4 The Far Right and Women’s History

Charlotte Mears

The political ideology of the far right, particularly groups associated with Christian Identity and the censorship of the feminine, has done little to warm themselves to the minds of women. Their policies and ideologies, particularly those focused on the control of women’s bodies, which are displayed in their anti-abortion stance, fight against work equality and traditionalist views of family structure,1 have cast women as inferior to men and as such in need of a secondary space in society. However, the contemporary far right’s desire for political legitimacy has resulted in the sanitisation of their previous relationship with women. The manner in which they have aimed to rectify this relationship is through a new interpretation of the past.

As seen in Britain, France and the United States, figures of national identity have been co-opted into new narratives defined by the far right that seek to use images of popular imagination as symbols for nationalistic politics. The re-emergence of populism within European politics has reinvigorated previously dormant narratives of national identity. These far-right political parties have appropriated national saints that they see as embodying the traditionalism of their homeland and a xenophobia of outsiders. For example, in England St George has come to represent the anti-immigration stance of the English Defence League, whilst Saint Leopold in Austria has a recognised affiliation with the right-wing Freedom Party.2 This chapter seeks to analyse the particular way the radical right has changed histories of women to benefit their own political aims. This topic highlights an important contemporary issue in the discussion of the far right’s growing legitimacy across Europe. Through these false, misleadingly, and curated narratives gaining credence and wider distribution, the radical right is attempting to change women’s role in society through a revision of the roles women have previously played in history. To understand the trend this chapter will focus on three case studies: the use of the images of Joan of Arc in France, of the biblical figures Mary Magdalene and Eve in the Christian Identity movement and a reimagining of women Ku Klux Klan (KKK) members by the contemporary KKK. Each is reflective of different far-right groups’ ideas concerning women and how they have manipulated accepted history to better suit their views. Although the figures and political beliefs of the groups differ, they have all had a damaging affect to both women’s history and gender studies.

Joan of Arc and National Rally

Perhaps one of the most blatant uses and abuses of the history of women in political discourse can be found in France. The far-right nationalist party ‘National Rally’ (Rassemblement National), until 2018 known as the Front National,3 has used the famous French heroine and saint, Joan of Arc, as a symbol for its political beliefs, appropriating her image to fit with their anti-immigrant stance, and their view of a modern, but conservative France.4 This narrative has been constructed entirely by the far right.

Joan of Arc has long been a contentious figure within French history. Her story is that of a young girl hearing the word of a God who urged her to cast out the English occupiers within French territory and restore the French monarchical line. Ultimately, Joan is betrayed by the very king she sought to save, placing the monarchy of France in contestation to God, and paving the way for democracy, although several centuries later.5 The historical deeds are well noted, and her own words survive through the transcripts of her trial. Therein it is not so much the deeds that are disputed, but rather, they are morphed by political entities through a redefinition of her symbolism and motivation. The history of Joan of Arc is further complicated by the ‘abandonment’ and ‘rediscovery’ of Joan and her subsequent use as a political tool in the early twentieth century.6 Her use by political factions has typically been limited to conservative groups, used to emphasise the decline in morality of French society and to reinstate their position as the leaders of freedom and democracy.7 To some, Joan is seen as the original freedom fighter, forcing out injustice and forging the path of holy righteousness. Her canonisation in 1920, after a lengthy campaign by the Catholic Church, is further evidence of her repeated use as a political tool—in this setting she is used to combat the decline in church attendance and thus the diminishing power of the Church in French political life.8 It is clear that Joan as a face of politics is not a new phenomenon.

