THE REALM
Dead history is writ in ink, the living sort in blood.
—RODERICK HARLAW
Alnwick Castle was the first line of defence if ever the wild men from beyond the wall poured over the border. A forbidding fortress built on a slope and controlling the only passable road on the English side of the Cheviot Hils, it was built to hold the North. The only way in to the citadel was via the barbican, the intimidating gateway overlooked by a tower, and through this narrow passage, with thick wooden doors at either end, the daily traffic of horses and men would bring supplies to the castle. When the invaders came to rape and pillage the villages of the North, as they had done for centuries, men and women would swarm into the castle seeking the protection of their lord.
Built in the eleventh century, Alnwick is deep inside Northumberland, England’s most northerly county, and just twenty miles from the border with Scotland, inside a frontier country that had become increasingly lined with fortresses. The castle had been enhanced over the years with a solid portcullis gate protecting the entrance, with heavily-defended battlements, a twenty-one-foot drop below the drawbridge and walls seven feet thick, as well as a moat. Looking down at the surrounding area was an octagonal tower decorated with thirteen stone shields representing the families who had married into the House of Percy down the generations.
If the outer door of the barbican was ever penetrated by invaders, it still presented a dauting prospect, overlooked by four high towers from which loyal northern men could fire at the enemy below—using arrows or missiles, boiling water or fat. Inside the barbican, an attacker would be surrounded by high, thick walls and arrows firing down at them from all sides. Below them they would feel the mesh that led to the dungeons.1 If the barbican fell, the castle still had two courtyards, or baileys, from which last gasp fighting could be carried out. The fortress of House Percy had been built to keep them in the North.
Just as in Westeros the King’s Road heads from King’s Landing to Winterfell and to beyond the wall, so in real life the Great North Road led all the way from London to Edinburgh—Castle Rock, as its fortress was called—passing by the stronghold of Alnwick. Whoever controlled Alnwick therefore controlled the main route from Scotland to the South, and by the catastrophic year of 1314 this was the House of Percy. From Alnwick, the Percys dominated the frontier with the Scots beyond the great wall once built by the Romans (although in reality Alnwick, like a tiny portion of England, lies north of the wall).
The Percys were the leading house in the North, and if the Scots came it was their burden to raise men from five northern counties to repel them. They had rivals, of course, so while Henry de Percy, the First Baron Percy, was recognized as the strongest northern lord, there was also Neville, Lord of Raby, Clifford, Lord of Westmorland, Lucy, Lord of Cockermouth, Dacre, Lord of Gilsland and Umfraville, Lord of Redesdale. They were all proud families with their own pedigrees, but the Percys were kings in the North. In the words of historian Alexander Rose, “In that tumultuous place, the Westminster-based, Southern king’s writ hardly ran. In Percy country, there was Percy law backed by a Percy army paid for by Percy money.”2
Like most of the country’s leading clans, they had not always been from the island. The Percy histories claimed as their oldest ancestor Mainfred, or Manni, who in the year AD 896 arrived in France after pillaging in England. He was a Dane, or as we would call him now, a Viking, and like many of his kind, settled in a region of Francia that came to be called Normandy. From the Percy lordship in Pays de Caux, north-west of Rouen, one of their number had arrived in England alongside William the Conqueror in 1066 when England’s ruling class was ruthlessly eliminated and replaced by a French-speaking elite.
From minor lords in the wilder, rougher north of the country, which the Normans had treated with special brutality, the Percys had risen to become the most powerful family in the region. Just eleven generations after arriving on the island, a Percy was made Earl of Northumberland.
Although they had marched with the hated conqueror, the Percys had over time made themselves true men of the North. First settling in Yorkshire, they were a minor family who, in 1166, were still only the seventh largest tenant-in-chiefs in that county. However, Henry de Percy had that year married Isabel, daughter of Adam de Brus II, Baron of Skelton; it was an advantageous marriage, in return for which de Percy and his heirs swore to every year ride to Skelton Castle “to lead the lady of the castle from her chamber to the chapel for Mass, and then escort her back to her chamber and take meat with her before withdrawing.”3 This they did, honoring their debts, until the Reformation in the sixteenth century swept away such ancient traditions.
