NOTES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES

INTRODUCTION

1The literature on colonial history is vast; the chapters here provide key bibliographical references, so in this introduction only a very few specific sources are cited.

2See Barbara Goff (ed.), Classics and Colonialism (London, 2005).

3John Hobson, Imperialism: A Study (London, 1902); John Pheby (ed.), J.A. Hobson after Fifty Years: Freethinker of the Social Sciences (London, 1994).

4Edward Said, Orientalism (London, 1978), followed by Culture and Imperialism (London, 1993); John M. MacKenzie, Orientalism: History, Theory and the Arts (Manchester, 1995) provides a critique.

5Kwame Nkrumah, Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism (London, 1965); Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536–1966 (London, 1975).

6Angela Woollacott, Gender and Empire (London, 2006) and Philippa Levine (ed.), Gender and Empire (Oxford, 2004).

7See e.g. Richard H. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600–1860 (Cambridge, 1995); Tom Griffiths and Libby Robin (eds), Ecology and Empire: Environmental History of Settler Societies (Melbourne, 1997); Tim Bonyhady, The Colonial Earth (Melbourne, 2000).

8Gérald-George Lemaires, The Orient in Western Art (Cologne, 2001) is an overview; on the French example see: Darcy Grimaldo Grisby, Extremities: Painting Empire in Post-Revolutionary France (New Haven, 2002) and Roger Benjamin, Orientalist Aesthetics: Art, Colonialism and French North Africa (Berkeley, 2003).

9Alison Bashford, Imperial Hygiene: A Critical History of Colonialism, Nationalism and Public Hygiene (London, 2004).

10See, notably, Catherine Hall, Civilizing Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagination, 1830–1917 (London, 2002). Cf. Herman Lebovics, Bringing the Empire Back Home: France in the Global Age (Durham, NC, 2004).

11Roy Moxhan, The Great Hedge of India: The Search for the Living Barrier That Divided a People (London, 2002); Charles Corn, The Scents of Eden: A History of the Spice Trade (London, 1999).

12Claudio G. Segrè, Fourth Shore: The Italian Colonization of Libya (Chicago, 1974).

13Petrine Archer Straw, Negrophilia: Avant-Garde Paris and Black Culture in the 1920s (New York, 2000).

14Robert Aldrich and John Connell, The Last Colonies (Cambridge, 1998).

15Jean-Claude Guillebaud, Les Confettis de l’empire (Paris, 1976).

16William Roger Louis and Ronald Robinson, ‘The Imperialism of Decolonization’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, Vol. 22, No. 3 (1994), pp. 462–511, and Bernard Porter, Empire and Superempire: Britain, America and the World (New Haven, CT, 2006).

17James Walvin, Fruits of Empire: Exotic Produce and British Taste, 1660–1800 (London, 1997).

18Dawn Jacobson, Chinoiserie (London, 1993).

19Dominique Taffin (ed.), Du Musée colonial au musée des cultures du monde (Paris, 2000).

20Nadine Beauthéac and François-Xavier Bouchart, L’Europe exotique (Paris, 1985).

21Robert Aldrich, Vestiges of the Overseas Empire in France: Monuments, Museums and Colonial Memories (London, 2005); Ulrich van der Heyden and Joachim Zeller, Kolonialmetropole Berline: Eine Spurensuche (Berlin, 2002); Evald Vanvugt, De maagd en de soldaat: Koloniale monumenten in Amsterdam en elders (Amsterdam, 1998).

CHAPTER 1 THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

BIBLIOGRAPHY

On Central Asia and Turkoman peoples:

David Christian, A History of Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia, Vol. 1, Inner Eurasia from Prehistory to the Mongol Empire (Oxford, 1998).

Carter Vaugh Findley, The Turks in World History (New York, 2004).

On the early Ottomans:

Claude Cahen, The Formation of Turkey: History of the Near East (London, 2001).

Cemal Kafadar, Between Two Worlds: The Construction of the Ottoman State (Berkeley, 1995).

Rudi Paul Lindner, Nomads and Ottomans in Medieval Anatolia (Bloomington, 1983).

Heath Lowry, The Nature of the Early Ottoman State (New York, 2003).

The classical empire:

Suraiya Faroqhi, Subjects of the Sultan: Culture and Daily Life in the Ottoman Empire (London, 2000).

Daniel Goffman, The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2002).

Colin Imber, The Ottoman Empire 1300–1650: The Structure of power (London, 2002).

Halil Inalcik, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age, 1300–1600 (London, 1973).

Halil Inalcik with Donald Quataert (eds), An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914 (Cambridge, 1994).

Karen Barkey, Bandits and Bureaucrats: The Ottoman Route to State Centralization (Ithaca, NY, 1997).

Leslie P. Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire (New York, 1993).

On the late empire:

Benjamin Braude and Bernard Lewis (eds), Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: The Central Lands/The Arabic-Speaking Lands (New York, 1982).

Selim Deringil, Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire, 1876–1909 (London, 1999).

Fatma Müge Göçek, Rise of the Bourgeoisie, Demise of Empire: Ottoman Westernization and Social Change (New York, 1996).

Donald Quataert, The Ottoman Empire, 1700–1922, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 2005).

Kemal H. Karpat, Ottoman Population, 1830–1914: Demographic and Social Characteristics (Madison, Wisconsin, 1985).

Ussama Makdisi, The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon (Berkeley, 2000).

On the end of the empire and Turkey:

Karen Barkey and Mark von Hagen (eds), After Empire: Multiethnic Societies and Nation-Building (Boulder, Colorado, 1997).

Donald Bloxham, The Great Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians (Oxford, 2005).

A.L. Macfie, The End of the Ottoman Empire, 1908–1923 (London, 1998).

Erik J. Zürcher, Turkey: A Modern History (London, 2004).

NOTES

1Quoted in Halil Inalcik, ‘The Rise of the Ottoman Empire’, in M.A. Cook (ed.), A History of the Ottoman Empire to 1730 (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 41–42.

2Quoted in David Christian, p. 87.

3The main proponent of this line of argument is Cemal Kafadar, Between Two Worlds.

4Andrew Ayton, ‘Arms, Armour and Horses’, in Maurice Keen (ed.), Medieval Warfare: A History (Oxford, 1999), p. 208.

5Imber, The Ottoman Empire, pp. 269–71.

6Rhoads Murphey, Ottoman Warfare 1500–1700 (London, 1999), p. 63.

7Imber, The Ottoman Empire, p. 108.

8Daniel Goffman, Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 91–92.

9Christopher A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914 (Oxford, 2003), p. 91.

10Donald Quataert, The Ottoman Empire, 1700–1922, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 2005), p. 77.

11Donald Quataert, ‘The Age of Reforms, 1812–1914’, in Inalcik and Quataert (eds), Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, p. 781.

12See Palmira Brummett, Image and Imperialism in the Ottoman Revolutionary Press, 1908–1911 (New York, 2000).

13Mark Mazower, Salonica: City of Ghosts (London, 2004), p. 209.

14Quoted in Kemal H. Karpat, The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, Faith and Community in the Late Ottoman Empire (New York, 2001). p. 179.

15Bloxham, p. 50.

16Quoted in Sükrü Hanioglu, ‘Turkish Nationalism and the Young Turks 1889–1908’, in Fatma Müge Göçek (ed.), Social Construction of Nationalism in the Middle East (New York, 2002), p. 87.

17Bloxham, The Great Game of Genocide.

CHAPTER 2 SPAIN

1J.H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469–1716 (Harmondsworth, 1963).

2P. Guichard, Al-Andalus frente a la conquista cristiana de los musulmanes de Valencia, siglos XI–XIII (Madrid, 2001).

3J. Torró, El naixement d’una colònia. Dominació i resistència a la frontera valenciana (València, 1999).

4P. Seed, Ceremonies of Possession in Europe’s Conquest of the New World, 1492–1640 (Cambridge, 1995).

5J. Gil, Mitos y utopías del descubrimiento (Madrid, 1989).

6B. Yun, Marte contra Minerva. El precio del Imperio español, c. 1450–1600 (Barcelona, 2004).

7M. Ollé, La empresa de China (Barcelona, 2002).

8J. Elliott, ‘A Europe of Composite Monarchies’, Past and Present, No. 137 (1992), pp. 48–71.

9A. Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge, 1982).

10S.J. Stern, Peru’s Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest. Huamanga to 1640 (Madison, WI, 1982); see also Peter Bakewell, ‘La maduración del gobierno del Perú en la década de 1560’, Historia Mexicana, Vol. 39, No. 1 (1989), pp. 41–70.

11S. Zavala, La encomienda indiana (Mexico City, 1973); see also El servicio personal de los indios en Nueva España (Mexico City, 1978).

12A. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, CT, 1973).

13W.W. Borah and S.F. Cook, The Aboriginal Population in Central Mexico on the Eve of Spanish Conquest (Berkeley, CA, 1963); see also, by the same authors, Essays in in Population History. Mexico and the Caribbean, 3 vols (Berkeley, CA, 1971); N.D. Cook, Demographic Collapse. Indian Peru, 1520–1620 (Cambridge, 1981).

14C. Sempat Assadourian, ‘La despoblación indígena de Perú y Nueva España durante el siglo XVI y la formación de la economía colonial’, Historia Mexicana, Vol. 38, No. 3 (1989), pp. 419–54.

15P. Bakewell, Silver Mining and Society in Colonial Mexico Zacatecas, 1546–1700 (Cambridge, 1971); see also Miners of the Red Mountain. Indian Labor in Potosí, 1545–1650 (Albuquerque, NM, 1984).

16E.J. Hamilton, El tesoro americano y la revolución de los precios, 1501–1650 (Barcelona, 1975).

17J.M. Ots Capdequí, El Estado español en las Indias (Mexico City, 1941).

18F. Moya Pons, La Española en el siglo XVI. Trabajo, sociedad y política en la economía del oro (Santiago de los Caballeros, 1973); see also D. Watts, The West Indies. Patterns: Development, Culture and Environmental Change since 1492 (Cambridge, 1987).

19H.S. Klein, African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean (New York, 1986).

20P. Seed, ‘Social Dimensions of Race: Mexico City, 1753’, Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 62, No. 4 (1982), pp. 569–606.

21W.B. Taylor, Magistrates of the Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighteenth-Century Mexico (Stanford, 1996).

22V. Stolcke, Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteenth-Century Cuba. A Study of Racial Attitudes and Sexual Values in a Slave Society (Cambridge, 1974).

23J. Lynch, Spanish Colonial Administration, 1782–1810: The Intendant System in the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata (Westport, CT, 1969 [1958]).

24The proportions, however, are still largely unknown, as the tariff reforms of 1720, 1765 and 1778 are extraordinarily difficult to assess. See A. García Baquero, Cádiz y el Atlántico, 1717–1778. El comercio colonial español bajo el monopolio gaditano (Seville, 1976); J. Fisher, Commercial Relations between Spain and Spanish America in the Era of Free Trade, 1778–1796 (Liverpool, 1985).

25S.J. Stein and B.H. Stein, Silver, Trade and War. Spain and America in the Making of Early Modern Europe (Baltimore, 2000); by the same authors, Apogee of Empire. Spain and New Spain in the Age of Charles III, 1759–1789 (Baltimore, 2003).

26M.A. Burkholder and D.S. Chandler, From Impotence to Authority: The Spanish Crown and the American Audiencias, 1687–1808 (Columbia, MO, 1977).

27The impact of this package of legislative modifications is still subject to debate, although it no longer seems necessary to justify the inevitable interlinking of the economic reforms and the fiscal imperatives that determined their purpose. The most obvious result of these reforms was the increase in the tax-raising capacity of the state – one of the few in the 1790s that had still not entered the spiral of debt experienced by its rivals in the Atlantic. H.S. Klein, The American Finances of the Spanish Empire: Royal Income and Expenditure in Colonial Mexico, Peru and Bolivia, 1680–1809 (Albuquerque, NM, 1998).

28S. Thomson, We Alone Will Rule: Native Andean Politics in the Age of Insurgency (Madison, WI, 2002); E. Van Young, The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Struggle for Mexican Independence, 1810–1821 (Stanford, 2001).

