1 Paul Hockenos has noted that for some Protestants, their religion may have made them particularly receptive to the first postwar protest movements, due to feelings of marginalization within the new truncated state: whereas Protestants had outnumbered Catholics by nearly two to one in prewar Germany, there was rough parity between the two religions in the FRG. See Paul Hockenos, Joschka Fischer and the Making of the Berlin Republic: an Alternative History of Postwar Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 22. Despite this fact, the churches remained overwhelmingly anticommunist and hostile to left-wing politics.
2 As one deputy from the neo-nazi Socialist Reich Party put it, “First we were told that guns and ammunition were poison and now this poison has turned to sweets which we should eat. But we are not Negroes or idiots to whom they can do whatever they want. It is either they or us who should be admitted to the insane asylum.” [Martin Lee, The Beast Reawakens (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1997), 65.]
3 For the sake of clarity, it should be remembered that in the years between the Nazi defeat and the establishment of the FRG, there was a large strike movement in favour of nationalization of the country’s largest industries. This movement, which initially seemed to have the wind in its sails, was opposed by the Allied occupiers. Its fate was sealed when the new trade unions obediently redirected it towards token co-management and de-cartelization. As such, it provides a stark example of workers’ political activity sabotaged by their putative left-wing representatives even before the occupation had ended. (Roth, 50-51; Hülsberg, 29-32; Childs, 67-84.)
4 Major, 145.
5 Ibid., Hülsberg, 33.
6 Bernd Langer, Art as Resistance. Translated by Anti-Fascist Forum. (Göttingen: Aktiv-Dr. und Verl., 1998), 8.
1 Hülsberg, 34.
2 Hockenos, 42-3.
3 Nick Thomas, Protest Movements in 1960s West Germany: A Social History of Dissent and Democracy (New York: Berg, 2003), 33.
4 Cobler, 134.
5 Thomas, 35.
6 Hülsberg, 38.
1 Graf, “Beyond Social Democracy,” 104-5.
2 Hockenos, 31.
1 Ibid., 29.
2 Jean-Paul Bier, “The Holocaust and West Germany: Strategies of Oblivion 1947-1979” New German Critique 19, Special Issue 1: Germans and Jews Winter (1980): 13.
3 Karin Bauer, Everybody Talks About the Weather… We Don’t: The Writings of Ulrike Meinhof (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2008), 27.
4 Ibid., 30.
5 “My Mother, The Terrorist”, Deutsche Welle [online], March 14, 2006.
6 Hockenos, 34-35. See also Dagmar Herzog, “‘Pleasure, Sex, and Politics Belong Together’: Post-Holocaust Memory and the Sexual Revolution in West Germany,” Critical Inquiry 24, 2: Intimacy, (Winter 1988): 402-403.
7 Eberhard Knodler-Bunte, in Herzog, 416.
8 Hülsberg, 39.
1 Thomas, 94. See also Gretchen Dutschke, Wir hatten ein barbarisches, schönes Leben (Köln: K&W, 1996), 60-61.
2 Jutta Ditfurth, Ulrike Meinhof: Die Biographie (Berlin: Ullstein, 2007), 180-181.
3 David Kramer, “Ulrike Meinhof: An Emancipated Terrorist?” in European Women on the Left: Socialism, Feminism, and the Problems Faced by Political Women, 1880 to the Present. Jane Slaughter and Robert Kern, eds. Contributions in Women’s Studies. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press 1981), 201.
4 Roth, 101.
5 Ibid., 100.
6 There was one autobahn through the GDR connecting the city to the Federal Republic, which the East Germans were obligated by international agreements to keep open. The highway ran through desolate countryside, and was flanked by East German armed forces at all times.
1 For many examples of just how careful the Federal Republic had to be in imposing itself in West Berlin, see Avril Pittman, From Ostpolitik to reunification: West German-Soviet political relations since 1974 (Cambridge, England & New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 32-62.
