Syntactic Complexity Across Interfaces by Trotzke, Andreas -- Read -- Imperial Library of Trantor

Index

Interface Explorations Title Page Copyright Page Table of Contents 1 Syntactic complexity across interfaces

1.1 Introduction 1.2 Syntactic complexity and formal language theory 1.3 Syntactic complexity and clausal embedding 1.4 Syntactic complexity and the acquisition interface References

2 Against complexity parameters

2.1 Introduction 2.2 Context-free vs. context-sensitive languages? 2.3 Context-free vs. regular natural languages? 2.4 Conclusion References

3 Top-down derivation, recursion, and the model of grammar

3.1 Introduction 3.2 The nonhomogenous alphabet of natural language 3.3 Arguments relating to the typing of grammar rules 3.4 The nature of Merge 3.5 The composition of the numeration 3.6 Revisiting the question of grammar rule types 3.7 The place of recursion in the model of grammar 3.8 Conclusion References

4 What small clauses can tell us about complex sentence structure

Introduction 4.1 The data: Russian SCs 4.2 Analyses: A first approximation to the structure of SCs 4.3 Cases of XP-XP Merger 4.4 Structure building

4.4.1 The basic structure 4.4.2 Merger of a syntactic object in the specifier of a non-phase head

4.5 SC structures

4.5.1 Basics 4.5.2 Back to Russian

4.6 Some more evidence 4.7 Conclusion References

5 Syntactic and prosodic integration and disintegration in peripheral adverbial clauses and in right dislocation/afterthought

5.1 Introduction and background

5.1.1 Overview 5.1.2 Integration and root sentences 5.1.3 Information structure consequence of (non-)integration and root sentences 5.1.4 Prosodic consequences of non-integration and root sentences

5.2 Peripheral adverbial clauses (PACs)

5.2.1 The syntactic position and c-command relation of PACs 5.2.2 PACs as root clauses 5.2.3 Prosody of PACs 5.2.4 PACs: Summary

5.3 Right dislocation and afterthought

5.3.1 Syntax of right dislocation and afterthought 5.3.2 Prosody of right dislocation and afterthought 5.3.3 Focus assignment with right dislocation and afterthoughts 5.3.4 Syntactic consequences of the prosodic observations 5.3.5 On the distinction between right dislocation and afterthought 5.3.6 Summary of right dislocation and afterthought

5.4 Summary References

6 On representing anchored parentheses in syntax

6.1 Introduction 6.2 Parentheses: Kinds and properties

6.2.1 A rough typology of parentheses 6.2.2 Anchoring in parentheses: Appositives, amalgams and sluiced parentheses 6.2.3 Attribution, identification and speaker-orientation in anchored parentheses

6.3 Anchored parentheticals in the domain of parallel construal

6.3.1 Specification, (asyndetic) coordination and Koster’s colon phrase 6.3.2 Restrictive versus non-restrictive parallel construal

6.4 A syntax for anchored parentheses

6.4.1 Parenthetical inclusion as a primitive in syntax: par-Merge 6.4.2 Non-restrictive parallel construal: Bivalent Par⊛ 6.4.3 Applying the ParP approach to SPs and amalgams

6.5 Two points of consideration 6.6 Conclusion References

7 The development of subordination

7.1 Introduction 7.2 Subordination in creoles 7.3 Scenarios of creole genesis 7.4 Sentence embedding in Fòngbe and Saramaccan

7.4.1 Fòngbe 7.4.2 Saramaccan

7.5 Development of subordination 7.6 Sentence embedding in Fòngbe and Saramaccan References

8 Avoid Phase: How interfaces provide critical triggers for wh-movement in acquisition

8.1 Introduction: The acquisition challenge

8.1.1 Interfaces and restrictiveness 8.1.2 The cacophony of experience and interface logic

8.1.2.1 3rd factor effects 8.1.2.2 The left-periphery challenge

8.1.3 Covert movement and rhetorical questions

8.2 Initial theoretical background

8.2.1 CP background 8.2.2 Triggers and diversity of input 8.2.3 Propositionality and the Strong Minimalist Thesis 8.2.4 Acquisition background: Tense, propositions, and infinitives 8.2.5 First clue: Long-distance movement and infinitives

8.3 Simple Partial Movement

8.3.1 Structure of Simple Partial Movement (SPM)

8.4 Historical and typological perspectives

8.4.1 Acquisition parallel

8.5 Long-distance movement in theory and acquisition

8.5.1 Previous acquisition results 8.5.2 Representation of movement and reconstruction 8.5.3 Experiment

8.5.3.1 Design 8.5.3.2 Hypotheses 8.5.3.3 Procedure 8.5.3.4 Participants 8.5.3.5 Coding 8.5.3.6 Results

8.5.4 Further recent evidence for partial movement

8.6 Theoretical interpretation

8.6.1 Intermodular complexity 8.6.2 Which factors are secondary: The problem of epistemological priority 8.6.3 Dynamic phase theory 8.6.4 Focus and default operators 8.6.5 Pragmatics and implicatures

8.7 Conclusions References

9 Learning structures with displaced arguments

9.1 Introduction 9.2 Naturalistic input 9.3 Experimental input

9.3.1 Adults’ categorization of raising and control verbs

9.3.1.1 Materials and procedure 9.3.1.2 Results

9.3.2 Children’s categorization of tough- and control adjectives

9.3.2.1 Materials and procedure 9.3.2.2 Results 9.3.2.3 Discussion

9.4 Conclusion and open questions

9.4.1 Expletives as a cue 9.4.2 Unaccusatives 9.4.3 Are complex constructions known a priori?

9.5 Appendix A 9.6 Appendix B References

Index

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