in U.S.,” New York Herald Tribune, 21 November 1948. The Water Pollution Control Act, sponsored by Senators Alben Barkley (D-Ky.) and Robert Taft (R-Ohio), passed on 30 June 1948.

98. Byron Filkins, “Rayon Fumes Blackened Her Porch,” with the caption “Health Inspector Anthony Sidlow & Mrs. John C. Anderson, 3563 W. 100th Street,” 1942, Cleveland Press Collection, Cleveland State University, Michael Schwartz Library, Special Collections, http://images.ulib.csuohio.edu/cdm/ref/collection/press/id/1663. Another image in this collection indicates that in 1927, a Cleveland grand jury investigated the question of air pollution from the local Industrial Rayon Corporation factory (formerly known as Industrial Fibre), “Witnesses before the grand jury in the probe of Industrial Fibre fumes nuisance,” http://images.ulib.csuohio.edu/cdm/ref/collection/press/id/1654.

99. For the context of the Donora episode, see Devra Lee Davis, When Smoke Ran Like Water: Tales of Environmental Deception and the Battle Against Pollution (New York: Basic Books, 2004).

100. National Board of Fire Underwriters, The Holland Tunnel Chemical Fire, New Jersey–New York, May 13, 1949 (New York: National Board of Fire Underwriters, 1949).

101. Ibid.

102. Sinclair Stone, Saiccor: The First Fifty Years (Pinegowrie, South Africa: Rollerbird, 2002).

103. Fighterworld, “About Port Stephens,” “Post War Development,” www.fighterworld.com.au/about-port-stephens/post-war-development.

104. Veronica Herrera-Moreno, Seong-Kyu Kang, and Aaron Sussell, A Cross-Sectional Investigation of the Health Effects in Carbon Disulfide Exposed and Non-Exposed Workers in a Viscose Rayon Factory, HETA 916-0114 (Cincinnati: National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, [1996]), 2.

105. On the Continent, Courtaulds did not seem to have interests beyond Italy, Germany, and France. Courtaulds did extend its SNIA war-losses claim to French interests in its Spanish viscose venture, but was not otherwise engaged in the postwar rayon industry there.

106. [Morgan Stanley], Memorandum on the Rayon Industry. For Celanese operations in Mexico, see Celanese Mexicana, S. A. de C. V., History, www.fundinguniverse.com/company-histories/celanese-mexicana-s-a-de-c-v-history.

107. Neda Sherafat, “CUVZ Educational Park Pilot Project: In Search of Ecotourism Development and Opportunities in Zacapu, Mexico” (master’s thesis, Chalmers University of Technology, Gothenburg, Sweden, 2013), 29.

108. Von Kohorn, Cellulose to Cell Phones: Egypt, 114–19; Peru, Chile, and Brazil, 119–22; India, 125–26; Palestine, 152–53; Ecuador, 178; Philippines, 184; Taiwan, 190; Pakistan, 206; Indonesia, 247–49. This source does not address the company’s initial postwar foray back into the rayon business, which was a failed attempt to take control of the Lenzing, Austria, operation; see Sandgruber, Lenzing, 335–39.

109. “Rayon Company Formed; New Concern in Brazil to Get Equipment from Tubize,” New York Times, 17 June 1935.

110. Robert B. Anderson to Walt W. Rostow, secret memorandum, 16 August 1961, released 20 September 1973, doc. CK3100352122, Declassified Documents Reference System (Framington Mills, Mich.: Gale, 2012).

111. For the competing scheme, see Leo D. Rosenstein, Rayon: An Essential Industry for Palestine; A Survey for the Palestine Rayon Corporation (New York: Palestine Rayon Corporation, 1948).

112. Hugh Thomas, Cuba, or, the Pursuit of Freedom (New York: Da Capo, 1998), 1165. See also “Ambassador of Fun,” Time Magazine, 1 September 1958, 30. The eight-centavo stamp was issued on 30 January 1958 in a run of 100,00, along with a million four-centavo stamps also picturing Dayton and a textile-manufacturing plant, which may have been one of his other facilities (Alejandro Pascal, Cuban philatelic expert, e-mail to the author, 16 February 2013).

113. Paulo Roberto Ribeiro Fontes, Trabalhadores e Cidadãos: Nitro Química; A Fábrica e as Lutas Operárias nos Anos 50 (São Paulo: Annablume [Sindicato Químicos e Plásticos-SP], 1997), 94–97, quotation on 95–96.

114. Antônio José de Arruda Rebouças, Insalubridade: Morte Lenta no Trabalho (São Paulo: Oboré Editorial, 1989), 161–79. Additional information came from Rudolfo Andrade de Gouveia Vileta (industrial hygienist) and Helio Neves (physician), e-mails to the author, 3 March 2011.