29A.J. Kuethe, Cuba, 1753–1815: Crown, Military, and Society (Knoxville, TN, 1986).

30M. Moreno Fraginals, El Ingenio. Complejo económico-social cubano del azúcar, 3 vols (Havana, 1973).

31J.M. Fradera, Colonias para después de un imperio (Barcelona, 2005).

32R.J. Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860–1899 (Princeton, NJ, 1985).

33The best book about this phase of shifting imperialisms is C.A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914 (London, 2004), a contribution to world history that points up the scant attention given to the history of the Iberian empires of the Spanish and Portuguese monarchies in the social sciences.

CHAPTER 3 PORTUGAL

1The classic history of the early period is Charles R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire (London, 1969). Other stimulating historical introductions are: Malyn Newitt, A History of Portuguese Overseas Expansion, 1400–1668 (London, 2005); A.J.R. Russell-Wood, A World on the Move (Manchester, 1992); and Bailey W. Diffie and Goerge D. Winnius, Foundations of the Portuguese Empire (Minneapolis, 1977). The following offer important complementary perspectives: Luis Filipe Thomaz, De Ceuta a Timor (Lisbon, 1994); Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, Os Descobrimentos e a Economia Mundial, 4 vols, 2nd edn (Lisbon, 1981–83). Jorge Flores, ‘Expansão portuguesa, expansöes europeias e mundoa não-europeus na época moderna: o estado da questão’, in Ler História, 50 (2006), pp. 23–43, offers a valuable critical overview and guide to the historiography of Portuguese expansion.

2See Peter Russell, Prince Henry ‘the Navigator’. A Life (New Haven and London, 2001).

3Magalhães Godinho, Os Descobrimentos e a Economia Mundial, Vol. IV, p. 157.

4João de Barros, Ásia, 1º Década, Livro terceiro.

5Ibid.

6Magalhães Godinho, Os Descobrimentos e a Economia Mundial, Vol. IV. See also John Vogt, Portuguese Rule on the Gold Coast (Athens, GA, 1979).

7Rui de Pina, Crónicas de Rui de Pina, ed. M. Lopes de Almeida (Porto, 1977), cáp. LXVIII.

8Magalhães Godinho, Os Descobrimentos e a Economia Mundial, Vol. IV.

9On the history of the Congo kingdom, see Anne Hilton, The Kingdom of Kongo (Oxford, 1985) and John Thornton, The Kingdom of Kongo (Madison, 1983).

10Paula Ben-Amos, The Art of Benin (London, 1980). For the history of Benin, see Alan Ryder, Benin and the Europeans (London, 1969).

11On Vasco da Gama, see, particularly, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Career and Legend of Vasco da Gama (Cambridge, 1997).

12See Luis Filipe Thomaz, ‘Factions, Interests and Messianism: The Politics of Portuguese Expansion in the East, 1500–1521’, The Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. 28, No. 1 (1991), pp. 97–109.

13Anonymous, Relação da Primeira Viagem à India pela Armada CheWada por Vasco da Gama, in José Manuel Garcia (ed.), As Viagens dos Descobrimentos (Lisbon, 1983), p. 183.

14Ibid.

15Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia 1500–1700: A Political and Economic History (London, 1993).

16See Charles Boxer, The Tragic History of the Sea (London, 1968).

17Gujarati reactions to the Portugauese are examined in Michael N. Pearson, Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat. The Response to the Portuguese in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1976). See also The Portuguese in India (The New Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, Chapter 1), (Cambridge, 1987).

18Luís Filipe F.R. Thomaz, ‘Estrutura política e administrativa do Estado da Índia no século XVI’, in Luis de Albuquerque and Inácio Guerreiro (eds), Actas do II Seminário Internacional de História Indo-Portuguesa (Lisbon, 1985).

19John Villiers, ‘The Estado da India in Southeast Asia’, in M. Newitt (ed.), The First Portuguese Colonial Empire (Exeter, 1986), p. 37.

20Thomaz, ‘Estrutura política e administrativa do Estado da Índia no século XVI’. See also Artur Teodoro de Matos, O Estado da Índia nos anos de 1581–1588, estrutura administrtiva e económica. Alguns elementos para o seu estudo (Ponta Delgada, 1982).

21See Villiers, ‘The Estado da India in Southeast Asia’, p. 37.

22Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–1700, pp. 75–78, 258–61.

23Ibid., p. 150.

24See C.R. Boxer, Portuguese Society in the Tropics: The Municipal Councils of Goa, Macao, Bahia and Luanda 1510–1800 (Madison, 1965), pp. 42–71.

25For a detailed history of the Jesuits in the Portuguese Empire, see, especially, Dauril Alden, The Making of an Enterprise: The Society of Jesus in Portugal, its Empire, and Beyond, 1540–1750 (Stanford, 1996).

26Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, pp. 102–03, 151. See also Charles R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, 1549–1650 (Manchester, 1993 [1951]). For the history of later Portuguese trade relations with China, see George B. Souza, The Survival of Empire. Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea 1630–1754 (Cambridge, 1986).

27Anthony R. Disney, Twilight of the Pepper Empire: Portuguese Trade in Southwest India in the Early Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1978), p. 21.

28See James Lockhart and Stuart B. Schwartz, Early Latin America: A History of Colonial Spanish America and Brazil (Cambridge, 1983), p. 202.

29An important re-evaluation of the historical role of indigenous peoples in the economic development of Brazil between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries is John Manuel Monteiro, Negros da Terra: Índios e Bandeirantes nas Orígens de São Paulo (São Paulo, 1994).

30David Birmingham, Trade and Empire in the Atlantic, 1400–1600 (London and New York, 2000), p. 80.

31He was the grandson of Bartolomeu Dias, who had first made landfall on the Angolan coast on his way to the Cape in 1488.

32David Birmingham, Trade and Conflict in Angola (Oxford, 1966), pp. 46–47.

33Birmingham, Trade and Empire in the Atlantic, 1400–1600, p. 86.

34Lockhart and Schwartz, Early Latin America, pp. 374–79.

35T.W. Merrick and Douglas H. Graham, Population and Economic Development in Brazil, 1800 to the Present (Baltimore, MD, 1979), p. 29.

36Lockhart and Schwartz, Early Latin America, pp. 392–93.

37Ibid., p. 238.

38On this, see Charles Boxer, Race Relations in the Portuguese Empire, 1415–1825 (Oxford, 1963). Stuart B. Schwartz, ‘The Formation of Identity in Brazil’, in Nicholas Canny and Anthony Pagden (eds), Colonial Identity in the Atlantic World (Princeton, 1987), pp. 15–50.

39Charles R. Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil, 1695–1750 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1962), p. 324.

40Carla Rahn Phillips, ‘The Growth and Composition of Trade in the Iberian Empires, 1450–1750’, in James D. Tracey (ed.), The Rise of Merchant Empires (Cambridge, 1990), p. 65.

41Herbert S. Klein, The Middle Passage: Comparative Studies of the Atlantic Slave Trade (Princeton, NJ, 1978), p. 25.

42On the Portuguese court in Rio, see Patrick Wilcken, Empire Adrift (London, 2004). Kirsten Schultz, Tropical Versailles: Empire, Monarchy, and the Portuguese Royal Court in Rio de Janeiro, 1808–1821 (London, 2001). Jeffrey D. Needell, A Tropical Belle Époque (Cambridge, 1987).

43Ibid., p. 418.

44An important analysis of the crisis caused by the loss of Brazil is Valentim Alexandre, Os Sentidos do Império: Questão Nacional e Questão Colonial na crise do Antigo Regime Português (Lisbon, 1993).

45Sá da Bandeira, minister for the navy, in a report presented to the Portuguese Cortes in February 1836.

46João Pedro Marques, The Sounds of Silence: Nineteenth-Century Portugal and the Abolition of the Slave Trade (Oxford, 2006).

47See Malyn Newitt, Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi, chapter 15. The campaigns are described in detail in René Pélissier, Naissance du Mozambique. Résistances et révoltes anticoloniales (1854–1918), 2 vols (Orgeval, 1984); and Les Guerres grises. Résistances et révoltes en Angola, 1845–1941, 2 vols (Orgeval, 1977).

48Cited in Jill Dias, ‘Angola’, in Valentim Alexandre and Jill Dias (eds), O Império Africano 1825–1890, p. 435.

49Details of military campaigns are in Réne Pélissier, Les Guerres grises and Naissance de la Guiné. Portugais et Africains en Sénégambie (1841–1936) (Orgeval, 1988).

50António Enes, A Guerra de África em 1895, 2nd edn (Porto, 1945 [1898]), p. 166.

51A detailed account of Ngungunhane’s reception in Lisbon appeared in Diario de Notícias, 14 March 1896.

52Cited in Jill Dias, ‘Angola’, p. 461.

53Gervase Clarence-Smith, ‘Capital Accumulation and Class Formation in Angola’, p. 188.

54Boletim Geral as Colonias Ano 9, No. 100 (1933), p. 5.

55Estatuto politico, civil e criminal dos indigenas de Angola e Moçambique.

56J.M. da Silva Cunha, O sistema português de política indígena (Coimbra, 1953), pp. 143–44.

57James Duffy, Portuguese Africa (Cambridge, MA, 1961), p. 295.

58Clarence-Smith, ‘Capital Accumulation and Class Formation in Angola’, p. 192.

59See John Marcum, The Angolan Revolution, Vol. I, 1950–1962 (Cambridge, MA, 1969).

60‘União Popular Angolana/Frente Nacional para a Libertação de Angola’.

61António de Oliveira Salazar, Entrevistas: 1960–1966 (Coimbra, 1967), p. 53.

CHAPTER 4 NETHERLANDS

1Ena Jansen and Wilfred Jonckheere (eds), Boer en Brit. Ooggetuigen en schrijvers over de Anglo-Boerenoorlog in Zuid-Afrika (Amsterdam, 2001).

2Joris Voorhoeve, Peace, Profits and Principles: A Study of Dutch Foreign Policy (Leiden, 1985).

3Wim van Noort and Rob Wiche, Nederland als voorbeeldige natie (Hilversum, 2006).

4Esther Captain, Marieke Hellevoort and Marian van der Klein (eds), Vertrouwd en vreemd. Ontmoetingen tussen Nederland, Indië en Indonesië (Hilversum, 2000), p. 20.

5Pitou van Dijck, ‘Continuity and Change in a Small Open Economy: External Dependency and Policy Inconsistencies’, in Rosemarijn Hoefte and Peter Meel (eds), 20th Century Suriname: Continuities and Discontinuities in a New World Society (Leiden, 2001), p. 48. See Algemeen bureau voor de statistiek (censuskantoor), Zevende algemene volks– en woningtelling in Suriname, landelijke resultaten volume 1, demograWsche en sociale karakteristieken (Paramaribo, 2005).

6Gert Oostindie, Het paradijs overzee, de ‘Nederlands’ Caraïben en Nederland (Amsterdam, 1998), p. 27 ff.

7J. Van Goor, De Nederlandse Koloniën. Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse expansie, 1600–1975 (Den Haag, 1994), p. 76.

8Algemeen Bureau voor de Statistiek (Censuskantoor), Zevende algemene volks– en woningtelling in Suriname, landelijke resultaten volume 1.

9Jan A. Somers, Nederlandsch-Indië. Staatkundige ontwikkelingen binnen een koloniale relatie (Zutphen, 2005), p. 101.

10Van Goor 1994: 177, Somers: 81.

11Somers 2005: 99 Van Goor 1994: 231.

12Van Goor 1994: 232.

13Somers 2005: pp. 114–119, Van Goor 1994: 234.

14Somers 2005: 101, Amy Wassing, ‘Roodkapje in Batik’, in Vertrouwd en vreemd, p. 95.

15This form of forced labour was ended in 1870, except in the case of the sugar crop, which was grown compulsorily until 1891. Wassing: 95.

16Ibid.

17Somers: 14.

