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Index
Cover
Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics
The Verbal Domain
Copyright
Contents
General preface
List of abbreviations
About the contributors
Introduction: the verbal domain
I. Roots and verbalizers
II. Voice
III. Event and argument structure
Part I: Root and Verbalizer
1: The ``bundling´´ hypothesis and the disparate functions of little v
1.1 Introduction
1.2 The case for bundling: all functions in one head
1.2.1 Chol (Coon and Preminger 2013)
1.2.2 Persian (Folli, Harley, and Karimi 2005)
1.3 The case for splitting: Voice0 functions and v0 functions on independent heads
1.3.1 Hiaki passives and Causee-less causatives
1.3.2 Chemehuevi: Causer-less causative (Serratos 2008)
1.3.3 Diagnosing bundling of Voice+v: participial passives and light verb constructions
1.3.4 Summary so far
1.4 Morphological causatives: recursion of vP? Or a dedicated projection in the hierarchy? (Key 2013)
1.4.1 Turkish productive causatives in comparison to Japanese
1.4.2 Turkish causative iteration is not causative recursion
1.4.3 Non-bundling v+Voice, bundling Caus+Voice (Jung 2014)
1.5 Some puzzles and conclusions
Acknowledgments
2: Little v as a categorizing verbal head: evidence from Greek
2.1 The problem with v
2.2 First- and second-conjugation verbalizing morphology
2.3 Greek verbal derivational suffixes as exponents of v
2.4 The morpho(phono)logy of v in Greek
2.5 Further observations on the exponence of verbalizers in Greek
2.6 Conclusions and further insights
Acknowledgments
3: Agreement between arguments? Not really
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Archi basics
3.2.1 Word classes and declension
3.2.2 Agreement
3.2.3 Basic clause types
3.3 Agreement between DPs?
3.4 Case licensing and agreement in Archi
3.4.1 Masdars
3.4.2 Clause structure
3.4.3 Modal verbs
3.4.4 Putting it all together
3.5 Accounting for the agreeing pronouns
3.5.1 Strong vs. weak pronouns: morphological make-up
3.5.2 Strong vs weak pronouns: distribution
3.5.3 Weak monomorphemic pronouns
3.5.4 Agreeing complex pronouns
3.5.4.1 Emphatic -ejt´u
3.5.4.2 Complex structure of first person inclusive pronouns
3.6 Conclusions
Acknowledgments
4: On the division of labor between roots and functional structure
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Background: roots and categorizers
4.3 Hebrew and English
4.4 Causativization in English
4.5 Roots in Greek
4.6 Roots across languages: a typology
4.7 Conclusions
Acknowledgments
Part II: Voice
5: Voice, manners, and results in adjectival passives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 The architecture of adjectival passives: evidence for v and Voice
5.2.1 Evidence for v
5.2.2 The question of Voice in adjectival passives
5.3 Target state participles: structural evidence that they lack Voice
5.4 Restrictions on target states: agents, manners, Result, and Voice
5.4.1 Agentivity restrictions
5.4.2 Manner-result coercion
5.4.3 Target states exclude Voice and require ResultP
5.4.4 Why is Voice excluded from TSAP?
5.5 Representing manners, results, and the manner-result complementarity hypothesis
5.6 Summary
Acknowledgments
6: Romance and Greek medio-passives and the typology of Voice
6.1 Introduction
6.2 SE-reflexives verbs and SE-anticausatives at the syntax-semantics interface
6.2.1 Semantic differences
6.2.2 Syntactic differences
6.3 Active, passive, and expletive Voice
6.3.1 Anaphoric binding via Agree
6.3.2 The formal derivation of expletive SE
6.3.3 A typology of Voice
6.4 Medio-passives, canonical passives, and the typology of Voice
6.4.1 An updated typology of Voice
6.4.2 Canonical passives
6.4.2.1 Canonical passives and by-phrases
6.4.3 Greek medio-passives with and without by-phrase
6.4.4 Romance SE-passives and the absence of by-phrases
6.5 Conclusions
Acknowledgments
7: The articulated v layer: evidence from Tamil
7.1 Introduction
7.1.1 Background
7.1.2 Contribution of this chapter
7.2 The vcause head
7.3 The Voice head
7.3.1 Motivating Voice
7.3.2 Voice vs. vcause
7.4 The middle suffix ko
7.4.1 The morphosyntactic basics of ko
7.4.2 On the ``middle-like´´ nature of ko
7.5 A dedicated passive head
7.6 The full sequence
7.7 Against two alternative analyses
7.7.1 Against conflating Voice and Pass
7.7.2 Against restarting the functional sequence
Acknowledgments
8: The features of the voice domain: actives, passives, and restructuring
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Voice properties of restructuring complements
8.2.1 Subject interpretation
8.2.2 Inchoative/causative alternations
8.2.3 Voice marking
8.3 The features of the voice domain
8.3.1 Active and passive
8.3.2 Restructuring
8.3.3 Voice matching: Chamorro and Isbukun Bunun
8.3.4 Default voice languages
8.3.4.1 Mayrinax Atayal and Takibakha Bunun
8.3.4.2 Acehnese
8.3.4.3 Japanese
8.3.4.4 Infinitive default languages
8.3.5 Norwegian and the double passive dilemma
8.4 Conclusion
Acknowledgments
Part III: Event and Argument Structure
9: Omnipresent little v in Pazar Laz
9.1 Introduction
9.2 PL verb classes
9.2.1 Thematic suffixes in PL
9.2.1.1 -am and -um
9.2.1.2 -u(r)
9.2.1.3 -e(r)
9.2.2 TSs as the head of EventP
9.3 The syntax of single argument verbs
9.3.1 Unergatives
9.3.2 Unaccusatives
9.3.2.1 Unaccusatives with i-...-e(r)
9.3.2.2 Unaccusatives with -u(r)
9.4 Unergative-unaccusative distinction revisited: PL as an I-language
9.5 Conclusion
Acknowledgments
10: The event domain
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Argument structure and event structure
10.3 Other motivations for functional structure in the verbal domain
10.3.1 The separability of the external argument
10.3.2 Category defining v
10.3.3 Phases and ``locality´´
10.4 The English auxiliary system and the event domain
10.4.1 Expletive associates
10.4.2 VP fronting and pseudoclefts
10.4.3 British nonfinite do-substitution
10.4.4 -ing lies in the event domain
10.5 Constructivism, cartography, and functional structure
Acknowledgments
11: The interpretation of external arguments
11.1 Introduction
11.2 The proposal
11.3 Voice and p: Icelandic figure reflexives
11.4 Possessor raising in change-of-state vPs
11.4.1 Clausal possession, low and high
11.4.2 Change-of-state vPs
11.4.3 Possessor-raising
11.4.4 Japanese adversity causatives
11.5 Conclusion
Acknowledgments
References
Index
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