115. The High Life (1960), Internet Movie Database, www.imdb.com/title/tt0054007. There does not seem to have been any involvement of Lux Films in the international coproduction of The High Life. Lux Films was founded in Italy in 1935 by Riccardo Gaulino after he was forced out of SNIA; he became a major force in Italian filmmaking, including early collaborations with Carlo Ponti, Dino De Laurentiis, and Roberto Rossellini. Over time, the artistic caliber of his films fell off. In 1960, Lux Films produced movies such as Cartagine in fiamme [Carthage in Flames] and Morgan il pirata [Morgan the Pirate].

116. Richard S. F. Schilling, A Challenging Life: Sixty Years in Occupational Health (London: Canning, 1998). Schilling was apparently unaware of a contemporary doctoral dissertation on experimental carbon disulfide atherosclerosis, which begins by citing Vigliani: Josef Kösters, “Schwefelkohlenstoff-Vergiftung und Atherosklerose bei Meerschweinchen und Ratten” (Justus Liebig University, Giessen, Germany, 1960).

117. Howard B. Sprague, “Environmental Influences in Coronary Disease in the United States,” American Journal of Cardiology 16 (1965): 106–13, quotation on 111.

118. P. Carmichael and J. Lieben, “Sudden Death in Explosives Workers,” Archives of Environmental Health 7 (1963): 424–39. The earliest report on this subject appears to be Hans Joachim Symanski, “Schwere Gesundheitsschadigungen durch berufliche Nitroglykoleinwirkung,” Archiv für Hygiene und Bakteriologie 136 (1952): 139–58.

119. John R. Tiller, “An Investigation of Byssinosis in a Rayon Mill,” and John R. Tilling and Richard S. F. Schilling, “Respiratory Function During the Day in Rayon Workers: A Study in Byssinosis,” Transactions of the Association of Industrial Medical Officers 7 (1957): 157–160, 161–62. Schilling was the president of the Association of Industrial Medical Officers at the time.

120. Jeremy Noah Morris et al., “Coronary Heart-Disease and Physical Activity of Work,” Lancet 265 (28 November 1953): 1111–20.

121. “Risk of Coronary Thrombosis Among Rayon Workers Exposed to Carbon Bisulphide: Notes and Correspondence,” General Records of the Medical Research Committee and Medical Research Council, 1960–1962, FD23/1277, National Archives, United Kingdom; J. N. Morris to H. Howard-Swaffield, 7 July 1960. I have used the numbers of cases as presented by Morris in this letter and later reiterated to Hinsworth, although these were somewhat modified after that in light of additional occupational data. Thus, the numbers that appear in the paper that was ultimately published (and in Schilling’s memoir) differ, although the principal findings of elevated risk (overall, more than twice the expected proportion) remain the same.

122. Jeremy Noah Morris, Uses of Epidemiology (Edinburgh: Livingstone, 1957).

123. Schilling, Challenging Life. Schilling never identifies by name the specific Courtaulds factories he studied, but in fact, Aber, Castle, and Greenfield were the only three viscose plants in proximity to one another; Greenfield had been established in the 1930s.

124. “Risk of Coronary Thrombosis Among Rayon Workers.” The 7 July letter (cited in note 121 to this chapter), in which Morris returned the check, refers to the exchange of letters that preceded this one. Howard-Swaffield, a former naval surgeon, joined Courtaulds in 1947. From shortly thereafter, he served as its chief medical officer until stepping down from that role in 1977; see W.H.L., “H. Howard-Swaffield MCRS, LCRP” (obituary), British Medical Journal 292 (22 February 1986): 567. “WHL” is, presumably, William Hugh Lyle, who succeeded Howard-Swaffield as chief medical officer at Courtaulds in 1977 and later testified in Washington, D.C., on behalf of the company in OSHA hearings (see note 154 to this chapter).

125. J. N. Morris to Sir Harold Hinsworth, 15 August 1960, General Records of the Medical Research Committee and Medical Research Council, 1960–62, FD23/1277, National Archives, United Kingdom.

126. Ibid., typed memorandum signed by Hinsworth, 18 August 1960.

127. Ibid., Joan Faulkner to J. N. Morris, 19 September 1960. Joan Faulkner, the wife of Richard Doll, was described in one reminiscence as having in her own right “considerable power and influence as MRC secretary”; see John Murray Last, Last’s Words (blog), 14 May 2013, “Richard Doll,” http://lastswords.blogspot.com/2013/05/richard-doll.html.

128. Ibid., J. N. Morris to Joan Faulkner, 6 October 1960.

129. Ibid., Joan Faulkner, typed memorandum, 18 October 1960, with handwritten addendum comment by Hinsworth, followed by Joan Faulkner to J. N. Morris, 24 October 1960.