18Dutch imperial policy is discussed in depth by Amy Wassing, ‘Roodkapje in batik. Van batik Belanda tot batik Hokokai (1870–1945)’, in Esther Captain, etc., op. cit Note 4, pp. 87–96; and Elsbeth Locker-Scholten, op. cit, pp. 15–21; and by Somers (see Note 14).

19Rudolf van Lier, Samenleving in een grensgebied. Een sociaal-historische studie van Suriname (Deventer, 1971), p. 15.

20Somers 2005: 98, Oostindie 1998: 29.

21Guno Jones, ‘Het belang van een gedenkteken’, Kleio. Tijdschrift van de vereniging van docenten in geschiedenis en staatsinrichting in Nederland, vol. 52 (no. 5): 2001, pp. 9–10.

22E. van Vugt, Een gedenkteken voor de slavernij, Vrij Nederland, 1 July 2000, p. 55.

23For these constitutional moves, see Goor, Van Lier and Jones.

24Cynthia Mcleod, Slavernij en de memorie (Schoorl, 2002), pp. 70–71.

25Anton de Kom, Wij slaven van Suriname (Bussum, 1981).

26Michael Sharpe, ‘Globalization and Migration: Post-Colonial Dutch Antillean and Aruban Immigrant Political Incorporation in the Netherlands’, Dialectical Anthropology, vol. 29 (nrs. 3–4): 2005, p. 299.

27K. Groeneboer (ed.), Koloniale taalpolitiek in Oost en West: Nederlands-Indië, Suriname, Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba (Amsterdam, 1977); J. van Goor, see Note 7; and Esther Captain, see Note 49.

28See Van Lier (1971).

29For the dominance of Europe in culture and religion, see Hans Ramsoedh (‘De Nederlandse assimilatiepolitiek in Suriname tussen 1863 en 1945’, in Gobardhan-Rambocus, et. al., De Erfenis van de Slavernij (Paramaribo, 1995)), Van Lier (see Note 19), Groeneboer (See Note 27), Marshall (see Note 37) and Jones (see Note 38).

30This created a situation that has been researched extensively by the black psychiatrist Fanon in other Caribbean contexts (Marshall 2003: 27).

31For the policy of assimilation see Ramsoedh, Van Lier and Marshall.

32This change in colonial policy is covered by Van Lier, Mcleod, Wekker and Ramsoedh.

33Van Goor 1994: 365, Oostindie 1998: 28, Somers 2005: 11.

34Oostindie 1998: 28.

35Wim Hoogbergen, De bosnegers zijn gekomen: slavernij en rebellie in Suriname (Amsterdam, 1992), Frank Dragtenstein, De ondraaglijke stoutheid der wegloopers: marronage en koloniaal beleid in Suriname, 1667–1778 (Utrecht, 2002), Sandew Hira, Van Priary tot en met De Kom: de geschiedenis van het verzet in Suriname, 1630–1940 (Rotterdam, 1982).

36See Hira (1982).

37Edwin Marshall, Ontstaan en ontwikkeling van het Surinaams Nationalisme. Natievorming als opgave (Delft, 2003).

38Johan Jones, Kwakoe en christus. Een beschouwing over de ontmoeting van de Afro-Amerikaanse cultuur en religie met de Hernhutter zending in Suriname (Brussels, 1981), Sam Jones, Met vlag en rimpel: Surinamers over Nederland (Utrecht, 2004), pp. 40–49.

39Hein Eersel, ‘De Surinaamse taalpolitiek: een historisch overzicht’, in Kees Groeneboer (red.), Koloniale taalpolitiek in Oost en West: Nederlands-Indië, Suriname, Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba (Amsterdam, 1997), p. 215.

40Quoted in Fasseur, Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 1992 (2), p. 220.

41Guus Cleintuar, ‘Hoe vreemd mijn Holland was’ in: Wim Willems en Leo Lucassen (red.) Het onbekende vaderland (’s-Gravenhage 1994).

42According to McLeod, cohabitation by black men and ‘coloured’ women was tolerated in the mid-18th century, but they were not approved of by the colonial power. Governors and clergymen regularly expressed their disapproval of these unlawful alliances. Cynthia Mcleod, Elisabeth Samson, een vrije zwarte vrouw in het 18e – eeuwse Suriname (Schoorl, 1996), p. 22.

43Ann Stoler, Race and the education of desire. Foucault’s history of sexuality and the colonial order of things (London, 1995), pp. 40–41.

44Gloria Wekker, ‘Of Mimic Men and Unruly Women: Family, Sexuality and Gender in Twentieth-Century Suriname’, in 20th Century Suriname: Continuities and Discontinuities in a New World Society, pp. 181, 195.

45McLeod 1996: pp. 60–66, 106–114.

46www.landsarchief.sr/geschiedenis/plantages/cotticarivier/twijfelachtig

47Both were in competition with the white European upper class and with each other. The Indo-Europeans thought that, because they were legally part of the European and Dutch group, they should have equal status (to white Europeans) in the colonial bureaucracy, whilst the up-and-coming Indonesian group was also demanding a place.

48Hans Meijer, In Indië geworteld (Amsterdam, 2004), pp. 154–171.

49Esther Captain, Achter het kawat was Nederland (Kampen, 2002), pp. 75–96.

50‘I imagine, without anticipating the opinion of the National Conference, that they will focus on a National Alliance of which the Netherlands, Indonesia, Suriname and Curaçao will be part, whilst each of them will look after their own internal affairs independently, relying on their own efforts, but with the will to support each other’, in John Schuster, Poortwachters over immigranten. Het debat over de immigratie in het naoorlogse Groot-Brittannië en Nederland (Amsterdam, 1999), p. 82.

51Oostindie 1998: 156–157, Somers 2005: 210.

52Captain 2002: 123, Meijer 2004: 236. According to Meijer (2004: 236), the Japanese did not officially surrender in the Dutch East Indies until 23 August 1945.

53Meijer 2004: 237.

54Captain 2002: 124.

55Handelingen Tweede Kamer, 1949–1950, pp. 799–931.

56The politicians seemed to regard these groups, which had traditionally always been close to the colonial power and had become dependent on it (for instance by working as civil servants, teachers and soldiers for the KNIL, the Dutch army) as belonging more naturally to Indonesia than to the Netherlands. These minorities loyal to the Dutch authority, who were largely excluded by Indonesian society after independence, were initially not welcomed in the home country. The government at first discouraged the Indo-Europeans from emigrating to the Netherlands. That meant that, although they were Dutch nationals, they were not eligible for the rijksvoorshot, the government loan, and so could not actually travel to the Netherlands. Eventually (in 1956), the Dutch Government scrapped that disincentive policy. In all about 300,000 Dutch citizens, including 200,000 Indo-Europeans, came to the Netherlands between 1949 and 1964. The 12,500 Ambonese soldiers (with their families), who had fought for the restoration of the Dutch system and, unlike the Indo-Europeans, had become Indonesian citizens (against their will), were only admitted to the Netherlands after court proceedings. See also Schuster 1998: Poortwachters over immigranten. Het debat over immigratie in het naoorlogse Groot-Brittannië en Nederland, pp. 81–116.

57Tjalie Robinson, ‘Wie is Tjalie Robinson?’ in: Moesson, 15 augustus 1982.

58Marshall 2003: 57–58, Sharpe 2005: 291, Oostindie 1998: 157.

59Marshall 2003: 57–58.

60Apart from that, the signature of the statute did not happen without a struggle. Suriname thought it should provide for the right to secede, to separate politically from the kingdom, whereas initially the Netherlands did not want to go that far. Eventually Suriname agreed to withdraw its demand for the right to secede. Source: TK 1953–1954, 3200, chapter XIII, Rijksbegroting overzeese rijksdeling over 1954, memorie van antwoord (no 9), 9 November 1953, p. 1, Oostindie 1998: 157.

61Oostindie (1998: 158) says: ‘After the Indonesian fiasco a friendly decolonization arranged in joint consultation was worth a great deal. And in the West, unlike the East Indies, there was not a lot to lose from the transfer of power ratified in the statute’.

62TK 1955–1956, Rijksbegroting voor 1956, Hoofdstuk XIII, overzeese rijksdeling, voorlopig verslag (no 8), p. 1.

63TK 1955–1956, Plenaire vergadering op 7 December 1955, Hoofdstuk XIII (4100), vaststelling van de rijksbegroting over 1956, pp. 438–457.

64See Marshall, 2003 and Oostindie, 1998.

65Public justifications quite often came down to the argument that it was ‘in the interests of Suriname’s development’ to prevent a brain drain.

66Oostindie 1998: 165, Marshall 2003: 193.

CHAPTER 5 SCANDINAVIA

1For a general introduction to the political geography of seventeenth-century Scandinavia and to the economic life of the region, see David Kirby, Northern Europe in the Early Modern Period: The Baltic World 1492–1772 (London, 1990) and John P. Maarbjerg, Scandinavia in the European World-Economy, ca. 1570–1625 (New York, 1995).

2A general introduction to Danish history 1500–2000 is found in Knud J.V. Jespersen, A History of Denmark (London, 2004).

3There is no up-to-date general survey of the Danish North Atlantic empire in English. The most relevant work in Danish is Michael Bregnsbo and Kurt Villads Jensen, Det danske imperium. Storhed og fald (Copenhagen, 2004). On Greenland, see also Finn Gad, Grønlands historie, Vols I–III (Copenhagen, 1967–76).

4The fate of the Swedish colonial enterprise in North America is given a lively description in Stellan Dahlgren and Hans Norman, The Rise and Fall of New Sweden: Governor Johan Risingh’s Journal 1654–1655 in its Historical Context (Uppsala, 1988).

5The Swedish activities in West Africa are discussed by Ole Justesen in Ole Feldbæk and Ole Justesen, Kolonierne i Asien og Afrika (Copenhagen, 1980), pp. 301 ff.; see also K.Y. Daaku, Trade and Politics on the Gold Coast 1600–1720: A Study of African Reaction to European Trade (London, 1970).

6The history of the Swedish rule over Saint Bethélemy is treated in Gösta Franzén, Svenskstad i Västindien (Stockholm, 1974). The book is provided with an English summary.

7The following description of the Danish overseas enterprise is, unless otherwise stated, based upon Feldbæk and Justesen, Kolonierne i Asien og Afrika and Ove Hornby, Kolonierne i Vestindien (Copenhagen, 1980). The Danish India trade is thoroughly discussed in Ole Feldbæk, India Trade under the Danish Flag 1772–1808 (Copenhagen, 1969).

8The British raid on Copenhagen is briefly described in Knud J.V. Jespersen, The Besieging of Copenhagen in 1807 and the Map in the Governor’s Library in Odense (Odense, 1974).

CHAPTER 6 BRITAIN

1James Raven, Judging New Wealth: Popular Publishing and Responses to Commerce in England, 1750–1800 (Oxford, 1992), p. 138.

2David Cannadine, ‘The Making of the British Upper Classes’, in Aristocracy: Grandeur and Decline in Modern Britain (New Haven and London, 1994).

3John Jewell, The Tourist’s Companion, or, The History and Antiquities of Harewood (Leeds, 1819), pp. 7–8.

4Yorkshire Election: A Collection of the Speeches, Addresses and Squibs Produced by All Parties during the Late Contested Election (Leeds, 1807).

5Rule Britannia, words by James Thompson, music by Thomas Arne (c. 1740).

6Nicholas Canny, ‘The Origins of Empire: An Introduction’, in The Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. 1 (Oxford, 1998).

7Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation (New Haven, 1992).

8Canny, ‘The Origins of Empire’, p. 7.

9P.J. Marshall, ‘1783–1870: An Expanding Empire’, in P.J. Marshall (ed.), The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire (Cambridge, 1996).

10Edmund Burke, ‘Speech on Conciliation with America’, 22 March 1775.

11Alan Bennett, The Madness of King George (London, 1995), p. 70.

12P.J. Marshall, The Making and Unmaking of Empires: Britain, India and America, c.1750–1783 (Oxford, 2005).

13P. J. Marshall, ‘Introduction: The World Shaped by Empire’, in The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire, p. 10.