It is of interest for this study to analyse the means by which the figure of Joan of Arc has been changed by the National Rally party as a means to give symbolic significance to arguments about political ideology. When viewed through the lens of the racist stance of the right, Joan becomes a figure of ethnic cleansing. She is not a soldier for king, but rather a liberator of the French from invading cultural forces which seek to change French values and replace them with their own.9 This is contrasted to the situation in contemporary France and the far right’s perceived invasion by Muslims. Through this transmutation of ideas, the lineage of Joan, as a saviour of the nation, is passed down to National Rally president Marine Le Pen, and thus only National Rally can force back the new invaders. Through National Rally’s identification with Joan, they seek legitimacy for the perceived new peril facing France and demand that action must be taken. The imagery of Joan of Arc indicates that again these invading forces must be pushed out to save France and that this is Gods’ divine will. For National Rally, the influx of Islam is not sanctioned by God. They do, however, have His blessing to continue Joan’s crusade.

The importance of Joan as figurehead for National Rally is given further value when compared to the manner in which Marine Le Pen seeks to represent herself. She has sought to model herself as the embodiment of a present-day Joan. Personified as the saviour that France needs, Le Pen portrays herself as a modern-day Joan of Arc that will save France from its immigrant peril. Markedly, for this affiliation to be recognised, a yearly pilgrimage is made by Le Pen to the statue of Joan in Paris. Furthermore, Le Pen even announced her presidential campaign in front of the famous bronze statue. The statue dominated photographs of Le Pen and further emphasised the party’s unity and the special relationship they have coveted with Joan of Arc. The closeness of Le Pen with the familiar statue of Joan further cemented her own vision of herself as the new righteous warrior of France.10 Within this constructed narrative it is merely the foe that has changed in the battle to save France. No longer is it the English that must be expelled to save France from ruin but immigrants, and specifically Muslims. Le Pen’s rhetoric focuses on the threat that these new immigrants have to traditional French life, likening the settling of Muslims in France to ‘foxes in a henhouse’.11 Employing a violent rhetoric, a matter of life and death within this struggle is created. It is clear here the inseparable ideas within this hyperbole between Joan of Arc and Le Pen.

These links between the feminine as the saviour of nation through remarkable deeds are further seen in the association between Boudicca, the legendary female tribe leader, who was able to cast out the Romans, at least temporarily, from England and the campaign by the far right for immigration reform.12 There is a repeated forced association between Boudicca and Joan. Boudicca is representative of an imagined traditional way of living for Anglo-Saxons, in a similar role to which Joan serves for the French far right—embodying an image of virtuous tradition of country and nationalistic pride that must be protected from outsiders at all costs. Their image, both as warriors who fought to protect their homeland from outsiders, is now used by the far right as a call to arms for new recruits. Again, the homeland must be protected, and new warriors are needed for this fight to protect tradition and nation. This supposed threat forges links between the parties who have employed these figureheads of history and correlates the party’s political aims with national salvage.

The case of Joan of Arc and the National Rally party offers a clear example in the manner that far-right political parties operate in terms of propaganda. They seek to use established figures of history and popular memory and then embed them with their own political beliefs. This forged connection is able to offer a closer link of shared understanding and symbolism between these parties and wider society. Furthermore, this connection provides a sense of legitimacy for the party’s political thought that otherwise may have been missing, especially in the contentious narrative in which the far right often exists. Within their version of France, they have warped the figure of Joan of Arc, celebrated icon of the Church and a hero of national pride into an anti-immigration, anti-LGBTQ+ and staunch conservative to suit their own political ideology and iconography.13 This creates a dangerous precedent of adding legitimacy to far-right thought.

Christian Identity

In the United States, many Christian politicians located on the right have begun to question and give new perspectives to previously held stereotypes on the representation of Christian women. The process of re-evaluation is undertaken to seek an explanation for the modern-day political climate, but chiefly to promote a racist and misogynistic doctrine on the status of women in society and a supposed racial hierarchy in the eyes of God.14 This has been conducted by challenging established narratives of women in the Bible. The transference of connotations of the fallen woman is witnessed most often with the biblical figures of Eve and Mary Magdalene. While it is without argument that many of the organisations within the Christian right continue to venerate the idea of woman as mother, Eve embodies the role of mother to mankind, she is increasingly associated with the figure of Magdalene—a much more polemic woman who is often linked with the whore narrative.15 This change in representation is for a multitude of interlinked reasons, but chiefly is due to a desire to undermine feminine power and limit the role of women within politics and church life, whilst continuing to foster the tradition of male dominance.