130. Ibid., H. Howard-Swaffield to J. N. Morris, 26 November 1962.

131. Brieger and Teisinger, Toxicology of Carbon Disulphide.

132. Jana Pazderová-Vejlupková, Profesor Jaroslav Teisinger a historie ceského pracovního lékarství (Prague: Galén, 2005). Early work by Teisinger included human exposure studies at 50–100 ppm; see Jaroslav Teisinger and Bohumil Souĉek, “Absorption and Elimination of Carbon Disulfide in Man,” Journal of Industrial Hygiene and Toxicology 31 (1949): 67–73.

133. Franz Goldstein, “Heinrich Brieger, M.D.—Eulogy,” four-page typed manuscript [1972], AR 7034, box 5, folder 28, Ernst Hamburger Collection (Jewish Officials in Provincial and District Administrations, 1952–1970s), Leo Baeck Institute.

134. Heinrich Brieger, “Chronic Carbon Disulfide Poisoning,” Journal of Occupational Medicine 3 (1961): 302–8, quotation on 306. Early on, Brieger had given specific attention to potential cardiac toxicity from carbon disulfide; see Heinrich Brieger, “On the Theory and Pathology of Carbon Disulfide Poisoning: IV. Effects of Carbon Disulfide on the Heart,” Journal of Industrial Hygiene and Toxicology 31 (1949): 103–5 (same issue containing Teisinger and Souĉek’s paper cited in note 132 to this chapter). Brieger’s study was underwritten by the American Viscose Corporation; Brieger acknowledges AVC’s medical director, Dr. J. A. Calhoun, “for his great personal interest in our work” (105).

135. P. G. Vertin, “Biochemical and Clinical Studies of the Pathogenesis of Carbon Disulphide,” in Brieger and Teisinger, Toxicology of Carbon Disulphide, 94–98.

136. Discussion of P. G. Vertin paper cited immediately above, in Brieger and Teisinger, Toxicology of Carbon Disulphide, 99. Among participants who appear in these proceedings only as discussants is Dr. M. M. El-Attel, connected with the rayon factory in Egypt that was founded by the von Kohorn group. In one discussion, he makes the point that U.S. exposure limits may not be applicable elsewhere, “especially [in] developing countries where the majority of workers . . . suffer from different types of endemic diseases” (242). He specifically mentions bilharzia (the Egyptian endemic parasitic liver disease) and frequent work-related eye affections caused by “defective ventilation,” but superimposed on prevalent eye disease, presumably trachoma, sometimes called “Egyptian ophthalmia.”

137. John R. Tiller, Richard S. F. Schilling, and Jeremy Noah Morris, “Occupational Toxic Factor in Mortality from Coronary Artery Disease,” British Medical Journal, 16 November 1968, 407–11.

138. “Sulphur and Heart Disease” (editorial), British Medical Journal, 16 November 1968, 405–6.

139. Richard S. F. Schilling, “Coronary Heart Disease in Viscose Rayon Workers” (editorial), American Heart Journal 80 (1970): 1–2.

140. T. Partanen et al., “Coronary Heart Disease Among Workers Exposed to Carbon Disulphide,” British Journal of Industrial Medicine 27 (1970): 313–25. The Finnish factory studied was the rayon facility that had been in Karelia and that had to be relocated in 1941, Säteri Oy. The factory’s smokestack was given the name “Noro’s chimney” after the physician who studied the workers in the original facility in Karelia (Henrik Nordman, e-mail to the author, 18 March 2009).

141. National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, Criteria for a Recommended Standard . . . Occupational Exposure to Carbon Disulfide (Washington D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, 1977). By 1980, the cause-and-effect relationship between carbon disulfide and heart disease was well enough accepted in the United States that the “Medical News” column of the Journal of the American Medical Association, under the banner “No Proof of Environmental Ill Effects on the Heart,” identified two occupational groups clearly at risk of developing work-related heart disease: explosives workers and “viscose rayon workers, who inhale carbon disulfide”; see E.R.G., “But with Regard to Two Occupational Inhalants,” within “No Proof of Environmental Ill Effects on Heart,” Journal of the American Medical Association 243 (28 March 1980): 1220.

142. Thomas F. Mancuso and Ben Z. Locke, “Carbon Disulfide as a Cause of Suicide: Epidemiological Study of Viscose Rayon Workers,” Journal of Occupational Medicine 14 (1972): 595–606. Dr. David A. Savitz, later a leading public health researcher, based his 1982 doctoral thesis, “Behavioral Effects of Carbon Disulfide Exposure in Viscose Rayon Workers,” on the Mancuso cohort. He remembered the factory as being in Painesville, Ohio, which was consistent with both the Industrial Rayon employer and the 1938 start date of personnel records (the year the Painseville factory was established) as stated in the paper (David Savitz, e-mail to the author, 1 March 2010).

143. Thomas F. Mancuso, Help for the Working Wounded (Washington, D.C.: International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers, 1976), 75–77, quotation on 77.