14Bernard Smith, European Vision and the South Pacific, 2nd edn (New Haven, 1985).

15On the meaning of Cook’s death, see Greg Dening, Mr Bligh’s Bad Language: Passion, Power and Theatre on the Bounty (Cambridge, 1992).

16Robert Hughes, The Fatal Shore: A History of the Transportation of Convicts to Australia 1787 to 1868 (London, 1987). Hughes takes his title from a nineteenth-century ballad.

17The phrase is Simon Schama’s. A History of Britain. Vol. 3: 1776–2000: The Fate of Empire (London, 2003), chapters five and six.

18Catherine Hall, ‘Of Gender and Empire: Reflections on the Nineteenth Century’, in Phillippa Levine (ed.), Gender and Empire (The Oxford History of the British Empire, Companion Series) (Oxford, 2004), p. 48.

19Ibid., p. 66.

20Ibid., p. 47.

21Among the most prominent of these voices is that of Mary Prince, a former West Indian slave whose autobiography was published through the efforts of the Anti-Slavery Society. Mary Prince, The History of Mary Prince, a West Indian Slave, Related by Herself (London, 1831).

22Colley, Britons, p. 354.

23Alan Lester, ‘British Settler Discourse and the Circuits of Empire’, History Workshop Journal, No. 54 (2002), pp. 24–48; Elizabeth Elbourne, ‘The Sin of the Settler: The 1835–36 Select Committee on Aborigines and Debates over Virtue and Conquest in the Early Nineteenth-Century British White Settler Empire’, Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History, Vol. 4 (2003), p. 3.

24Catherine Hall, Civilising Subjects: Colony and Metropole in the English Imagination, 1830–1867 (London, 2002), p. 48.

25William Dalrymple, White Mughals: Love and Betrayal in Eighteenth-Century India (London, 2002).

26Hall, ‘Of Gender and Empire’, p. 47.

27Schama, A History of Britain. Vol. 3: 1776–2000: The Fate of Empire, p. 241.

28Bill Nasson, Britannia’s Empire: Making a British World (Stroud, 2004), p. 132.

29Bulletin, 2 July 1887.

30P.J. Marshall, ‘1870–1918: The Empire under Threat’, in The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire, p. 71.

31Nasson, Britannia’s Empire.

32Ibid., p. 156.

33A.J. Stockwell, ‘Power, Authority and Freedom’, The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire, p. 182.

34Nasson, Britannia’s Empire, p. 201.

35Salman Rushdie, ‘Outside the Whale’, in Imaginary Homelands: Essays and Criticism, 1981–1991 (London, 1991); John Hill, British Cinema in the 1980s: Issues and Themes (Oxford, 1999), pp. 99–123.

36Marshall, ‘Introduction: The World Shaped by Empire’.

CHAPTER 7 FRANCE

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Henri Brunschwig, Mythes et réalités de l’impérialisme colonial français (Armand Colin, 1960).

Jacques Frémeaux, La France et l’Islam depuis 1789 (Presses Universitaires de France, 1991).

Jacques Frémeaux, Les Empires coloniaux dans le processus de mondialisation (Maisonneuve et Larose, 2002).

Jacques Frémeaux, La France et l’Algérie en guerre, 1830–1870, 1954–1962 (Economica, 2002).

Philippe Haudrère, L’Empire des rois (1500–1789) (Denoël, 1997).

Jacques Marseille, Empire colonial et capitalisme français, histoire d’un divorce (Albin Michel, 2005).

Jean Meyer, Jean Tarrade, Annie Rey-Goldzeiguer and Jacques Thobie, Histoire de la France coloniale: des origines à 1914 (Armand Colin, 1991).

Jacques Thobie, Gilbert Meynier, Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch and Charles-Robert Ageron, Histoire de la France coloniale. 1914–1990 (Armand Colin, 1990).

CHAPTER 8 RUSSIA

1Richard Pipes, Russia under the Old Regime (London, 1974), p. 5.

2Dominic Lieven, Empire: The Russian Empire and its Rivals (London, 2000), p. 262.

3Ibid., p. 278.

4On the development of governmental structures, see George L. Yaney, The Systematization of Russian Government. Social Evolution in the Domestic Administration of Imperial Russia 1711–1905 (Urbana, 1973). On the empire more generally, see Hugh Seton-Watson, The Russian Empire 1801–1917 (Oxford, 1967).

5For a short survey of each tsar, see Ronald Hingley, The Tsars: Russian Autocrats 1533–1917 (London, 1968).

6For a survey of nationality issues, see Lubomyr Hajda and Mark Beissinger (eds), The Nationalities Factor in Soviet Politics and Society (Cambridge, 1990).

7For a survey of the post-war economy, see Philip Hanson, The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Economy: An Economic History of the USSR from 1945 (London, 2003).

8For an overview, see Alvin Z. Rubinstein, Soviet Foreign Policy since World War II: Imperial and Global (New York, 1992).

9Archie Brown, The Gorbachev Factor (Oxford, 1996).

10Robert Service, Russia: Experiment with a People. From 1991 to the Present (London, 2002).

CHAPTER 9 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY

1Steven Beller, Reinventing Central Europe (Working Paper 92–5, Center for Austrian Studies, Minneapolis, Oct. 1991).

2Moritz Csáky and Klaus Zeyringer, Ambivalenz des kulturellen Erbes. Vielfachcodierung des historischen Gedächtnisses. Paradigma: Österreich (Innsbruck, Vienna and Munich, 2000).

3Even in the 1970s, both Anglo-Saxon and Austrian historiographers proceeded along these regional lines. See Adam Wandruszka and Peter Urbanitsch (eds), Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918, 8 vols (Vienna, 1973–2006); Robert A. Kann, A History of the Habsburg Empire 1526–1918 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1974); Robert J.W. Evans, The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1550–1700: An Interpretation (Oxford, 1979).

4Diana Reynolds, ‘Kavaliere, Kostüme, Kunstgewerbe: Die Vorstellung Bosniens in Wien 1878–1900’, in Johannes Feichtinger, Ursula Prutsch and Moritz Csáky (eds), Habsburg postcolonial. Machtstrukturen und kollektives Gedächtnis (Innsbruck, Vienna, Munich and Bolzano, 2003), pp. 243–55.

5Claudio Magris, Il mito absburgico nella letteratura austriaca moderna (Turin, 1963).

6Christiane Zintzen, ‘Die österreichisch-ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild.’ Aus dem ‘Kronprinzenwerk’ des Erzherzog Rudolf (Vienna, Cologne and Weimar, 1999).

7Richard Swartz, Preface, in Zintzen, Kronprinzenwerk, p. 7.

8A detailed survey is given in Vol. 1 of Thomas Winkelbauer, Ständefreiheit und Fürstenmacht. Länder und Untertanen des Hauses Habsburg im konfessionellen Zeitalter (Vienna, 2003). Biography: Alfred Kohler, Ferdinand I. (1503–1564). Fürst, König und Kaiser (Munich, 2003).

9Henri Pigaillem, Le Prince Eugène (1663–1736). Le philosophe guerrier. Biographie (Monaco, 2005).

10For what follows, see Karl Vocelka, Glanz und Untergang der höWschen Welt. Repräsentation, Reform und Reaktion im habsburgischen Vielvölkerstaat (Vienna, 2001). A good survey of the economic history is to be found in Herbert Knittler, ‘Die Donaumonarchie 1648–1848’, in Ilja Mieck (ed.), Europäische Wirtschafts– und Sozialgeschichte von der Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart, 1993), pp. 880–915.

11C.W. Blanning, Joseph II (London and New York, 1994); Ernst Wangermann, Die Waffen der Publizität. Zum Funktionswandel der politischen Literatur unter Joseph II. (Vienna and Munich, 2004).

12Ernst Wangermann, From Joseph II to the Jacobin Trials. Government Policy and Public Opinion in the Habsburg Dominions in the Period of the French Revolution (London, 1969); Walter Sauer, ‘Schuster, bleib bei deinem Leisten… Politische und weltanschauliche Entwicklungen unter Wiener Handwerkern am Beispiel der Affäre des Jahres 1794’, in Ulrich Engelhardt (ed.), Handwerker in der Industrialisierung. Lage, Kultur und Politik vom späten 18. bis ins frühe 19. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1984), pp. 435–57.

13Carsten Holbraad, The Concert of Europe: A Study in German and British International Theory 1815–1914 (London, 1970).

14Alan Palmer, Metternich (London, 1972).

15Wolfgang Häusler, Von der Massenarmut zur Arbeiterbewegung. Demokratie und soziale Frage in der Wiener Revolution von 1848 (Vienna, 1979); Helgard Fröhlich, Margarethe Grandner and Michael Weinzierl (eds), 1848 im europäischen Kontext (Vienna, 1999).

16Brandt Harm-Hinrich, Der österreichische Neoabsolutismus: Staatsfinanzen und Politik (Göttingen, 1978).

17There is a detailed summary of this complex development in Helmut Rumpler, Eine Chance für Mitteleuropa. Bürgerliche Emanzipation und Staatsverfall in der Habsburgermonarchie (Vienna, 1997).

18Kann, Habsburg Empire, p. 579.

19Wolfram Fischer, ‘Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Europas 1850–1914’, in Fischer et al (eds), Europäische Wirtschafts– und Sozialgeschichte von der Mittel des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg (Stuttgart, 1985), pp. 112 and 115. For a general account, see Ernst Bruckmüller, Sozialgeschichte Österreichs (second edition, Vienna and Munich, 2001).

20Österreichische Bürgerkunde. Handbuch der Staats– und Rechtskunde in ihren Beziehungen zum öVentlichen Leben I (Vienna, 1908), p. 356.

21Kann, Habsburg Empire, p. 581.

22On this national problem, see especially Ernst Bruckmüller, The Austrian Nation. Cultural Consciousness and Socio-Political Processes (Riverside, Cal, 2003); for a historical perspective, see Rumpler, Chance für Mitteleuropa, pp. 426–523.

23David F. Good, The Economic Rise of the Habsburg Empire 1750–1914 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984), p. 256. With modifications, but basically in agreement: Roman Sandgruber, Ökonomie und Politik. Österreichische Wirtschaftsgeschichte vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart (Vienna, 1995), pp. 233–313.

24Good, Economic Rise of the Habsburg Empire, p. 239.

25See case studies in Feichtinger, Prutsch and Csáky, Habsburg Postcolonial.

26See Walter Sauer, ‘Schwarz-Gelb in Afrika. Habsburgermonarchie und koloniale Frage’, in Sauer (ed.), k. u. k. kolonial. Habsburgermonarchie und europäische Herrschaft in Afrika (Vienna, 2002), pp. 17–78.

27See, inter alia, contributions by Wolfgang J. Mommsen and Jörg Fisch, in Stig Förster, Wolfgang J. Mommsen and Ronald Robinson (eds), Bismarck, Europe and Africa: The Berlin Africa Conference 1884–1885 and the Onset of Partition (London 1988).

28Zuletzt Walter Markov, ‘Die koloniale Versuchung: Österreichs zweite Ostindienkompanie. Supplementa zu F. von Pollack-Parnau’, in Österreich im Europa der Aufklärung I (Vienna, 1985) pp. 593–603; also Malyn Newitt, A History of Mozambique (Johannesburg, 1995), p. 159 ff.

29See Sauer, ‘Schwarz-Gelb in Afrika’, pp. 36–54.

30On the ‘Mexican adventure’, which ended three years later with the execution of the Habsburg archduke, see Brian Hamnett, Juárez (London and New York, 1994), pp. 166–97; also Konrad Ratz, Maximilian und Juárez, 2 vols (Graz, 1998).

31Quoted from Sauer, Schwarz-Gelb in Afrika, p. 71 ff.

32Georg Lehner and Monika Lehner, Österreich-Ungarn und der ‘Boxeraufstand’ in China (Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs, special issue 6, Innsbruck, 2002).

33Gordon Brook-Shepherd, Between Two Flags: The Life of Baron Sir Rudolf von Slatin Pasha (London, 1972).