The countenance of Eve as sinner has been used for centuries as the justification for women’s second-class status in the eyes of the Christian church. ‘Original sin’ is Eve’s sin and thus womankind’s. However, in mainstream Christianity this militant misogyny has been tempered to a relaxation of the argument, and instead Eve is represented as the archetypal Mother. She is from where all subsequent mankind came. This is challenged in far-right Christian groups such as the Kingdom of Heaven ministry, a branch of the Christian Identity movement that bases their views on Eve as seen through the ‘Seed Theory’,16 a racist doctrine that claims only white humanity was created by the union of Adam and Eve. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, it is Kingdom of Heaven’s belief that other races were formed by God earlier in the creation story falling under the heading of ‘Beasts’.17 Further in this rewriting of Genesis, Jews are a product of Eve without Adam, establishing the narrative of whore as the by-product of her union with the snake, representative of Satan. According to Kingdom Identity Ministry doctrinal statement which can be found in correspondence and on their website:

WE BELIEVE in an existing being known as the Devil or Satan and called the Serpent (Gen. 3:1; Rev. 12:9), who has a literal ‘seed’ or posterity in the earth (Gen. 3:15) commonly called Jews today (Rev. 2:9; 3:9; Isa. 65:15). These children of Satan (John 8:44–47; Matt. 13:38; John 8:23) through Cain (I John 2:22, 4:3).18

Within Christian Identity doctrine womanhood is to blame for the Jews, the opponents of Christianity. Blamed within these groups for a multitude of sins, the death of Jesus but also the continuing threat to America and Christian whiteness, Jews are perceived as the devil incarnate on Earth. The doctrinal statement continues:

Who have throughout history always been a curse to true Israel, the Children of God, because of a natural enmity between the two races (Gen. 3:15), because they do the works of their father the Devil (John 8:38–44).19

Within the Christian Identity original sin narrative, women are held responsible for the sins of lust, disobedience and the creation of evil; the woman must be wary of repeated transgressions. This apprehension about committing further sin allows for the continuation of male dominance within the Christian Identity. The Christian Identity movement’s Eve narrative seeks to foster the continued patriarchal dominance within its ranks and forever links women with sin.

The symbolism of control and male dominance in the fringe movement of Christian Identity is further reflective of the continued disdain for women held by the radical right. It is also seen in many aspects of the mainstream Christian right who continue to place women in a secondary position.20 It exemplifies the practice of utilising already established historical figures that are widely recognised and overlaying them with new symbolism, characteristic of the rights’ beliefs. This process adds a sense of legitimacy that would otherwise be lacking from their political theories if they were statements made into a void. An example of this practice is seen in the literature distributed in regard to the ‘Seed theory’ by Kingdom Ministries; Eve is described as willingly laying with the Devil.21 Here she is mother second, whore first. According to the racist ideology of Kingdom Ministries, she is responsible for the creation of the Jewish nation and as such for the world’s problems; she created ‘The children of Belial’ or the Devil’s children.22 She and, by extension, womanhood as a whole are responsible. This allows the ongoing reasoning for male dominance within these groups, because if Eve, mother of the white race, was unfit to control herself—unable to withstand temptation—, then all women must be controlled, to save themselves.