144. Ibid.

145. “Va. ‘Triangle’ Case Slayer Dies in Chair,” Washington Post, 3 March 1945.

146. Thomas F. Mancuso, “Epidemiological Study of Workers Employed in the Viscose Rayon Industry,” study no. 210-76-0186 (Cincinnati, Ohio: National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, 1981).

147. Matti Tolonen, Markku Nurminen, and Sven Hernberg, “Ten-Year Mortality of Workers Exposed to Carbon Disulfide,” Scandinavian Journal of Work and Health 5 (1979): 108–14. Follow-ups at five and eight years had been previously published.

148. Michel Vanhoorne, “Epidemiological and Medico-Social Study of the Toxic Effects of Occupational Exposure to Carbon Disulphide” (thesis, University of Ghent, Belgium, 1992).

149. Michel Vanhoorne, D. De Bacouer, and G. De Backer, “Epidemiological Study of the Cardiovascular Effects of Carbon Disulphide,” International Journal of Epidemiology 21 (1992): 745–52, quotation on 746.

150. The study’s author, Dr. Michel Vanhoorne, was the source of information on the investigation’s being delayed because of company resistance; he also confirmed the location of the factory in Belgium (which is not specified in his thesis or in the published paper cited immediately above) as Ninove, site of the manufacturer Fabelta Ninove (Michel Vanhoorne, e-mail to the author, 6 January 2013).

151. P. G. Vertin, “Über das Vorkommen von Herz- und Gefäßkrankheiten in einer Rayon-Fabrik,” International Archives of Occupational and Environmental Health 35 (1975): 279–90.

152. P. G. Vertin, “Incidence of Cardiovascular Diseases in the Dutch Viscose Rayon Industry,” Journal of Occupational Medicine 20 (1978): 346–50. He does not refer to the analysis that he presented in Prague.

153. J. Lieben et al., “Cardiovascular Effects of CS₂ Exposure,” Journal of Occupational Medicine 16 (1974): 449–53, quotation on 449. Aside from the link to suicide, the statement that there had been no cases of severe illness in the U.S. industry was false. A report appeared in JAMA in the mid-1950s of two cases of severe carbon disulfide poisoning in an unnamed rayon factory in New York. The treating physicians were in Utica and Whitesboro, New York. See Morris Kleinfeld and Irving R. Tabershaw, “Carbon Disulfide Poisoning: Report of Two Cases,” Journal of the American Medical Association 159 (15 October 1955): 677–79.

154. Brian MacMahon and Richard R. Monson, “Mortality in the US Rayon Industry,” Journal of Occupational Medicine 30 (1988): 698–705, quotation on 703.

155. American Conference of Governmental Industrial Hygienists, “Carbon Disulfide,” in Documentation of the TLVs and BEIs, 7th ed., 2006 Supplement (Cincinnati: American Conference of Governmental Industrial Hygienists, 2006), 1–10 and chap. 4, n. 136.

156. U.S. Department of Labor, Occupational Safety and Health Administration, Informal Pubic Hearing: Proposed Rule on Air Contaminants, August 2, 1988, hearing transcript, 4:37–140. (Additional question-and-answer interchanges follow through page 200.)

157. National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, “Carbon Disulfid” [sic], 1988 OSHA PEL Project Documentation, www.cdc.gov/niosh/pel88/75-15.html.

158. Anne T. Fidler and Michael S. Crandall, Teepak, Inc., Hazard Evaluation and Technical Report HETA 95-098-L1959 (Cincinnati: National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, April 1989).

159. AFL-CIO v. OSHA, 965 F.2d 962 (11th Cir. 1992).

160. P. M. Sweetnam, S. W. C. Taylor, and P. C. Elwood, “Exposure to Carbon Disulfide and Ischaemic Heart Disease in a Viscose Rayon Factory,” British Journal of Industrial Medicine 44 (1987): 220–27.

161. Schilling, Challenging Life, 153.

162. Ibid.

163. “Coronary Heart Disease Among Viscose Rayon Workers,” Ministry of Pensions and National Insurance, Industrial Injuries Advisory Council, Minutes and Papers, June 1971–31 December 1981, PIN 65/96 (former ref. no. II AC 133), minutes of meeting, 17 March 1978, National Archives, United Kingdom.

164. W. R. Henwood to A. J. Collins, memorandum, 28 November 1977, Ministry of Pensions and National Insurance, Industrial Injuries Advisory Council, minutes and papers.

165. Chris Schilling, Richard Schilling’s son, recalled of his father, “He was very angry. It was Courtaulds and he was disgusted with what they did in regards to this work. And I do believe they sacked Dr. Tiller. I can remember them working together at home on the topic and him introducing me to John Tiller and him saying afterwards that he is a very jolly decent sort and they had given him the sack” (Chris Schilling to the author, 15 January 2009).