They were not just powerful and rich, but well loved too. Northern men followed them with their arms and their hearts, and at their command thousands would appear in the field, men to whom the king in London was a distant figure who spoke a strange dialect: “To them, the last man standing between Northerners and destruction was not the faraway king, but a Percy. He was their commander, their protector, their judge and their sheriff.”4
And the Percys had always looked after their men. The records down in London show Henry de Percy writing to the chancellor on behalf of a valet: “Aleyn, son of Sir Thomas de Heton, who might have lost his land”5 had his lord not defended his corner. Percy’s son would speak on behalf of attainders who had fought loyally for the crown so that they might be spared punishment for the violent crimes they had committed at home. The Percy soldiers were paid out of his own pocket, knowing that silver promised from the crown might take an age to reach men with hungry families, a level of diligence to vassals few southern barons would have bothered with.
The Percys came to dominate the local honors, among them Warden of the East March, whose role it was to secure the eastern portion of the border with Scotland. They were in charge of justice, too. In Westeros, “the man who passes the sentence should swing the sword,”6 and executions are carried out in the king’s name without any sort of trial. It was not quite the case in real life, although local lords were tasked with the grim task with punishing lawbreakers after their guilt was determined, for “he who prosecutes shall carry out the judgement,” as the twelfth century code of Preston in Lancashire goes.
The most recent Henry de Percy had, in 1294, adopted the lion as the symbol of his house, having married Eleanor, daughter of the Earl of Arundel. The Arundels, an Anglo-Norman family with their base on the Welsh border, had for generations displayed a golden lion on a red field, and could trace their ancestry back to Adeliza, widow of King Henry I. Percy now adopted the animal to show his Arundel blood, and in tribute to a founder of the Percy dynasty, Joscelin de Louvain—leeuwen being Flemish for lion.
Their new heraldic symbol—called sigils in Westeros—was appropriate for the Percys’ rising status. The art of heraldry was in its infancy, reflecting the importance of lineage and the most important thing to a man in the medieval world: who your father was. And just as the ruling houses of Westeros traced their lineage back to obscure and semi-mythical kings, in medieval England those of royal blood descended from the rulers of Wessex, Mercia, and Northumbria, the ancient kingdoms of the island, which were eventually united before being conquered in 1066 by Normandy’s Duke William. Families placed great importance on their pedigree, in particular a link to the Conqueror and his companions, and through him to the ultimate forefather of medieval Europe, Charles the Great, King of the Franks, who in AD 800 had been crowned Emperor of the West in Rome.
And so heraldry was more than just about team colors; it was a reminder of who your father was, and his father before him, and what would be passed onto the next generation. It gave courage in battle, so that “a knight of good lineage would be emboldened in the field by recollection of his ancestors’ brave deeds and spurred on in bravery himself by a desire to add to the family roll of honour.”7
Henry de Percy, First Baron Percy, had been born in 1273, from a family that almost went extinct after his six paternal uncles all failed to produce children and his two brothers died without issue. His maternal grandfather was John de Warenne, the powerful Earl of Surrey who, back in 1278, had been served with a royal writ of quo warranto (“by what right”). King Edward I, determined to learn which subjects had usurped royal privileges in order to claim them back, demanded of each man proof of how he came by his property. De Warenne, approached by the king’s men, drew his rusty sword and declared that this was his warrant, for “My ancestors came with William the Bastard, and conquered their lands with the sword, and I will defend them with the sword against anyone wishing to seize them.”8
Alnwick had been erected during an intense period of castle-building following the Norman Conquest, during which five hundred such fortresses were erected in a generation. Raised as a show of strength against the Scots across the river Tweed, it was a motte-and-bailey castle, the standard type of the period used by the Normans, characterized by a raised and defensible central keep, the motte, surrounded by a courtyard (bailey) with a ditch around it. De Percy had now added a heavily fortified barbican, as well as new circular towers, more efficient than the older square towers as they could not be battered at the corners or easily undermined (that is, dug under and set fire to). A moat was added, along with a well, a portcullis, a drawbridge, and eight semicircular bastions to the keep, castle-building technology reaching its apex during this period. Erected on a peninsula, with the River Aln to the north and a ravine to the east and south, Alnwick was almost invulnerable, for a garrison of sixty men within could easily defend such a castle against six hundred outside.