34Harry Sichrovsky, Der Revolutionär von Leitmeritz. Ferdinand Blumentritt und der philippinische Freiheitskampf (Vienna, 1983).

35A selection from the now extensive literature: Peter Berner, Emil Brix and Wolfgang Mantl (eds), Wien um 1900 (Vienna, 1986); Emil Brix and Patrick Werkner (eds), Die Wiener Moderne. Ergebnisse eines Forschungsgespräches der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Wien um 1900 zum Thema ‘Aktualität und Moderne’ (Vienna and Munich, 1990); Alfred Pfabigan (ed.), Die Enttäuschung der Moderne (Vienna, 2000).

36Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1980), p. xviii; for different interpretations see Albert Fuchs, Geistige Strömungen in Österreich 1867–1918 (Vienna, 1996) or William M. Johnston, The Austrian Mind: An Intellectual and Social History 1848–1938 (Berkeley, 1972).

37Ernst Hanisch, Der lange Schatten des Staates. Österreichische Gesellschaftsgeschichte im 20. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1994), p. 261.

38For the development of politically dissident ideologies and organizations, see e.g. Wolfgang Maderthaner and Lutz Musner, Die Anarchie der Vorstadt. Das andere Wien um 1900 (Frankfurt am Main, 1999); John Boyer, Political Radicalism in Late Imperial Vienna. Origins of the Christian Social Movement 1848–1897 (Chicago, 1981); William D. Bowman, Priest and Parish in Vienna, 1780 to 1880 (Boston, 1999).

39Roman Sandgruber, ‘Exklusivität und Masse. Wien um 1900’, in Brix and Werkner, Die Wiener Moderne, p. 82.

CHAPTER 10 BELGIUM

1G. Romanato, L’Africa Nera fra Cristianesimo e Islam. L’esperienza di Daniele Comboni (1831–1881) (Milan, 2003).

2F. Renault, Lavigerie, l’esclavage africain et l’Europe, 1868–1892, Vol. 2, Campagne antiesclavagiste (Paris, 1971).

3‘I destroy the world and I construct the world to come’ (1883), the Mahdi as reported by Slatin, Fire and Sword, quoted by F. Nicoll, The Mahdi of the Sudan and the Death of General Gordon (Stroud, 2005), p. 177.

4There is a florilegium of Stanley’s rhetorics, from his expedition to Kumasi when he expressed the hope of the Ashanti putting up some resistance and not depriving the English of a pretext for a bloody vengeance, to his downstream navigation on the Congo: ‘it is a murderous world and we feel for the first time that we hate the filthy, vulturous ghouls who inhabit it.’ Quoted by J.L. Newman, Imperial Footprints. Henry Morton Stanley’s African Journeys (Washington, D.C., 2004), p. 138. The Emin Pasha relief expedition was hardly more peaceful.

5A.-J. Wauters, Histoire politique du Congo belge (Brussels, 1911), pp. 57–58.

6Four of Stanley’s best-known men, E.J. Glave, W.G. Parminter, R. Casement and A.H. Ward, are united in a photogravure by A.H. Ward, A Voice from the Congo (London, 1910), facing p. 204.

7China was also a possibility. ‘When we will need men, it will be in China that we will find them.’ By 1888, he was thinking of five Chinese garrisons to delineate the borders. What would be their cost? R.-J. Cornet, La Bataille du Rail (Brussels, 1958), p. 236.

8P. Marechal, De ‘Arabische’ campagne in het Maniema-Gebied (1892–1894) (Tervuren, 1992).

9Between January and May 1892, the death rate among African workers reached 20 per cent (in a total workforce of 4,500, mainly from West Africa and Zanzibar), and over the whole year it was 22.5 per cent among European workers (out of a total of 120).

10Speech by A. Thys, engineer and president of the Congo Rail Company, at the inauguration of the line, Léopoldville, 6 July 1898, Mouvement géographique, 1898, cols 398–99.

11Between 1891 and 1904, the value of ivory exports fluctuated from 2.8 to 5.8 million francs p.a., while rubber exports caught up with these figures in 1896, and by 1903 had reached 47.03 million francs. The construction of the Matadi-Léopoldville railway cost 82 million francs.

12These losses occurred when passing the Matadi escarpment, by far the most excruciating part of the work. The total number of sleepers for the line is in the order of 400,000.

13The full text of the report is in S. Ó Síocháin and M. O’Sullivan, The Eyes of Another Race: Roger Casement’s Report and 1903 Diary (Dublin, 2003).

14Due to the politics of denial later adopted by the colonial administration (see below), the texts of these depositions remained long out of reach of researchers. A second wave of oral testimonies was collected fifty years later by a missionary, E. Boelaert, as part of his project of arousing a sense of collective identity against the modern capitalist economy. It remained confined to a local readership.

15In the early generation of travellers testifying to these widespread practices, the names of Tippu Tip, a Swahili trader, of Wissmann, a German officer, and of A.H. Ward, a ‘Stanley man’, can be cited as examples among many. In fact, evidence for mutilations occurs as early as the first sixteenth– and seventeenth-century written sources on Central Africa, which aroused much fascination in Europe.

16Ward, A Voice from the Congo, p. 286.

17F. Cattier, Étude sur la situation de l’État Indépendant du Congo (Brussels, 1906); A. Vermeersch, La Question congolaise (Brussels, 1906).

18K. Grant, ‘Christian Critics of Empire: Missionaries, Lantern Lectures and the Congo Reform Campaign in Britain’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, Vol. 29, No. 2 (2001), pp. 27–58.

19W.R. Louis and J. Stengers, E.D. Morel’s History of the Congo Reform Movement (Oxford, 1968).

20P. Mille, ‘Le Congo léopoldien’, Cahiers de la Quinzaine, 26 November 1905; P. Mille and F. Challaye, ‘Les deux Congo devant la Belgique et devant la France’, ibid., 22 April 1906.

21Southern Africa and German Southwest Africa appeared to him as examples of brutality caused by racial oppression, the two Congos as victims of capitalist interests, North Africa as a political victim as much as Belgium had been in 1914. E.D. Morel, The Black Man’s Burden (1920).

22In 1930, two Congolese approached the Belgian consulate in Boston to complain that they were currently presented as Congo cannibals to accompany an American film, Jango, by Daniel Davenport, and this ‘while they were Catholics’. They also pointed out that the payment of their wages was left outstanding. Correspondence Belgian Embassy, Washington, 27 February 1930, Belgian Archives Foreign Affairs, AF-I-17.

23G.T. Mollin, Die USA und der Kolonialismus (Berlin, 1996), p. 129.

24G. Vanthemsche, Genèse et portée du «Plan décennal» du Congo belge (1949–1959) (Brussels, 1994). Cf. the discussion in Bulletin de l’ARSOM (1994), pp. 349–56.

25The period leading to independence is best analysed by Ndaywel è Nziem, Histoire du Zaïre (Louvain la Neuve, 1997), and J.-M. Mutamba, Du Congo belge au Congo indépendant, 1940-1960. Émergence des évolués et genèse du nationalisme (Kinshasa, 1998).

CHAPTER 11 GERMANY

1Translated from Heinrich von Poschinger (ed.): Fürst Bismarck und die Parlamentarier, Vol. III (Breslau, 1896), p. 54.

2There have been many attempts to account for Bismarck’s U-turn on colonialism. We shall confine ourselves to the thesis propounded by Hans-Ulrich Wehler (Bismarck und der Imperialismus [Köln 1969]), who viewed Bismarck’s colonial policy as being motivated primarily by domestic rather than foreign affairs: ‘social imperialism under the banner of domestic policy’. Even in later years, Bismarck was still firmly against the concept of colonialism, as is clear from his famous remark of 1888: ‘my map of Africa lies here in Europe.’ (Translated from ‘Gespräche mit dem Afrikareisenden Eugen Wolf am 7. Dezember 1888 in Friedrichsruh’, in Bismarck, Die Gesammelten Werke, Vol. 8 [Berlin, 1926], pp. 644–47, here p. 646.

3Klaus J. Bade (ed.), Imperialismus und Kolonialmission, Kaiserliches Deutschland und koloniales Imperium (Wiesbaden, 1982), p. 10.

4See surveys by Helmuth Stoecker (ed.), Drang nach Afrika, Die deutsche koloniale Expansionspolitik und Herrschaft in Afrika von den Anfängen bis zum Verlust der Kolonien, 2nd edn (Berlin, 1991); Horst Gründer, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien, 5th edn (Paderborn etc, 2004); Winfried Speitkamp, Deutsche Kolonialgeschichte (Stuttgart, 2005).

5The West Africa (or Congo) Conference of 1884–85 was attended by representatives from thirteen European countries, the USA and the Ottoman Empire, and its aim was to establish rules under international law for the further division of Africa and for free trading and missionary access to the continent. The conference is viewed today as a warning sign for the heteronomy and exploitation of Africa.

6Good examples of area studies are those by Peter Sebald, Togo 1884–1914. Eine Geschichte der deutschen “Musterkolonie” auf der Grundlage amtlicher Quellen (Berlin, 1988); Hermann J. Hiery (ed.), Die Deutsche Südsee 1884–1914. Ein Handbuch (Paderborn etc. 2001).

7Ulrich van der Heyden, Rote Adler an Afrikas Küste. Die brandenburgisch-preußische Kolonie Großfriedrichsburg in Westafrika, 2nd edn (Berlin, 2001).

8Alexander Honold/Klaus R. Scherpe (eds), Mit Deutschland um die Welt. Eine Kulturgeschichte des Fremden in der Kolonialzeit (Stuttgart/Weimar, 2004), p. 20. Barth, Vogel, Rohlfs, Nachtigal and especially Eduard Robert Flegel travelled round North Cameroon.

9In 1916 he wrote: ‘If one compares, for instance, Germany’s colonial acquisitions with those of other states during the same period, they are in truth ridiculously modest.’ In: Weber, Max, Gesammelte Politische Schriften, edited by Johannes Winckelmann, 2nd edn (Tübingen, 1958), p. 154 f.

10See Mihran Dabag/Horst Gründer/Uwe-K Ketelsen (eds), Kolonialismus, Kolonialdiskurs und Genozid (München, 2004).

11Arne Perras, Carl Peters and German Imperialism 1856–1918. A Political Biography (Oxford, 2004).

12Christian Geulen, ‘The Final Frontier’, Heimat, Nation und Kolonie um 1900. Carl Peters, in Birthe Kundrus (ed.), Phantasiereiche. Zur Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Kolonialismus (Frankfurt am Main/New York, 2003), pp. 35–55, here 48.

13Jürgen Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft über Afrikaner. Staatlicher Machtanspruch und Wirklichkeit im kolonialen Namibia, Münster 2001. See also Helmut Bley, Namibia under German Rule (Hamburg, 1996).

14See Pascal Grosse, Kolonialismus, Eugenik und bürgerliche Gesellschaft in Duetschland 1850–1918 (Frankfurt am Main/New York, 2000); Pascal Grosse, ‘Zwischen Privatheit und Öffentlichkeit Kolonialmigration’ in Deutschland 1900–1940 in Birthe Kundrus (ed.), Phantasiereiche, Zur Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Kolonialismus (Frankfurt am Main/New York, 2003), pp. 91–109; Fatima El-Tayeb, Schwarze Deutsche. Der Diskurs um ‘Rasse’ und nationale Identität 1890–1933 (Frankfurt/New York, 2001).

15See John C.G. Röhl, Wilhelm II. Der Aufbau der Persönlichen Monarchie 1888–1900 (Munich, 2001), p. 1027.

16Eduard von Liebert, Die deutschen Kolonien und ihre Zukunft (Berlin, 1906), p. 9.

17Sebastian Conrad/Jürgen Osterhammel (eds), Das Kaiserreich transnational. Deutschland in der Welt 1871–1914 (Göttingen, 2004), p. 10.

18This expression, adapted from ‘the lie of war guilt’, was coined by the former governor of German East Africa, Heinrich Schnee, in his book Die koloniale Schuldlüge (Munich, 1924). This book was reprinted twelve times and translated into many languages, and in the 1920s it was regarded as the standard work on the colonial movement.