Redefining Eve and Mary Magdalene

The redefining of female actions within the Bible to better suit the warped narrative of the far right is seen with numerous figures other than Eve. Most noticeably transformed by male dominated political society is the figure of Mary Magdalene, long cowed under the shawl of prostitution and promiscuity. This is the image that has continued to the present day; Magdalene is the fallen woman returned to the ‘righteous’ path by Jesus. However, as her story has begun to morph from that of prostitute to confidant, this is not a reclamation of female autonomy but rather a vindication of the roles that women can fill and still be seen as pure and worthy of God.23 The redefining of Magdalene’s role could initially be considered a better fate for Mary. She is shown to have been redeemed from her previously conferred upon sins; however, this change is an undermining of her character in a different manner. For Mary to be considered a worthy compatriot of Jesus she must be removed from the narrative of whore. Thus, Mary Magdalene is no longer in control of her own body. For her to be allowed power or a righteous role in the Bible she must be innocent, there is no middle ground for a woman to hold. For her to be realised and recognised as a figure of any worth by the Christian far right, she must become mother. This is a further symbolisation of the changing narrative of women to depict their standing in society.

Female figures of the Bible have been given new interpretations by the Christian far right in an attempt to undermine female emancipation and feminism, whilst promoting their own ideals on womanhood. The Christian Identity movement has conferred upon Eve not just her original sin but another more devastating judgement. She has created white men’s supposed greatest enemy—Judaism. Through further changes in narration on the role of Mary Magdalene as well, as with others within the Bible, the Christian far right are able to express their anti-feminist beliefs with God’s word. There are many examples of this, one of can be seen in Colossians 3:18: ‘Wives, submit yourselves unto your own husbands, as it is fit in the Lord’ or most emphatically linking woman with whore and sin in Revelation 17:5,6 ‘The mother of Harlots and Abominations of the Earth’.24 All seek to emphasise woman as being sinful and secondary in nature to men. This process of redefining women of the past and giving them new characteristics to emphasise ideological beliefs is undertaken similarly with Joan of Arc, and is conducted as an attempt to give unconventional political ideas a sense of legitimacy through their connection to established figures.

Alt-History

The issue of gender continues to be a thorny issue for many organisations within far-right organisations such as the KKK; the increasing need for much of the far right to appear female friendly has provoked a rewriting of the organisation’s own history in an attempt to appeal to a wider section of society. The resurgence of the KKK within the contemporary political sphere is a reflection of the growing trend towards populism and the attempt to legitimise racism within the United States, and in a wider context the world.25 The resurgence in popularity of the group is of importance for this section which seeks to identify the unknown history of women in the KKK and the affect this has had on the role of women in present-day Klan political thought.26 First, it must be emphasised that women’s history has often been supressed by the very organisation of which women are members.27 The repression of women’s history is a continuation of the practice in far-right organisations to assert male dominance and diminish women’s power and position in society.

Image

Figure 4.2 Women members lead a 1928 Ku Klux Klan parade on Pennsylvania Avenue. Everett Historical/Shutterstock.com.

The Women’s Ku Klux Klan (WKKK) was an offshoot branch of the much larger all-male Klan that is typically the subject when referencing the ‘Klan’. The racist organisation was also at its core extremely misogynistic, seeking not only to end black suffrage but also to prevent women from gaining the vote. The WKKK strongly opposed the attempts to shackle their political rights and believed that white women could be extremely useful in politics, providing a larger white percentage of the voting population. The WKKK employed different methods to the male Klan in their political activism, seeking non-violent pamphleteering and political campaigning, attempting to promote their racist agenda through legal and political means. Over 500,000 women were part of the Klan during its heyday in the 1920s, with chapters in the majority of states; they were a large organised force of women.28 However, despite its size, the WKKK is an organisation that has largely been left out of history, both due to the racist organisation the women were part of, barring them from mainstream recognition and within the Klan itself, where women’s roles are seen as secondary in importance to that of men.