Which was just as well, as in de Percy’s lifetime relations between the kingdoms of England and Scotland had deteriorated sharply, and he had spent almost twenty years fighting on the border, leading raids into enemy territory and defending the north from attack. De Percy had been knighted by King Edward in March 1296 while besieging Berwick, Scotland’s largest city; three years later he became the first Lord Percy as his reward.
The border wars came at great cost; in March 1307 Percy and three hundred of his men were at Turnberry Castle in Carrick when they were attacked by the Scottish leader Robert the Bruce. The fighting was so horrific it was rumored afterwards that Percy was afraid to go into Scotland again. In the autumn of 1314, as the harsh Northumbrian winter approached, Percy was forced to defend nearby Newcastle and lead a raiding party north. He died in early October, most likely fatally wounded while fighting Scottish raiders.
He died, but his house survived. As Tywin Lannister put it, “Before long I’ll be dead, and you and your brother and your sister and all of her children, all of us dead, all of us rotting underground. It’s the family name that lives on. It’s all that lives on. Not your personal glory, not your honor . . . but family.”9 Of 136 barons summoned to Westminster between 1295 and 1300, only sixteen of their houses were left in 1500, and the Percys were among the survivors. In fact, they still survive today, and still live in Alnwick six months of the year, the other half of which it is used as a film set to fund its maintenance. Fans of the Harry Potter films will recognize it as Hogwarts School of Witchcraft and Wizardry.
THE NORTH
The Great North Road is still there too, this real-life King’s Road now going by the less romantic name of the A1 and M1 motorway, and still following mostly the same route, one of four ancient paths in Britain dating to Roman times and beyond. The Gough map, commissioned during this period, shows three thousand miles of main roads by 1360, 40 percent of which were built by the Romans.
The map was ordered by a king intent on extending his power beyond the south of the island, outside of which most monarchs had little experience. Southern kings had often had only fragile control over the North, a naturally distinct region of England defined as the area between the great Humber river and the Scottish border. It has “older, harder rocks and hillier terrain,”10 compared to the flatter and more fertile South. The narrow width between the vast stretch of the Humber and the hills of the Pennines made the region hard for southern armies to control. Even thirty-five miles inland the great river is a mile across, and so dominance of just one small gap between river and mountain allowed an army control of York, the largest city in the region, as well as the rivers Ouse, Ure, Aire, Don, Derwent, and Trent—and so the whole North.* Any army arriving from the South would find themselves in a corridor between the Humber swamps and the Pennines, the mountain range that forms a spine down northern England, removing any numerical advantage southerners had.
People of the North were different: “When the earl and his Northern retinue travelled to London, locals would stare at the foreigners,” as one historian put it. “The Northerners were poorer and rougher, and it showed. Northern soldiers, overdressed for the summer climate,” had “outmoded armor; even the earl’s warhorse was a feeble creature compared to the splendid steeds favoured by Southern magnates. The Northerners were permanently wary and clannish.”11
Yorkshire, the largest of the northern counties, formed the southern extent of this region. Beyond that, the four most northerly shires, Northumberland, Westmorland, Cumberland, and Durham, were a patchwork of miniature fiefdoms run by warring families in which the laws passed in Westminster were of lesser importance than ancient traditions and local custom, including long-held vendettas.
The North of Westeros “is like its Warden: stark, unforgiving, masculine and wild.”12 Likewise William Camden, who in the Tudor period wrote the first geographical study of the British Isles, described a “rough and barren” land: “You would think you see the ancient nomads, a martial sort of people,” he concluded.
Geoffrey of Monmouth, in his History of the Kings of Britain, wrote that “it was a frightful land to live in, more or less uninhabited, and it offered a safe lurking place to foreigners. Indeed, by its very geographical position it lay open to the Picts, the Scots, the Danes, the Norwegians and anyone else who came ashore to ravage the island.”13 According to the twelfth century chronicle, the Gesta Stephani, “the root and origin of all evil arose in that part of England called Northumbria to produce plunder and arson, strife and war.”14 Or as a fifteenth century writer put it: “The north, whence all evil spreads.”15 But then, of course, these men were all from the South.