19Bernhard Dernburg, ‘Sind Kolonien für Deutschland nötig?’, in Uhu 2 (1926), pp. 20–25, here 22. The left-wing liberal banker Bernhard Dernburg held the office of State Secretary for Colonial Affairs from 1906 until 1910.

20Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck (known as the ‘Lion of Africa’) conducted a continuous war in German East Africa from 1914 to 1918. Even among his opponents, who occupied East Africa but were unable to conquer his territory, he enjoyed a reputation ‘as the ablest soldier of World War I’. The fact that this war-within-a-war claimed countless victims and caused long-term ecological devastation in East Africa was not, of course, taken into consideration. John Iliffe (A Modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge, 1979, p. 241) passed the following judgment: ‘Lettow-Vorbeck’s brilliant campaign was the pinnacle of Africa’s exploitation: its use purely and simply as a battlefield.’

21Klaus Hildebrand, Vom Reich zum Weltreich, Hitler, NSDAP und koloniale Frage 1919–1945 (München, 1969).

22See Conrad/Osterhammel 2004, p. 20.

23Klaus J. Bade, ‘Die deutsche Kolonialexpansion in Afrika: Ausgangssituation und Ergebnis’, in Walter Fürnrohr (ed.), Afrika im Geschichtsunterricht europäischer Länder, Von der Kolonialgeschichte zur Geschichte der Dritten Welt (München, 1982), pp. 13–47, here 35.

24See for instance Marc Ferro (ed.), Le livre noir du colonialisme. XVIe-XXIe siècle, De l’extermination à la repentance (Paris, 2003). Many people in Africa, South America and Asia also regard globalization as colonialism by other means.

25See Geiss, Imanuel, ‘Die welthistorische Stellung der europäischen Kolonialherrschaft’, in Wilfried Wagner (ed.), Rassendiskriminierung, Kolonialpolitik und ethnisch-nationale Identität. Referate des 2. Internationalen Kolonialgeschichtlichen Symposiums 1991 in Berlin (Munster/Hamburg, 1992), pp. 21–41. Lewis H. Gann/Peter Duignan, The Rulers of German Africa 1884–1914 (Stanford/California, 1977), p. 239 ff. lays great emphasis on the positive effects of colonial rule. See also Heyden, ‘Ulrich van der, Kolonialgeschichtsschreibung in Deutschland, Eine Bilanz ost– und westdeutscher Kolonialhistoriographie’, in Neue Politische Literatur 48 (2003) 3, pp. 401–429.

26On the subject of native collaboration, see Jürgen Osterhammel, Kolonialismus, Geschichte – Formen Folgen (München, 1995), p.70 ff.

27Nowadays the most important paradigms of postcolonial thinking are diaspora and nomadism, hybridization and mimicry.

28See Tilmann Dedering, Hate the Old and Follow the New. Khoekhoe and Missionaries in Early Nineteenth-century Namibia (Stuttgart, 1997); Ursula Trüper, Die Hottentottin, Das kurze Leben der Zara Schmelen (ca. 1793–1831) Missionsgehilfin und Sprachpionierin in Südafrika (Köln, 2000).

29Even today, Rudolf Duala Manga Bell and his fellow victims of judicial murder have still not been exonerated. Ralph A. Austen/Derrick Jonathan, Middlemen of the Cameroons Rivers. The Duala and their Hinterland, c.1600–c. 1960 (Cambridge, 1999); Andreas Eckert, Grundbesitz, Landkonflikte und kolonialer Wandel, Douala 1880–1960 (Stuttgart, 1999).

30See Russell A. Berman, ‘Der ewige Zweite. Deutschlands Sekundärkolonialismus’, in Birthe Kundrus (ed.), Phantasiereiche. Zur Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Kolonialismus (Frankfurt am Main/New York, 2003), pp. 19–32, here 24.

31Nevertheless, the genocide that took place in German South West Africa – the first in German history – was exceptional. The Maji-Maji rebellion of 1905–7 in German East Africa cost the lives of far more Africans; estimates of the number of victims vary between 75,000 and 300,000. It remains an open question whether the German military campaign against the Maji-Maji bore genocidal features, as it did in the Cameroon Mpawmanku wars of 1904 (known in colonial language as the Anyang Uprising).

32Jürgen Zimmerer/Joachim Zeller (eds), Völkermord in Deutsch-Südwestafrika. Der Kolonialkrieg 1904–1908 in Namibia und seine Folgen, 2nd edn (Berlin, 2004); Jürgen Zimmerer, Colonialism and the Holocaust. Towards an Archeology of Genocide, in Dirk A. Moses (ed.), Genocide and Settler Society. Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History (New York/Oxford, 2004); Henning Melber (ed.), Genozid und Gedenken. Namibisch-deutsch Geschichte und Gegenwart (Frankfurt am Main, 2005).

33Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism, London 1986 (Chapter 7), 1st edn 1951.

34Reinhart Kößler/Henning Melber, Völkermord und Gedenken, ‘Der Genozid an den Herero und Nama in Deutsch-Südwestafrika 1904–1908’ in Völkermord und Kriegsverbrechen in der ersten Hälfie des 20 Jahrhunderts, im Auftrag des Fritz Bauer Instituts von Irmtrud Wojak und Susanne Meinl (Frankfurt am Main/New York, 2004), pp. 37–75, here 59.

35Lora Wildenthal (German Women for Empire, 1884–1945, Durham/London 2001) examines the involvement and politics of women in the German colonial process. The two most important women’s organizations were the ‘Deutsche Frauenverein für Krankenpflege in den Kolonien’ (German Women’s Society for Nursing in the Colonies) and the ‘Frauenbund der Deutschen Kolonialgesellschaft’ (Women’s League for German Colonization).

36As an example of this approach, focusing on the ‘periphery’, see Jan-Bart Gewald, Herero Heroes. A socio-political history of the Herero of Namibia 1890–1923 (Oxford/Cape Town/Athens, 1999).

37Andreas Eckert, ‘Konflikte, Netzwerke, Interaktionen. Kolonialismus in Afrika’, in Neue Politische Literatur 44 (1999) 3, pp. 446–480.

38Gesine Krüger, Kriegsbewältigung und Geschichtsbewußtsein, Realität, Deutung und Verarbeitung des deutschen Kolonialkriegs in Namibia 1904–1907 (Göttingen, 1999); Stefanie Michels, Imagined Power Contested: Germans and Africans in the Upper Cross River Area of Cameroon 1887–1915 (Berlin/Münster, 2004); Stefanie Michels, ‘The Germans were brutal and wild’: Colonial Legacies, in Stefanie Michels/Albert-Pascal Temgoua (eds), La politique de la mémoire coloniale allemande en Allemagne et au Cameroun/Politics of colonial memory in Germany and Cameroon (Berlin/Münster, 2005).

39The African diaspora consisted of colonial migrants, German Africans and African-Americans. As well as people from the African colonies of the German Empire, the small group of colonial migrants also included Oceanic people from Germany’s scattered possessions in the South Seas as well as China (Kiaochow). The total number of German colonial migrants and their descendants is estimated at between 500 and 1000. See Marianne Bechhaus-Gerst and Reinhard Klein-Arendt, Die koloniale Begegnung. AfrikanerInnen in Deutschland 1880–1945, Deutsche in Afrika 1880–1918 (Frankfurt and New York, 2003); AfrikanerInnen in Deutschland und schwarze Deutsche: Geschichte und Gegenwart (Münster, 2004); Peter Martin and Christine Alonzo, Zwischen Charleston und Stechschritt: Schwarze im Nationalsozialismus (Hamburg/Munich, 2004); Heiko Möhle, Susanne Heyn and Susann Lewerenz, Zwischen Völkerschau und Kolonialinstitut: AfrikanerInnen im kolonialen Hamburg, Hamburg, 2006.

40See for instance Wolfgang Fuhrmann, Propaganda, sciences and entertainment in German colonial cinematography, unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Utrecht, Utrecht 2003; Wolfram Hartmann (ed.), Hues between black and white. Historical photography from colonial Namibia 1860s to 1915 (Windhoek, 2004).

41David M. Ciarlo, Visualizing Colonialism and Consuming Race in German Mass Culture, 1885–1914, unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison 2002.

42See for instance Robert Young, Postcolonialism. An Historical Introduction (Oxford, 2001); Sebastian Conrad/Shalini Randeria (eds), Jenseits des Eurozentrismus. Postkoloniale Perpektiven in den Geschichts– und Kulturwissenschaften (Frankfurt am Main/New York, 2002). A kind of basic manifesto for postcolonial studies was the famous book Orientalism (1978) by the scholar and literary critic Edward Said, who died in 2003.

43Sara Friedrichsmeyer/Sara Lennox/Susanne Zantop (eds), The Imperialist Imagination. German Colonialism and Its Legacy (Michigan, 1998); Birthe Kundrus (ed.), Phantasiereiche. Zur Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Kolonialismus (Frankfurt am Main/New York, 2003); Alexander Honold/Oliver Simons (eds), Kolonialismus als Kultur. Literatur, Medien, Wissenschaft in der deutschen Gründerzeit des Fremden (Tübingen/Basel, 2002); Honold/Scherpe 2004.

44Russell A. Berman, Enlightenment of Empire. Colonial Discourse in German Culture (Lincoln, 1998).

45Andreas Eckert/Albert Wirz, Wir nicht, die Anderen auch. Deutschland und der Kolonialmus, in Sebastian Conrad/Shalini Randeria (eds), Jenseits des Eurozentrismus. Postkoloniale Perpektiven in den Geschichts– und Kulturwissenschaften (Frankfurt am Main/New York, 2002), pp. 372–392, here 374.

46Susanne Zantop, Colonial Fantasies. Conquest, Family and Nation in Precolonial Germany, 1770–1870 (London, 1997).

47A recent opponent of the concept of ‘typical German’ colonialism was George Steinmetz, ‘The Devil’s Handwriting: Precolonial Discourse, Ethnographic Acuity and Cross Identification in German Colonialism’, in Comparative Studies in Society and History 45, 1, January 2003, pp. 41–95.

48Sebastian Conrad, ‘Doppelte Marginalisierung. Plädoyer für eine transnationale Perspektive auf die deutsche Geschichte’, in Geschichte und Gesellschaft 28 (2002), pp. 145–169, here 160.

49For example in April 1984, on the hundredth anniversary of the beginning of German colonial expansion.

50Joachim Zeller, Kolonialdenkmäler und Geschichtsbewußtsein. Eine Untersuchung der kolonialdeutschen Erinnerungskultur (Frankfurt am Main, 2000); Winfried Speitkamp, ‘Kolonialherrschaft und Denkmal. Afrikanische und deutsche Erinnerungskultur im Konflikt’, in Wolfram Martini (ed.), Architektur und Erinnerung (Göttingen, 2000), pp. 165–190.

51Etienne Francois/Hagen Schulze (eds), Deutsche Erinnerungsorte, 3 vols. (München, 2001). This work followed on from Pierre Nora’s ground-breaking Lieux de mémoire (7 vols., Paris 1986–1992). Nora, however, admitted that he had made an unforgiveable mistake by omitting colonialism from his topography of French memory.

52Felix Driver/David Gilbert (eds), Imperial Cities, Landscape, Display and Identity (Manchester/New York, 1999).

53Ulrich van der Heyden/Joachim Zeller (eds), Kolonialmetropole Berlin. Eine Spurensuche (Berlin, 2002); Ulrich van der Heyden/Joachim Zeller (eds), ‘Macht und Anteil an der Weltherrschaft’, Berlin und der deutsche Kolonialismus (Münster, 2005).

54Heiko Möhle (ed.), Branntwein, Bibeln und Bananen. Der deutsche Kolonialismus in Afrika. Eine Spurensuche in Hamburg, 2nd edn (Hamburg, 2000).