As the radical right increasingly seeks to extend its profile and gain legitimacy in the eyes of society, they have sought to reinterpret their history and the means by which they portray certain groups to gain political credibility. Today, a chief method that they are employing to bolster their numbers is through the recruitment of women. To be successful in this endeavour to gain power through democratic means, they must first legitimise themselves in the eyes of women.29 Due to this need for a wider voting base they have begun to re-examine the organisation’s own history and draw from its depths tales of women that they consider inspiring. This is an attempt to change the male dominated history of the group into something more palatable for their prospective female recruits. Within this devised fictional narrative discussion centres around the organisation’s early feminist attempts to secure the vote for women and emphasises that there is a place within the movement for women. This narrative is created in reference to the WKKK and is an attempt to reconfigure the history the KKK had previously omitted. To claim the KKK is a feminist organisation is nonsensical. The WKKK campaigned extensively for women’s suffrage; however, this was a sharp divide in ideology between the Klan and was the impetus for the creation of a separate women’s KKK organisation in the first place. Today, it is now evident that the male Klan is willing to embrace these differences and women’s suffrage if this change to history can attract new supporters. Before feminism can be claimed by the women of the WKKK, the motivation behind these claims must be analysed, and while undeniably the women wanted the right to vote this was primarily a means to fulfil a racist ideology. These tactics of rewriting history to suit the organisations contemporary aims visualise the dangerous precedent that is occurring within the far right. This example of the WKKK shows that through a reinterpretation of history, the KKK is able to transform their misogynistic history into an account that is much more palatable for twenty-first-century women and furthermore sanctifies their organisation as championing the feminist cause.

The methods that the KKK employ in their attempts to change the way women who were previously involved with the Klan are remembered can be seen through their mutation of the history of specific women and their roles. A case in point of this is in reference to Alma Bridwell White, who was named the first female bishop of the United States in 1918.30 Within far-right exchange she is lauded as the first feminist in America. Their interpretation of her life is as a fighter for women’s suffrage, which she claimed was biblically mandated. Her position as the first female bishop in America is conventionally something that should be celebrated as an accomplishment for women. However, White is only a figure of esteem within the KKK due to her ideological conviction that only white protestant women should gain the vote. This, coupled with her racism and extreme intolerance for those of differing beliefs, marks her as a rare symbol of feminism with which the radical could associate. Within one of the many books published in accord with the Klan, White states: ‘It is within the rights of civilization for the white race to hold the supremacy; and it is no injustice to the coloured man’.31

White’s public involvement with the Klan, which included numerous cross burnings held on her Church grounds, and her contributions to Klan publications further demonstrate her racist beliefs. Furthermore, she spoke frequently about her beliefs in the wickedness of Judaism and its perversion of white Christian women in church sermons and at public events. Alma Bridwell White has largely been forgotten by mainstream society; however, she has seen a resurgence in popularity as a figure of the radical right, due to her association with feminism; she is now housed in the Litany of the Saints and enjoys a particular fondness in her home state of New Jersey.32 The racist and hateful speech of White is reconfigured by the KKK as a propaganda tool in attracting the votes of women. With their sanitisation of White into the first feminist, supported by God, they are able to cleanse the Klan’s history and make it more palatable for women.

The prevalence of far-right groups, such as the KKK, rewriting the history of their organisations in an attempt to gain credibility in the eyes of society is widespread. This rewriting of history to gain credibility in the eyes of women is seen not only in organisations such as the KKK but also in the reclamation of the mother’s movement in the Second World War and in the black shirts reinvention of Margherita Sarfatti from Mussolini’s biographer to the mother of Fascism in Italy.33 This is particularly demonstrated in the ways the KKK has chosen to reconstruct its past in regard to women as the group increasingly attempts to draw women into their ideology and to support their organisations. This leads to a reinterpretation of past events, exemplified in the workings of the KKK, a group which now embraces the history of its feminine counterpart the WKKK, which previously was shunned. This re-evaluation of the past has worked effectively at bringing women into the far right, as they are no longer considered the enemy; they now have a home at which to exploit their racist views. Due to the change in women’s position, they are no longer one of the groups outwardly persecuted, thus allowing a feeling of safety and solidarity amongst members. Women are important to the far right in this conception of the past and are now necessary for the right to reach its goals.