Long ago it had been a kingdom in its own right, Northumbria, one of seven in early medieval England, a chaotic and violent time commonly called the Dark Ages. Its two warring kings brutally killed by Viking invaders in 865, Northumbria had been heavily settled by Norsemen, a Scandinavian legacy still reflected in Yorkshire dialect today. A century later it had been the last region to come under the sway of the southern kings of Wessex who had united the country, and retained a distinctive, semi-Scandinavian identity for far longer. Reluctant to help the southern lords fight off the Norman invaders in 1066, the northern men had afterwards most ferociously opposed the conqueror and been crushed as a result. Hundreds of thousands died, whole villages were destroyed, and the region never recovered.
Border life was still tough, centuries later, as it always had been. The Flemish chronicler Froissart wrote of men there forced to consume “small poor wine” and “bread evil baken in panniers” which “was sore wet with the sweat of horses.”16 Up in the North, saddles were “all rotten and broken, and most part of their horses hurt on their backs . . . nor they had nothing to make fire but green boughs, the which would not burn because of the rain.”17
In the North, some traditions held on longer: stories of shapeshifters that dated back at least to Saxon times before the conquest. Beyond lay the terror of Scotland, a barren, cold land with its folk tales of sith, or aes sídhe, supernatural undead beings who lived in the Land of the Dead, having been driven into remote areas by invaders.18 In Scottish folklore, these creatures formed the slaughe sidhe, the “fairy horde,” an army of the undead. Few on the English side of the wall believed that anymore; the living Scots were terrifying enough, and that year the army of the realm headed deep beyond the wall to fight them—only to meet with disaster, a catastrophe that would plunge the kingdom into civil war.
But worse still, people across the Realm and beyond had noticed that the weather was turning. On the colder fringes of the known world those on the margins felt it first as the temperatures plunged; they did not know it yet, but the following year the cold rains would begin, and the crops would fail. Winter was coming.
As the fifteenth century chronicler Polydore Vergil observed, “The whole Countrie of Britaine . . . is divided into four partes; wherof the one is inhabited of Englishmen, the other of Scottes, the third of Wallshemen, and the fowerth of Cornishe people. Which all differ emonge them selves, either in tongue, either in manners, or ells in lawes and ordinaunces.”19
The Realm of England had grown out of several small kingdoms carved out by three Germanic tribes, the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes, arriving on the island as Rome’s control of western Europe collapsed. The kingdom, united four centuries before Henry de Percy’s time, shared the island of Britain with various peoples beyond a wall on its northern frontier, speaking a mixture of tongues, as well as surviving British speakers on two peninsulas in the west and south-west.
The island’s thriving economic hub had for many years been London, settled on the north bank of the River Thames by the Romans, and with access to the continent, especially the rich markets of Flanders, northern France, and the German “free imperial cities” across the North Sea. Here the king of England sat in Westminster Hall, once part of a tiny island a mile upstream from Lundenberg (as the Saxons called it) but now a western suburb of the city. Like the Great Hall of the Red Keep, this is where the monarch kept court.
The throne sat at the south end of the hall by a twelve-foot-long marble slab, the King’s Table, which long symbolized the monarch’s power. The current King’s Table dated to the reign of Edward I’s father Henry III, replacing a far older wooden slab that once would have travelled around the country with the monarch. The throne itself, the King’s Seat, was modelled on the Biblical throne of Solomon and carved with lions, emblems of the kingdom. Marble thrones had become symbols of great imperial prestige, used by the still surviving eastern Roman emperors in far-off Constantinople and by Charlemagne, Emperor of the West. The palace of Westminster had also recently become home to semi-official meetings of lords and commons now called the Parliament (“to talk” in French, from where English also gets “parley”, to talk with an enemy).
London, from where the king ruled his realm, was perhaps home to sixty thousand people, far smaller than Granada, Seville, Venice, or Milan, or countless other cities to the south. London’s merchant elite were English-speakers, as they always had been, although the kings and higher aristocracy had spoken French for two and a half centuries. A teeming, bustling, and squalid city, London was surrounded on three sides by a Roman wall with seven gates and on the other by the river (these gates were not pulled down until 1760). The city had by now long sprawled out of its ancient wall and extended from the Tower in the east to the River Fleet to the west.