55See Benedikt Stuchtey, ‘Nation und Expansion. Das britische Empire in der neuesten Forschung’, in Historische Zeitschrift, 274, 1, February 2002, pp.87–118, here 91. The thesis that the empire formed a basic component of British culture and identity has been recently questioned by Bernard Porter, ‘The Absent-Minded Imperialists’. Empire, Society and Culture in Britain, Oxford 2004. See also Dieter Brötel (‘Empire und Dekolonisation als Problem des französischen Geschichtsbewußtseins. Der Beitrag von ‘kolonialer Erzichung’ und Geschichtsunterricht’, in Dieter Brötel/Hans H. Pöschko (eds), Krisen und Geschichtsbewußtsein, Mentalitätsgeschichtliche und didaktische Beiträge (Weinheim, 1996), pp. 119–158) on the formation of an ‘Empire Awareness’ in France.

56Dirk van Laak, Die afrikanische Welt als Wille und deutsche Vorstellung, in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 20 August 2002.

57Black Germans and their associations have, however, been playing an increasing role in compiling the history of colonial imperialism, exposing the mechanisms of racism and discrimination. See for example The BlackBook, a collection published by the AntiDiskriminierungsBüro in 2004. One of the first public self-descriptions of black people in Germany was the book by Katharina Oguntoye/May Opitz/Dagmar Schultz, Farbe bekermen. Afro-deutsche Frauen auf den Spuren ihrer Geschichte, 2nd edn (Frankfurt am Main, 1992), first published in 1986.

58See for example Shalini Randeria’s concept of ‘entangled histories’: Conrad/Randeria 2002.

59In 2004 there were ceremonies of commemoration, conferences, exhibitions, films and publications in Namibia and Germany to commemorate the South West African colonial war. One highlight of the year was a speech made by the Federal Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul: in August at Waterberg/Namibia, in the name of the Federal Republic, she apologized officially for the crimes committed in the former colony. Claims for compensation by the Herero People’s Reparation Corporation are still being pursued after it became known in mid November 2004 that the US Supreme Court in New York had refused to try the case, which had been pending since 2001. The law firm of Musolino & Dessel are now pursuing the claim on behalf of the Herero people in the US Southern District Court, New York. See Larissa Förster/Dag Henrichsen/Michael Bollig (eds), Namibia – Deuschland: Eine geteilte Geschichte. Widerstand, Gewalt, Erimerung (Köln, 2004).

60Charles S. Maier, ‘Consigning the Twentieth Century to History. Alternative Narratives for the Modern Era’, in American Historical Review, 105 (2000), 3, pp. 807–831.

CHAPTER 12 ITALY

1N. Labanca, ‘History and Memory of Italian Colonialism Today’, in J. Andall and D. Duncan, Italian Colonialism: Legacies and Memories (Bern, 2005), pp. 29–46; I. Taddia, Memorie italiane memorie africane del colonialismo, in S. Brune and H. Scholler, Auf dem Weg zum modernen Athiopien. Festschrift fur Bairu Tafla (Munster, 2005), pp. 225–46.

2Andall and Duncan, Italian Colonialism; R. Ben Ghiat and M. Fuller, Italian Colonialism (New York, 2005); P. Palumbo, A Place in the Sun (California, 2003). See also I. Taddia, ‘Notes on Recent Italian Studies on Ethiopia and Eritrea’, Africana, Vol. 3 (2003), pp. 165–71.

3Yemane Mesghenna, Italian Colonialism: A Case Study of Eritrea, 1869–1934 (Lund, 1988), pp. 50–60.

4R. Rainero, L’anticolonialismo italiano da Assab ad Adua (Milan, 1971), pp. 330–32.

5R. Pankhurst, The History of Famine and Epidemic in Ethiopia prior to the Twentieth Century (Addis Ababa, 1985), p. 69.

6Contemporary reports of these events in [E. Cagnassi], I nostri errori: tredici anni in Eritrea (Turin, 1898).

7Tekeste Negash, No Medicine for the Bite of a White Snake: Notes on Nationalism and Resistance in Eritrea 1890–1940 (Uppsala, 1986) and R. Caulk, ‘Black Snake, White Snake’: Bahta Hagos and his Revolt against Italian Overrule in Eritrea, 1894’, in D. Crummey (ed.), Banditry, Rebellion, and Social Protest in Africa (London, 1986), pp. 293–309.

8On the political background and the impact of the Battle of Adwa on Italian society, see N. Labanca, In marcia verso Adua (Turin, 1993) and I. Taddia and Uoldelul Chelati Dirar, ‘Essere africani nell’Eritrea italiana’, in A. Del Boca, Adua. Le ragioni di una sconfitta (Bari, 1997), pp. 231–53.

9I. Taddia, ‘Intervento pubblico e capitale privato nella Colonia Eritrea’, Rivista di Storia Contemporanea, Vol. 14, No. 2 (1985), pp. 207–42; by the same author, L’Eritrea-Colonia, 1890–1952. Paesaggi, strutture, uomini del colonialismo (Milan, 1986), pp. 230–41.

10Mesghenna, Italian Colonialism, pp. 215–16; M. Zaccaria, ‘L’oro dell’Eritrea’, Africa, Vol. 60, No. 1 (2005), pp. 65–110.

11On Eritrean colonial troops, see particularly M. Scardigli, Il braccio indigeno. Ascari, irregolari e bande nella conquista dell’Eritrea, 1885–1911 (Milan, 1996), A. Volterra, Sudditi coloniali. Ascari eritrei, 1935–1941 (Milan, 2005) and Uoldelul Chelati Dirar, ‘From Warriors to Urban Dwellers. Ascari and the Military Factor in the Urban Development of Colonial Eritrea’, Cahiers d’études africaines, XLIV (3), 175 (2004), pp. 533–74.

12T. Negash, Italian Colonialism in Eritrea (1882–1941) (Uppsala, 1987), pp. 79–82. See also Uoldelul Chelati Dirar, ‘Church-State Relations in Colonial Eritrea: Missionaries and the Development of Colonial Strategies (1869–1911)’, Journal of Modern Italian Studies, Vol. 8, No. 3 (2003), pp. 391–410.

13Consociazione Turistica Italiana, Africa Orientale Italiana Guida d’Italia della Consociazione Turistica Italiana (Milan, 1938), p. 199.

14Yemane Mesghenna, ‘The Impact of the 1935–1941 Economic Boom on the Eritrean Labor Market’, Africa, Vol. 58, No. 1 (2003), pp. 89–100.

15L. Goglia, ‘Sul razzismo coloniale italiano’, Materiali di lavoro, Vol. 9, Nos 2–3 (1991), Vol. 10, No. 1 (1992), pp. 97–115; R. Pankhurst, ‘Lo sviluppo del razzismo nell’impero coloniale italiano (1935–1941)’, Studi piacentini, Vol. 3, No. 2 (1988), pp. 175–98.

16G. Campassi, ‘Il madamato in Africa Orientale: relazioni tra italiani e indigene come forma di aggressione coloniale’, Miscellanea di storia delle esplorazioni, Vol. 12 (1987), pp. 219–60; Ruth Iyob, ‘Madamismo and Beyond. The Construction of Eritrean Women’, Nineteenth-Century Contexts, Vol. 22, No. 2 (2000), pp. 217–38; G. Barrera, ‘Mussolini’s Colonial Race Laws and State-Settlers Relations in Africa Orientale Italiana (1935–1941)’, Journal of Modern Italian Studies, Vol. 8, No. 3 (2003), pp. 425–43.

17An example of this literature is L. Robecchi Bricchetti, Nel paese degli aromi (Milan, 1903).

18L.V. Cassanelli, The Shaping of Somali Society (Philadelphia, 1982) p. 148; K.N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean (Cambridge, 1985), p. 102.

19Cassanelli, The Shaping of Somali Society, p. 180. Said Samatar, Oral Poetry and the Somaly Nationalism: The Case of Sayyd M. Abdille Hasan, (Cambridge, 1982). Abdi Ismail Samatar, The State and Rural Transformation in Northern Somalia (Minneapolis, 1989). Ahmed Samatar, The Somali Challenge (Boulder, 1994).

20I.M. Lewis, A Modern History of the Somali (Oxford, 2002), pp. 42–43.

21R. Hess, Italian Colonialism in Somalia (Chicago, 1966), p. 39.

22Ibid., p. 58.

23Abdul S. Bemath, ‘The Sayyid and Saalihiya Tariqa: Reformist, Anticolonial Hero in Somalia’, in Said S. Samatar (ed.), In the Shadow of Conquest. Islam in Colonial Northeast Africa (Trenton, NJ, 1992), pp. 33–48.

24R. Hess, ‘The Poor Man of God: Muhammed Abdullah Hassan’, in N.R. Bennett (ed.), Leadership in Eastern Africa: Six Political Biographies (Boston, 1968), pp. 63–108; D. Laitin and S. Samatar, Somalia. Nation in Search of a State (Boulder, 1987), pp. 57–60

25Lewis, A Modern History of the Somali, p. 86.

26Hess, Italian Colonialism in Somalia, pp. 169–70.

27G. Rochat, Guerre italiane in Libia e in Etiopia (Padua, 1991), pp. 100–04.

28Laitin and Samatar, Somalia, p. 62.

29Ali A. Ahmida, The Making of Modern Libya (Albany, 1994), pp. 57–59.

30On the spiritual and theological aspect of the Sanusiya, see K.S. Vikør, SuW and Scholar on the Desert Edge: Muhammad b. Ali al-Sanusi and his Brotherhood (London, 1995).

31Ahmida, The Making of Modern Libya, p. 117.

32L. Martone, Giustizia coloniale (Naples, 2002), pp. 116–20.

33C. Moffa, ‘I deportati libici nella guerra 1911–12’, Rivista di storia contemporanea, Vol. 19, No. 1 (1990), pp. 32–56; M Missori, ‘Una ricerca sui deportati libici nelle carte dell’Archivio Centrale dello Stato’, in Fonti e problemi della politica coloniale italiana. Atti del Convegno. Taormina-Messina, 23–29 ottobre 1989 (Rome, 1996), pp. 53–58; F. Sulpizi and Salaheddin Hasan Sury (eds), Primo convegno su gli esiliati libici nel periodo coloniale. 18–29 ottobre 2000, Isole Tremiti (Rome, 2002).

34Ahmida, The Making of Modern Libya, pp. 136–40.

35Rochat, Guerre italiane in Libia e in Etiopia, p. 80.

36A. Triulzi, ‘Adwa: From Document to Monument’, in Andall and Duncan, Italian Colonialism, pp. 143–64.

37An example of these arguments is A. Lessona, Verso l’Impero (Florence, 1939).

38H. Marcus, Haile Sellassie I (Berkeley, 1987), p. 179.

39Vivid reports on this episode from the recollection of an eyewitness in C. Poggiali, Diario AOI: 15 giugno 1936–4 ottobre 1937 (Milan, 1971).

40Haile Mariam Larebo, The Building of an Empire: Italian Land Policy and Practice in Ethiopia, 1935–41 (Oxford, 1994), pp. 138–40.

41M. Fuller, ‘Building Power. Italy’s Colonial Architecture and Urbanism, 1923–1940’, Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 3, No. 4 (1988), pp. 455–87.

42I. Taddia, ‘At the Origin of the State/Nation Dilemma: Ethiopia, Eritrea, Ogaden in 1941’, Northeast African Studies, Vol. 12, Nos 2–3 (1990), pp. 157–70.

43Ruth Iyob, ‘Regional Hegemony: Domination and Resistance in the Horn of Africa’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 31, No. 2 (1993), pp. 257–76.

CHAPTER 13 USA

I am grateful to Johanna Lober, Christine Fischer and Kristof Scheller for valuable research assistance.

1Quoted in Walter LaFeber, ‘The American View of Decolonization, 1776–1920’, in David Ryan and Victor Pungong (eds), The United States and Decolonization. Power and Freedom (New York, 2000), p. 24.

2Rumsfeld response to a question by Al Jazeera TV network, 28 April 2003, quoted in Timothy Appleby, ‘US Moves Shows Strategy Shift, Analysts Say’, The Globe and Mail, 30 April 2003, A 11.