2 Hilke Schlaeger and Nancy Vedder-Shults, “West German Women’s Movement,” New German Critique 13 (Winter 1978): 61.
3 Hockenos, 80.
4 Eckhard Siepmann in Herzog, 427.
5 Kommune 1 in German.
6 G. Conradt and H. Jahn, Starbuck Holger Meins, directed by G. Conradt. (Germany: Hartmut Jahn Filmproduktion, 2002).
1 “Women in the SDS; or, Or Our Own Behalf, (1968)” in German Feminist Writing, eds. Patricia A. Herminghouse and Magda Mueller (New York: Continuum, 2001), p. 160.
2 Thomas, 111-112.
3 Ibid., 114.
4 Christian Semler in Hockenos, 69.
5 The Springer chain consisted of conservative tabloids, among them Bild, Berliner Zeitung, and Berliner Morgenpost. They led a campaign to smear progressive students as “muddle heads,” East German spies, and storm troopers—at times even crossing the line and advocating vigilante violence. As Jeremy Varon notes, “Springer publications accounted for more than 70 percent of the West Berlin press and more than 30 percent of the national daily newspaper market. As the press fed a climate of anti-student hysteria, the reaction of the media to the New Left itself became a major object of protest.” [Jeremy Varon, Bringing the War Home: The Weather Underground, the Red Army Faction, and Revolutionary Violence in the Sixties and Seventies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 38-39.]
1 Hockenos, 68.
2 Stefan Aust, The Baader-Meinhof Group: The Inside Story of a Phenomenon. Translated by Anthea Bell. (London: The Bodley Head Ltd., 1987), 44.
3 Thomas, 115.
4 Aust, 44.
5 George Lavy, Germany and Israel: Moral Debt and National Interest (London: Frank Cass, 1996), 154.
6 Tariq Ali, Street fighting Years: An Autobiography of the Sixties (New York: Verso, 2005), 243.
7 While one cannot mention Dutschke today without referring to the “long march,” the phrase is interpreted wildly differently by different writers. The description offered here is Herbert Marcuse’s, as it appeared in his 1972 essay “The Left Under the Counterrevolution” in which he endorsed the concept while crediting it to his former student Dutschke. [Herbert Marcuse, Counterrevolution and Revolt (Boston: Beacon Press, 1989), 55-57]
1 Ali, 246.
2 Thomas, 170.
3 Bommi Baumann, Terror or Love? The Personal Account of a West German Urban Guerilla (London: John Calder Publications, 1979), 41.
4 Thomas, 171.
5 Ibid., 176.
6 Ibid.
7 Baumann, 41.
1 Thomas, 180.
2 Hockenos, 88.
3 Aust, 65-6.
4 Ibid., 64.
1 Associated Press, “Student ‘Army’ Battles With Berlin Police,” Fresno Bee, November 4, 1968.
2 Tegeler Weg is a fashionable street in West Berlin where the Bar Association was located.
3 Associated Press, “Student ‘Army’.”
4 George Thomson, “Berlin police, leftists battle,” Lowell Sun, November 4, 1968.
5 Ibid.
6 Aust, 145.
7 Associated Press, “Woman gets Jail for Slapping Bonn Chief,” Fresno Bee, November 8, 1968.
8 Associated Press, “Hit Kiesinger; Term Suspended,” European Stars and Stripes, August 26, 1969.
9 Heinemann had in fact held a cabinet position for the CDU as early as 1949, a post he left, along with the CDU, in the early fifties in protest against Adenauer’s rearmament policies. When Ulrike Meinhof was sued for slander by CSU leader Franz Josef Strauß in 1961 as a result of a konkret article, Heinemann agreed to take on her case, successfully defending her—the two had become allies if not friends during the peace movements of the 1950s.
1 Cobler, 154-155.
1 Thomas, 144.
2 Ostpolitik: the FRG’s official policy towards the GDR and the east bloc.
3 Hülsberg, 42-43.