The Tower of London, built by the Normans in order to control the city and intimidate it, was a royal fortress, apartment block, and even zoo, home to an elephant and leopard during the reign of Henry III. It was also a prison, from which only one man had ever escaped, Ranulf Flambard in 1101, a bishop notorious for scamming both rich and poor out of their wealth. The Tower also had a library of 160 volumes, one of the biggest in England20—although in real life people’s reading tastes were rather lowbrow, fifty-nine of these books being trashy romances, with the Queen of England among the keenest borrowers.21 In Westeros, The Citadel, headquarters of the Order of Maesters in Oldtown, has the “largest library in the Known World”22 but in England at the time even the greatest book collection scaled into insignificance compared to their ancient equivalents, and would do so until the seventeenth century.
London was grotesquely unhygienic, a city drowning in its own filth. One Londoner complained of the slaughterhouse nearby that had made his garden “stinking and putrid,” another that blood from animals filled nearby streets “making a foul corruption and abominable sight to all dwelling near.”23 A complaint against William E. Cosner, resident of the ward of Farringdon Without, stated that “men could not pass” by his house “for the stink [of] horse dung and horse piss.”24 It was not unknown for men to drown in shit, or for the smell and squalor to drive people to murder, hardly surprising when they lived and worked in “lanes barely wide enough for a fat man to turn around in.”25 It was not until later that century that slaughterhouses and other unhygienic places were forced to locate outside of the crowded city.
Across the river Thames, Southwark was famed for its very strong beer made from brownish Thames water, but also for its large numbers of brothels—“stews”—most of them, strangely, owned by the Bishop of Winchester. Many of the women were Flemish, relatively exotic migrants from across the sea, working in Cock Lane and Gropecuntlane, among the many colorful street names in the city (there was also a Shitbrook Street and Pissing Alley). Londoners in trouble with the authorities could always run off to Southwark and because it was a separate jurisdiction, they often escaped justice; later this seedy underbelly would become host to the city’s most famous playhouse, William Shakespeare’s Globe Theatre.
Even a century earlier the city was home to over 350 ale houses, taverns, and inns, notorious dens of vice and crime. Across the sea in Flanders, beer was already made with hops, but it was not until the Hundred Years’ War that Englishmen would first taste this drink, recognizable to modern palates as beer. The “beer” consumed at that time would have had a texture more like porridge, muddy and foggy, although it had its enthusiasts and lasted well into the Tudor period. A later poet described his love of the native ale:
Ich I am a Cornish man, and ale I can brew
It will make one to cacke also to spew
It is thick and smokey and also it is thin
It is like wash of pigs had wrestled therein26
Like with all significant towns in the fourteenth century, London’s citizens could entertain themselves with plays, although before the first theaters they would have been done by travelling amateurs on major feast days. These performances were very bawdy, featuring sex, sadism, rape, nudity, drunkenness, and torture (with entrails from local butchers as props). But the violence on stage reflected the violence off it, with murder rates comparable to modern central America.27 At night, the bell in the church of St Mary-le-Bow would sound the start of nightfall, and while this was no longer the signal for the curfew, as it had been in William the Conqueror’s day, men and women were wise to head indoors.
HERE BE DRAGONS
London’s dominance of Britain was due to its position on the Thames, giving its large class of merchants—considerable even in Roman times—access to the markets of Europe’s richest regions: Flanders, France, the Rhineland, and northern Italy. This interconnected economy, once abysmally poorer and more primitive than the East, had begun to catch up and even surge ahead economically; already Flanders and Holland showed signs of the economic advances that would later lead to the seventeenth century Dutch invention of modern capitalism. This Catholic Christian world would have been familiar to educated Englishmen, but beyond that it would be a matter of “here be dragons.” (The phrase is not a myth, for there are indeed two recorded incidents of maps bearing the Latin phrase HC SVNT DRACONS, “here are dragons,” both from the 1500s.)
