CHAPTER 3
ETHNOAGRICULTURE IN NORTHEAST INDIA: PROS, CONS, AND ECO-SUSTAINABLE MODEL
CONTENTS
3.3 Ethnoagriculture in Other Parts of the World
3.4 Case of Apatanis in Arunachal Pradesh
3.5 Alternate of Shifting Cultivation
3.6 Agroforestry: Prospects and Potential for Sustainable Development of NE India
ABSTRACT
Ethnoagricuture is intimately and inextricably linked with the society and livelihood of North East India. It is strongly interwoven with tradition, culture and festivals of North East India. Shifting cultivation is linked with ethnicity of North East India. Its pros and cons to the environment are discussed in this chapter. Further, case study on ethnoecology of Apatanis of Arunachal Pradesh is mentioned. Finally, agroforestry implications in ethno-agriculture is discussed and explained through an eco-sustainable model developed by the author.
3.1 INTRODUCTION
Ethnoagricuture is inextricably linked with ethnoecology as well as traditional knowledge like shifting cultivation in North East India. The large and varied body of knowledge that farmers possess and employ is an important, yet often overlooked, element in the analysis of traditional agriculture (Brosius et al., 1986). Shifting cultivation and deforestation are major constraints in developing sustainable food-production systems in the north-eastern hill region, due to their detrimental effects on soil and water resources (Borthakur et al., 1985; Singh et al., 1994). At the same time the region has some excellent indigenous resource-based land use systems. Most of them are tree based, having unique fertility restoration capacity by preventing soil loss, improving soil organic matter status and replenishing the nutrients through effective recycling mechanism (Chauhan and Dhyani, 1989; Dhyani and Chauhan, 1994).
3.2 SHIFTING CULTIVATION
Different anthropogenic and socio-economic factors have perturbed the pristine ecology of NE India, leading to the degradation of environment and natural resources. Shifting cultivation is a form of ethnoagriculture in North East India. Particularly, the practice of unregulated shifting cultivation (jhooming) exacerbates the gloomy situation. Shifting agriculture, or slash and burn agriculture is locally called “jhooming.” Figure 3.1 demonstrates a patch of forest which underwent shifting cultivation. Practiced since time immemorial (originating during Neolithic times), it is still the major form of agriculture in the NE Himalaya. Practiced by about half a million tribal families, it affects about 2.7 million ha, and about 0.45 million ha remain under shifting cultivation per year. This accounts for 85% of the land cultivated each year. Normally, shifting cultivation involves: (i) forest cutting during December-January; (ii) burning of the slashed forest after removing tree trunks and large branches during midFebruary to mid-March; (iii) cultivation of crops in April-May (cereals, vegetables, and oil-yielding crops) in various mixes; (iv) shifting to another forest site; and (v) returning to the original site (in earlier times after 20-30 yr.) but currently, owing to the population pressure, after 5 years or even less (Singh and Singh, 1987).
FIGURE 3.1 Figure showing patch of forest underwent shifting cultivation.
In the NE India, shifting cultivation is a major land use that is practiced by almost all the tribal groups (Ramakrishnan, 1993; Ramakrishnan et al., 1996). There is wide recognition across the globe, and disciplines, that regions of ecological relevance like NE India exhibit a symbiotic relationship between their habitat and the culture within (Ramakrishnan et al., 1996, Ramakrishnan, 2001). Moreover, jhoom practice among various tribes of Mizoram is closely linked with socio-cultural life of the people. Various festivals are organized on the onset of Jhooming as well as at the time of harvesting of crops. Shifting cultivation could be said to have evolved as a response to special physiographic characters of the land, and the economy and socio-cultural traditions of the cultivators practicing it (Ramakrishnan, 1993, 2001). Earlier, shifting cultivation was supposed to be a sustainable use of forest ecosystems while cultivators had plenty of forest areas available (Ramakrishnan, 2001). However, today this form of cultivation accounts for about 61% of total tropical forest destruction, thus posing socio-economic constraints. Further, it leads to biological invasions hampering the native forest resources (Gupta and Mukherjee, 1994; Raman, 2001). Moreover, under the strain of increasing population pressure, the fallow period became drastically reduced and the system degenerated, resulting in serious soil erosion and decline in the soil’s fertility and productivity (Ramakrishnan, 2001). The tribal cultivators of NE India replaced traditional jhooming with non-traditional jhooming as their source of livelihood (Arunachalam et al., 2002).
The net decrease in forest cover due to shifting cultivation in NE India was estimated to be 387 km2 between 1989 and 1991, 448 km2 between 1991 and 1993 and 175 km2 between 1993 and 1995 (Satapathy and Bujarbaruah, 2006). During this period, the rate of forest loss has declined in NE states such as Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya, increased in Nagaland and Manipur and fluctuated in other states (Satapathy and Bujarbaruah, 2006).
In 1957, the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) officially condemned shifting cultivation as a waste of land and human resources, and as major cause of soil erosion and deforestation. Traditional shifting cultivation were able to maintain subsistence crop yields at a low but sustained level for centuries; if fallow length was respected. In the tropics, where rain and sunshine are abundant throughout the year, secondary forest develops wherever cultivated land has been forsaken for a long period. Notwithstanding, the practice causes a severe loss of biological diversity. Moreover, in area of high demographic growth and increasing land shortages (like Aizawl, the capital city of Mizoram, NE India), intensification of slash and burn system can be highly detrimental. Intensified land use under shifting cultivation not only increase invasive weed biomass but also changes weed species composition difficult to control (Rai, 2009). The creation of secondary forests composed of a few dominant colonizing plant species, bamboo thickets, and thatch grasslands has adversely affected plant diversity (Gupta, 2000). Plant diversity is also affected by the almost total cessation of the natural regeneration of shade loving species of Orchidaceae and Dipterocarpaceae following changes in the light regimes on the forest floor due to wide openings in the canopies created by large-scale jhoom clearings (Gupta, 2000).