Conclusion

This chapter aimed to discuss and provide new insight into the manner in which the far- right creates alt-histories that better serve their agenda. Through commandeering historical narratives and warping them to suit their own policies and ideology the radical right is able to gain legitimacy for their beliefs through association with these women of the past. This was a central theme throughout the three case studies discussed; through the transference of their dogma onto already established figures and narratives the far right has been able to gain a sense of legitimacy. This is perhaps most obvious in the case of Joan of Arc and figures of national identity that are repurposed by the far right. The links that Le Pen and National Rally have created between Joan of Arc through both ideological overlaying of ideas and the physical connection that Le Pen has sought to establish have created a universal connection between the two. Joan, a fifteenth-century figure, now serves as a popular symbol for the far right in France. These connections are dangerous for wider society who are less likely to challenge a partial truth with heritage, creating a precedent for acceptance of far-right ideology.

When the far right transforms history they are able to take control of the past and can redefine the actions of themselves and their opposition into something more palatable for the outsider. This then increases their standing in society and can help to promote themselves as heroic—other history is against them and they are the victim. This is seen through the KKK and the recreated narrative of the role of the Klan in feminism and in the campaign of suffrage for women. The past has been warped to portray the Klan as seeking equality for women, which is factually untrue. However, the Klan is not the only group to utilise these methods, and the transformation of history is also seen in the Christian Identity movement and many others, which have warped the past and given it new metaphors that emphasise their political views or are able to explain past reprehensible behaviour.

The fabricated accounts of the past created by the far right are an important part of their attempt to gain legitimacy and attract a wider range of supporters. It is clear from this chapter that this action specifically targets white women, the part of society with which men in the far right still seeks to oppress within their ideology. Traditionally, women have been relegated to a secondary position within these groups who seek to enhance traditional roles with men as dominant and woman as submissive. However, the radical right’s subjugation of women has become a hindrance for much of the far right who now face new bigger enemies than just women, focusing on their racist and xenophobic ideologies. It is for this reason that women are now wanted, due to a focus on recruitment by the parties to build up their base of support. These false narratives of women in history are one of the means that they seek to carry out these aims.

Notes

  1. 1 The policy of the far right in regard to women is explored extensively in Köttig, Michaela, Renate Bitzan, and Andrea Petö. Gender and Far Right Politics in Europe (New York: Springer, 2017). Within the text the secondary nature of women in terms of social hierarchy is discussed and in addition the limits placed upon women by the ideology of the far right because of perceived gender inferiority. For Köttig it is in these distinctions made in terms of gender bias that the policy of the far right, that of oppression of women, is realized.

  2. 2 Garland, Jon, and James Treadwell. ‘No Surrender to the Taliban!’ Football Hooliganism, Islamophobia and the Rise of the English Defence League. Paper presented at the Papers from the British Criminology Conference 2010. The symbols of Saint Leo and Saint George, respectively, are regularly seen in the organised mass demonstrations of far-right groups in their respective countries. The symbolism of past nationalistic and religious pride is linked with mass support, creating easily identifiable emblems.

  3. 3 David M. Herszenhorn, ‘Marine Le Pen’s National Front Rallies behind a New Name’. Politico, 2 June 2018.

  4. 4 Peter Davies, ‘The Front National and Catholicism: From Intégrisme to Joan of Arc and Clovis’. Religion Compass 4, no. 9 (2010).

  5. 5 Marina Warner, Joan of Arc: The Image of Female Heroism (Oxford: Oxford University Press: 2013), 78.

  6. 6 Gerd Krumich. ‘Joan of Arc between Right and Left’. In Nationhood and Nationalism in France, edited by Robert Tombs (London: Harper Collins Academic, 1991), 49.

  7. 7 Ibid., 56.

  8. 8 Ingvald Raknem, Joan of Arc in History, Legend and Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971).