Martin’s world is composed of four known continents: Westeros, Essos, Sothoryos, and Ulthos, the latter two of which we’ve heard little of in the first books, although Sothoryos is supposedly filled with steaming jungles and tropical diseases and is presumably a bit like Africa. Between Westeros and Essos lies the Narrow Sea, on the other side of which are a group of city-states called the Free Cities, and to the south and east of them fallen civilizations as well as nomadic peoples such as the Dothraki, who cross the vast expanses of the continent on horse, occasionally terrorizing and enslaving the continent’s cities, and sometimes trading with them instead.
Westeros is nine hundred miles long, with a wide range of climates and peoples: the southernmost kingdom, Dorne, is Mediterranean-like, warm and dusty and filled with “scorpions and sand,” and noted for its hot-blooded people who hail from various, racially-diverse invaders. The North is snowbound, even in summer, while beyond the wall the climate is arctic. The Realm itself covers only the southern portion of the island, and is protected by a three hundred-mile wall, beyond which are the Free Folk, or wildlings, descendants of the original inhabitants of the island, as well as other less savory and more fantastical beings. At the very far north is the Land of Always Winter, from where the feared White Walkers are supposed to hail, although the existence of these ghost-like creatures is disputed by many.
To Western Europeans at the time, just as in Martin’s fantasy, there was the known world, of Europe and the near East, and the unknown world beyond. Distant lands such as Persia and India were, in historian Barbara Tuchman’s words,
seen through a gauze of fabulous fairy tales revealing an occasional nugget of reality: forests so high they touch the clouds, horned pygmies who move in herds and grow old in seven years, brahmins who burn themselves on funeral pyres, men with dogs’ heads and six toes, ‘cyclopeans’ with only one eye and one foot who move as fast as the wind, the ‘monoceros’ which can be caught only when it sleeps in the lap of a virgin, Amazons whose tears are of silver, panthers who practice the caesarean operation with their own claws, trees whose leaves supply wool, snakes 300ft long, snakes with precious stones for eyes, snakes who so love music that for prudence they stop up one ear with their tail.28
Most people in the realm of England would never have met anyone from these far-off lands, although some might have seen their exotic exports, of silk, gold, and ivory, among other things. Even further away than Persia or India, as far as the world reached, Western European maps at the time feature “Seres,” a land so-called because its people wear silk, a precious material grown by worms, which these Eastern people had tried to prevent foreigners from acquiring (until a monk sneaked a pair of silk worms to Byzantium). Yet little was known of this Seres, “China,” or the rumors that a sophisticated island-kingdom lay even beyond it.
People thought India covered half the world, while others believed that there were three Indias, one ruled by Prester John: a legendary central Asian king Europeans believed would help them win the Crusades. Letters supposedly from the magnificent ruler circulated in the twelfth century stating, “I, Prester John, am the lord of lords, and I surpass all the kings of the entire world in wealth, virtue and power . . . Milk and honey flow freely in our lands; poison can do no harm, nor do any noisy frogs croak. There are no scorpions, no serpents creeping in the grass.”29 This exotic faraway kingdom was filled with diamonds, emeralds, and other precious stones, as well as peppers and elixirs that would cure all sorts of ailments.
Men dreamed of huge and unfeasible wealth in the East: “gem-bearing trees and mountains of gold” guarded by snakes and Ophir, a land filled with “giants, pigmies, dog-headed men, a river that flowed to Paradise, precious stones, a fountain of youth, a sea of sand, a river of stones, beyond which lived the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, also tributary to Prester John.”30 There were other magical lands—“Atlantis, El Dorado, Rio Doro, the River of Gold, the Empire of Monomotopa, Island of the Seven Cities of Cibola, discovered by seven bishops and St Brendan’s Isle discovered by the Irishman during the 6th century.”31 St Brendan the Navigator, well into his seventies when he went on his outlandish journey, and trusting in God rather than any navigational tools, may have ended up in the Azores or Iceland.