3A convenient starting point to examine the various positions is provided in Andrew J. Bacevich (ed.), The Imperial Tense: Prospects and Problems of American Empire (Chicago, 2003); for the uses of history, see Niall Ferguson, Colossus: The Price of American Empire (New York, 2004); Warren Zimmermann, First Great Triumph: How Five Americans Made their Country a World Power (New York, 2002); Max Boot, The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power (New York, 2002).

4Thomas Paine, Common Sense, quoted in Michael H. Hunt, Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy (New Haven, CT, 1987), p. 19.

5Senator Albert Beveridge, quoted in Charles W. Kegley, Jr. and Eugene R. Wittkopf, American Foreign Policy: Pattern and Process (New York, 1982), p. 38.

6For a thorough introduction to nineteenth-century processes of US expansionism, see D.W. Meinig, The Shaping of America: A Geographical Perspective on 500 Years of History. Vol. 2. Continental America, 1800–1867 (New Haven, CT, 1993); D.W. Meinig, The Shaping of America: A Geographical Perspective on 500 Years of History. Vol. 3. Transcontinental America, 1850–1915 (New Haven, CT, 1998).

7As an introduction into the voluminous literature on Native American-white relations, see Francis Paul Prucha, The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians (Lincoln, NE, 1984).

8On aboriginal policies as internal colonialism, see Jeffrey Ostler, The Plains Sioux and U.S. Colonialism from Lewis and Clark to Wounded Knee (Cambridge, MA, 2004).

9Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000 (New York, 1989), p. 243, emphases in the original.

10Meinig, Continental America, 1800–1867, pp. 311–33; Meinig, Transcontinental America, 1850–1915, pp. 3–28 and 245–265; David Haward Bain, Empire Express: Building the First Transcontinental Railroad (New York, 1999).

11Robert L. Thompson, Wiring a Continent: The History of the Telegraph Industry in the United States, 1832–1866 (New York, 1972).

12Michael H. Hunt, Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy (New Haven, CT, 1987); for a good introduction to core convictions, see also David Ryan, US Foreign Policy in World History (London, 2000), pp. 19–70.

13Anders Stephanson, Manifest Destiny: American Expansion and the Empire of Right (New York, 1995), p. 28, emphasis in the original; on exceptionalism, see Daniel T. Rodgers, ‘Exceptionalism’, in Anthony Molho and Gordon S. Wood (eds), Imagined Histories: American Historians Interpret the Past (Princeton, 1998), pp. 21–40.

14David M. Fitzsimons, ‘Tom Paine’s New World Order: Idealistic Internationalism in the Ideology of Early American Foreign Relations’, Diplomatic History, Vol. 19, No. 4 (Fall 1995), pp. 569–82.

15Serge Ricard, ‘The Exceptionalist Syndrome in U.S. Continental and Overseas Expansion’, in David K. Adams and Cornelis A. van Minnen (eds), Reflections on American Exceptionalism (Keele, 1994), p. 73.

16On the distinction between formal and informal empires, see Michael W. Doyle, Empires (Ithaca, NY, 1986), pp. 37–38.

17Frank Ninkovich, The United States and Imperialism (Malden, MA, 2001), p. 158.

18Some figures illustrate this dynamic: America’s GNP quadrupled between 1867 and 1901 from $9,110,000,000 to $37,799,000,000. The manufacturing production index rose from 17 in 1865 to 100 in 1900. Exports mounted steadily: their value increased from $281 million to $1.3 billion between 1865 and 1900: figures in Charles S. Campbell, The Transformation of American Foreign Relations, 1865–1900 (New York, 1976), p. 84; the China trade rose slowly and quintupled between 1890 and 1900 to $15 million. This sum constituted about 1 per cent of overall American exports: Robert L. Beisner, From the Old Diplomacy to the New, 1865–1900 (Arlington Heights, IL, 1986), p. 17.

19Sylvester K. Stevens, American Expansion in Hawaii, 1842–1898 (Harrisburg, PA, 1945); Merze Tate, The United States and the Hawaiian Kingdom: A Political History (New Haven, CT, 1965); Thomas J. Osborne, Empire Can’t Wait: American Opposition to Hawaiian Annexation, 1893–1898 (Kent, OH, 1981).

20Mark T. Gilderhus, The Second Century: U.S.-Latin American Relations since 1889 (Wilmington, DE, 2000), pp. 1–36; Lars Schoultz, Beneath the United States: A History of U.S. Policy toward Latin America (Cambridge, MA, 1998); David F. Healy, Drive to Hegemony: The United States in the Caribbean, 1898–1917 (Madison, WI, 1988).

21American military interventions are analysed in Lester D. Langley, The Banana Wars: United States Intervention in the Caribbean, 1898–1934 (Wilmington, DE, 2002).

22Meinig, Transcontinental America, pp. 380–89.

23Ninkovich, The United States and Imperialism.

24Brian McAllister Linn, The Philippine War, 1899–1902 (Lawrence, KS, 2000).

25Richard E. Welch. Jr., Response to Imperialism: The United States and the Philippine-American War, 1899–1902 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1979).

26Stuart Anderson, Race and Rapprochement: Anglo-Saxonism and Anglo-American Relations, 1895–1904 (Rutherford, NJ, 1981).

27Bradford Perkins, The Great Rapprochement: England and the United States, 1895–1914 (New York, 1968); William N. Tilchin, Theodore Roosevelt and the British Empire: A Study in Presidential Statecraft (New York, 1997).

28Victor Kiernan has described the colonial empire as a ‘logical sequel’ to earlier expansion: America, the New Imperialism: From White Settlement to World Hegemony (London, 1980).

29Amy Kaplan and Donald E. Pease (eds), Cultures of United States Imperialism (Durham, NC, 1993); John Carlos Rowe, Literary Culture and U.S. Imperialism. From the Revolution to World War II (New York, 2000); Amy Kaplan, The Anarchy of Empire in the Making of U.S. Culture (Cambridge, MA, 2002).

30Robert W. Rydell, All the World’s a Fair: Visions of Empire at American International Expositions, 1876–1916 (Chicago, 1984); Robert W. Rydell, John E. Findling and Kimberly D. Pelle, Fair America: World’s Fairs in the United States (Washington, DC, 2000).

31Quoted in Neil Renwick, America’s World Identity: The Politics of Exclusion (Houndmills, 2000), p. 106.

32Henry R. Luce, ‘The American Century’, reprint in Diplomatic History, Vol. 23, No. 2 (Spring 1999), p. 169.

33America’s rise to global hegemony in the first half of the twentieth century is analysed in Akira Iriye, The Globalizing of America, 1913–1945 (Cambridge, 1993); Warren I. Cohen, Empire without Tears: America’s Foreign Relations, 1921–1933 (Philadelphia, 1987); Emily S. Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Diplomacy, 1890–1945 (New York, 1982); Emily S. Rosenberg, Financial Missionaries to the World. The Politics and Culture of Dollar Diplomacy, 1900–1930 (Cambridge, MA, 1999).

34Frank Ninkovich, Modernity and Power: A History of the Domino Theory in the Twentieth Century (Chicago, 1994); Frank Ninkovich, The Wilsonian Century: U.S. Foreign Policy since 1900 (Chicago, 1999).

35On the concept of ‘soft power’, see Joseph S. Nye, ‘Soft Power’, Foreign Policy, Vol. 80 (Fall 1990), pp. 153–71.

36Theodore Roosevelt, May 1904, quoted in Andrew J. Bacevich, American Empire. The Realities and Consequences of U.S. Diplomacy (Cambridge, MA, 2002), p. 141.

37Mary Renda, Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the Culture of Imperialism (Chapel Hill, NC, 2001); Michael Gobat, Confronting the American Dream: Nicaragua under U.S. Imperial Rule (Durham, NC, 2005).

38Alfred E. Eckes, Jr. and Thomas W. Zeiler, Globalization and the American Century (Cambridge, MA, 2003), p. 9.

39Ibid., p. 82.

40I have borrowed this term from Emily Rosenberg, whose path-breaking study Spreading the American Dream remains the best introduction to the rise of American communication power in the interwar years; for the wider context, see Daniel R. Headrick, The Invisible Weapon: Telecommunications and International Politics, 1851–1945 (New York, 1991).

41James R. Mock and Cedric Larson, Words That Won the War: The Story of the Committee on Public Information, 1917–1919 (Princeton, NJ, 1939); Stephen Vaughn, Holding Fast the Inner Lines: Democracy, Nationalism, and the Committee on Public Information (Chapel Hill, NC, 1980).

42Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream, p. 81.

43Quoted in ibid., p. 101.

44The London Morning Post, quoted in Renwick, America’s World Identity, pp. 105–06.

45Edward G. Lowry, ‘Trade Follows the Film’, in Saturday Evening Post 198 (7 November 1925), p. 12, quoted in Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream, p. 103.

46Gore Vidal’s novel Washington D.C., quoted in Thomas J. McCormick, America’s Half Century: United States Foreign Policy in the Cold War (Baltimore, 1989), p. 47.

47Madeleine K. Albright, ‘The Testing of American Foreign Policy’, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 77, No. 6 (November–December 1998), pp. 50–64.

48The evolution of America’s containment strategy is analysed in John Lewis Gaddis, Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American Security Policy (New York, 1982).

49Ernest R. May (ed.), American Cold War Strategy. Interpreting NSC-68 (Boston, MA, 1993), p. 26.

50Ibid., pp. 28–29.

51Ibid., p. 55.

52Monnet quoted in Geir Lundestad, ‘Empire’ by Integration: The United States and European Integration, 1945–1997 (Oxford, 1998), p. 3.

53See also Lundestad’s The American ‘Empire’ and Other Studies of US Foreign Policy in a Comparative Perspective (Oxford, 1990).

54Peter C. Stuart, Isles of Empire: The United States and its Overseas Possessions (Lanham, MD, 1999); Peter L. Hahn and Mary Ann Heiss (eds), Empire and Revolution. The United States and the Third World since 1945 (Columbus, OH, 2001).

55John Prados, The President’s Secret Wars: CIA and Pentagon Covert Operations since World War II (New York, 1986).

56Walter L. Hixson, Parting the Curtain: Propaganda, Culture, and the Cold War, 1945–1961 (New York, 1997); Scott Lucas, Freedom’s War: The American Crusade against the Soviet Union (New York, 1999); on cultural exports, see e.g. Giles Scott-Smith and Hans Krabbendam (eds), The Cultural Cold War in Western Europe, 1945–1960 (London, 2003).

57Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York, 1992).

58Acheson address at West Point, 5 December 1962: ‘Great Britain has lost an empire and has not yet found a role’, quoted in Douglas Brinkley, Dean Acheson: The Cold War Years, 1953–1971 (New Haven, CT, 1992), p. 176.

59On American information power, see Joseph S. Nye, Jr and William A. Owens, ‘America’s Information Edge’, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 75, No. 2 (March–April 1996), pp. 20–36.

60Bacevich, American Empire; William G. Hyland, Clinton’s World: Remaking American Foreign Policy (Westport, CT, 1999); Bob Woodward, The Commanders (New York, 1991); David Halberstam, War in a Time of Peace: Bush, Clinton, and the Generals (New York, 2001); Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay, America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy (Hoboken, NJ, 2005).

61Quoted in Susan M. Matarese, American Foreign Policy and the Utopian Imagination (Amherst, MA, 2001), p. 89.

62The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (hereafter referred to as NSS), September 2002; John Lewis Gaddis has argued that NSS ‘could represent the most sweeping shift in U.S. grand strategy since the beginning of the Cold War’: ‘A Grand Strategy of Transformation’, Foreign Policy, Vol. 133 (November–December 2002), pp. 50–57; Joseph S. Nye, Jr., ‘U.S. Power and Strategy after Iraq’, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 82, No. 4 (July–August 2003), pp. 60–73.

63NSS, 6.

64Winston Churchill speech at Harvard University, 6 September 1943, at: http://www.winstonchurchill.org, accessed 2 September 2019.

65William Appleman Williams, Empire as a Way of Life: An Essay on the Causes and Character of America’s Present Predicament, Along with a Few Thoughts about an Alternative (New York, 1980), p. ix.