  9. 9 Gerd Krumich, ‘Joan of Arc between Right and Left’. In Nationhood and Nationalism in France, 44.

  10. 10 Peter Davies, The National Front in France: Ideology, Discourse and Power (London: Routledge, 2012), 112.

  11. 11 Chloe Farand, ‘Marine Le Pen Launches Presidential Campaign with Hardline Speech’. The Independent, Sunday 5th February 2017.

  12. 12 Stephanie Lawson, ‘Nationalism and Biographical Transformation: The Case of Boudicca’. Humanities Research 19, no. 1 (2013): 101.

  13. 13 Marine Le Pen’s views of an anti-immigration policy and anti-LGBT legislation are seen through her numerous attacks on these groups in the press and are definitively stated within her mission statement when launching her presidential campaign. She has also mentioned her wish to return to traditional French families in numerous interviews. These have created a clear picture of far-right rhetoric.

  14. 14 Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The Origins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997.

  15. 15 Susan Haskins, Mary Magdalen: Myth and Metaphor (New York: Random House, 2005).

  16. 16 Leonard Zeskind, The ‘Christian Identity’ Movement: Analyzing Its Theological Rationalization for Racist and Anti-Semitic Violence. Division of Church and Society of the National Council of the Churches of Christ in the USA, 1987.

  17. 17 Information on the Kingdom of Heaven ministry and their beliefs have been compiled by the Southern Poverty Law Center and can be found here; https://web.archive.org/web/20181021222149/https://www.splcenter.org/fighting-hate/extremist-files/group/kingdom-identity-ministries.

  18. 18 Mike Hallimore. ‘Doctrinal Statement’. edited by Kingdom Identity Ministry (Harrison: Kingdom Identity Ministry, 2002).

  19. 19 Ibid.

  20. 20 Buss, Doris. Globalizing Family Values: The Christian Right in International Politics. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003).

  21. 21 E.K. Jandebeur, Proof of the Sexual Seduction of Eve. (Harrison: Kingdom Identity Movement, 2016).

  22. 22 The American Institute of Theology. The Apple Story; Genesis 3:15, the War between the Children of Light and the Children of Darkness. (Harrison: The American Institute of Theology, 2001), 41.

  23. 23 Linda L. Lindsey, Gender Roles: A Sociological Perspective. Routledge, 2015.

  24. 24 The Bible. Edited by Stephen Prickett, Robert Carroll. Oxford: Oxford World’s Classics, 2008.

  25. 25 For more on the KKK, see Rory McVeigh, The Rise of the Ku Klux Klan: Right-Wing Movements and National Politics. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009).

  26. 26 Kathleen M. Blee, ‘Becoming a Racist: Women in Contemporary Ku Klux Klan and Neo-Nazi Groups’. Gender & Society 10, no. 6 (1996): 680–702.

  27. 27 Kathleen M. Blee, Women of the Klan: Racism and Gender in the 1920s. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 81.

  28. 28 Ibid., 176.

  29. 29 Nonna Mayer. ‘From Jean-Marie to Marine Le Pen: Electoral Change on the Far Right’. Parliamentary Affairs 66, no. 1 (2013): 160–78.

  30. 30 Op Cit. Kathleen M. Blee. Women of the Klan: Racism and Gender in the 1920s. 76.

  31. 31 Alma White, The Ku Klux Klan in Prophecy (Zarephath: Good Citizen, 1925).

  32. 32 Her memorial can be seen in the Bible college named after her in Zarephath New Jersey, which burned down in 1978, a memorial marker dedicated to her in Denver and the church that continues to bear her name also in Zarephath.

  33. 33 Carole C. Gallucci, Carole, ‘She Loved Mussolini: Margherita Sarfatti and Italian Fascism’. In Right Wing Women; from Conservatives to Extremists around the World, edited by Paola Bacchetta and Margaret Power (New York: Routledge, 2002): 19–29.

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