People at the time knew of three continents and believed that across the great ocean there was the Terra Australis Incognita, the unknown southern land. It was too hot for men, but among the races that could be found there were the Sciopods, monsters with one large foot; when it became too hot they simply lay on their back and used their feet as shade. Also expected to be found in this faraway land were the Antipodes, whose feet point backwards; the Amazons, who had a single breast; Cynocephales, men with the head of a dog; Panoti, men with elephant trunks; and Blemmyae, who have no heads at all but faces on their chests. Outside of the known world there could also be found Headless Men, or Ethiopian Troglodytes, and some groups in the east supposedly ate their parents—although there were certainly cannibals in remote parts of Asia, even until relatively modern times. Of these Marvels of the East, a twelfth century manuscript now at the Bodleian Libraries in Oxford included two-headed snakes, centaurs, and unicorns, this worldview influenced by classical mythology.
Perhaps nothing better captured the imagination than dragons. Faraway Sri Lanka, to the south of Prester John’s empire, was full of them, according to popular belief, but these terrifying creatures featured as objects of fascination in almost every culture. Carl Jung, founder of analytical psychology, saw the dragon as the arch-enemy of the archetype hero, the monster that had to be defeated in order for good to triumph—by the Norse hero Sigurd, the Anglo-Saxon Beowulf, or the Christian St George—but also the monster within us.
Great men of the thirteenth century such as Albert the Great and Roger Bacon thought that the equator was incapable of sustaining life because of its heat, and so men only inhabited the northern hemisphere; this was believed until the fifteenth century when Portuguese explorers proved it wrong by sailing all the way around the Cape of Good Hope. Little was really known of the world beyond, and European maps were still primitive compared to those of antiquity; typically, they showed a T-shape of the world with Asia at the top, Europe and Africa below. In contrast, in the more advanced Chinese model, the equator is seen as a circle around the globe, an idea the Europeans would borrow from the East one day, along with eyeglasses, paper, and gunpowder.
Before the mid-thirteenth century, no European had gone further east than Baghdad and returned. Then, between 1276 and 1291, an explorer from Venice called Marco Polo had reached the court of the faraway Mongol Emperor Kublai Khan. The Polo company had on their travels reached Lop, an “immense, dry, salt-encrusted lake bed covering extreme northwestern China, the wasteland . . . notorious for its special hazards” and which was “synonymous with the edge of the unknown.”32 In the Desert of Lop, it was said, merchants often heard malignant spirits calling out to them to follow, never to be heard of again.
Polo found many cultures utterly alien to Europeans. The women of Kamul, now Hami in western China, had a custom whereby “the stranger stays with his wife in the house and does as he likes and lies with her in a bed just as if she were his wife, and they continue in great enjoyment,” with the approval of their menfolk.33 In Burma, in contrast, Polo found people who poisoned strangers, inviting them to lodge in the house and then killing “him by night either by poison or by other things so that he died.”34 That way their soul would never leave the house and so bring it good fortune. Polo found Buddhists in south China who “eat all coarse things and they also eat human flesh very willingly, provided that he [the deceased] did not die a natural death”—they preferred those who died by this sword as they had “very good and savoury flesh.”35
Polo had also visited Russia, where he saw dog sledding and wrote that the people “have all their houses underground because of the great cold that is there.” In this icy land “these are sables and ermines and squirrels . . . and black foxes” from which they make skins and furs. After this he found another region in Russia, the “the land of shadows,” where men “live like animals . . . and it’s so cold that people’s urine gets frozen.”36
London’s merchants had recently begun trading with this far-off country which they called their “land of darkness.” It was still at the very edge of their slowly expanding consciousness; centuries earlier Alfred, King of Wessex, had received a visitor who had travelled to the far north of Norway where reindeer herdsmen scraped a living, and told fantastic tales. Beyond that, in the frozen wastes of the Arctic, there lay a land where it was forever winter, sailed only by hardy Viking adventurers three centuries earlier and named, with some irony, Greenland. As one approached the coast of this vast landmass, a visitor would find “rising out of the frigid, white-capped sea” a land of always winter that “gazed up at monstrous cliffs of silvery ice shimmering in the brilliant, bitter sunlight.”37
The people here lived on the very edge of existence, dependent on supplies from across the sea, and towards the end of the last century they would have been among the first humans to notice that the winters were getting harsher. People in London or Alnwick might not have known it yet, but the world was getting colder and a great disaster was unfolding.
*The Trent roughly occupies the same point of the map of England as the Trident does in Westeros.