In nutshell, general impact of unregulated shifting cultivation in tropics altered the landscapes that were once large tracts of evergreen dense primary forests, into fragmented mosaics of small habitat islands of degraded primary forests, secondary forests and low quality bamboo forests (Rai, 2009). The frequent periodic clearing of forests as in non traditional jhooming creates an ecosystem where secondary plant species are totally different from the parent forest (Rai, 2009). These changes in habitat also affect forest resources (Arunachalam et al., 2002), animals, birds, and microorganisms (Raman, 2001). After slash and burn agriculture (jhoom) at lower elevations in North-East (NE) India, the secondary succession passes from a herbaceous weedy community to bamboo forest (Rai, 2009). During the intervening fallow period, the vegetation grows back through the ‘succession’ (Raman, 2001; Rai, 2009). In NE India, where shifting cultivation is a common practice, a typical fallow period theoretically lasts about 10 years.
Some ecologists have suggested that jhoom may increase biodiversity because it creates new habitats, while others see it as a largely destructive practice (Raman, 2001). Several workers (Singh and Singh, 1987; Raman, 2001) addressed this debate by measuring the change and recovery of plant and bird communities after shifting cultivation. One group of researchers (Raman, 2001) from Wildlife Institute of India (WII) concluded that jhoom cultivation leads to the invasion of widespread bird species at the expense of forest species that are often rare or restricted in range. They recommended that to avoid substantial changes in natural communities, jhoom cycles would need to be at least 25 years (for birds) to 50 years (for vegetation) as the current 8-10 years cycles are clearly inadequate to conserve forest bird and plant communities.
Due to excessive non-traditional jhooming, forest area and vegetation cover have shrunk by about 22.9% and 12.4%, respectively in last 40 years in Tripura, a NE state (Gupta, 2000). According to Gupta (2000), open, less diverse, moist and dry mixed deciduous secondary forests have replaced the dense primary forests of NE India due to the shifting cultivation with reduced fallow period. Repeated jhooming on short fallow rotation coupled with grazing and other human disturbances (encroachment, over-exploitation for timber, fuel wood, fodder, and construction materials, etc.) have arrested secondary succession at the serial community stages, favoring weed infestation, loss of accumulation of woody biomass, and reduction of floral diversity. It has also resulted in the creation of Imperata cylindrica grasslands, and degraded bamboo forests (Gupta, 2000; Rai, 2009).
As far as soil physico-chemical parameters change pertaining to aforesaid practice is concerned before the forest is cleared for jhooming, a closed nutrient cycle exists in the soilforest system. Within this system, most nutrients are stored in the biomass and topsoil, and a constant cycle of nutrient transfer from one compartment of system to another operates through the physical and biological processes of rain-wash (i.e., foliage leaching), litter fall, root decomposition, and plant uptake. However, clearing and burning the vegetation leads to a disruption of this closed nutrient cycle. During the burning operation the soil temperature increases and afterwards, more radiation falling on the bare soil-surface results in the higher soil and air temperature. This change in the temperature regime causes changes in biological activity in the soil. The addition of ash to the soil through burning causes important changes in soil chemical properties and organic matter content (Stromgaard, 1991). In general, exchangeable bases and available phosphorus increase slightly after burning; pH values also increase, but usually temporarily. Burning is also expected to increase organic matter content, mainly because of the unburnt vegetation left behind (Yadava and Devi, 2004, 2005; Devi and Yadava, 2007). Yadava and Devi (2004) reported higher values of C, N, P, and microbial biomass than the native forest site in the immediate slash and burnt site of Manipur, NE India. The rate of ammonification and N-mineralization were also recorded to be higher in the slash and burnt site as compared to the protected forest site (Yadava and Devi, 2005; Devi and Yadava, 2007). These changes in the soil after clearing and burning result in sharp increase of available nutrient but in following years it declines significantly. The main reasons for the decline in crop yields are soil fertility depletion, increased weed infestation, deterioration of soil physical properties, and increased insect and disease attacks. Ramakrishnan (1992) studied the effect ofjhoom on soil fertility at high elevations of Meghalaya, NE India, using 15, 10 and 5 years jhoom cycles and found that longer fallows gave greater improvement in humus and nutrients.
Bhadauria and Ramakrishnan (1996) investigated the role of earthworms in the Nitrogen cycle in a shifting agriculture system under a 5and a 15-year jhum system fallow period intervening between two croppings on the same site. Earthworms participated in the N cycle through worm cast egestion, mucus production, and dead tissue decomposition. Soil N was initially depleted by volatilization during slash and burn operations, and subsequently during cultivation processes. These losses were more pronounced under the 15-year Jhum system. The total soil N made available for uptake by the plant through the activity of earthworms in this agro-ecosystem was higher than the total input of N to the soil through the addition of slashed vegetation, inorganic and organic manure, and recycled crop residue and weeds.
Nevertheless, in view of current demographic, economic, and land use patterns in NE states, it will be too ambitious attempt to revert to traditional shifting cultivation. Also, such traditional practices are further linked with their culture and sentiments. Moreover, most of the human population depends on shifting-agriculture in the NE region. Only we have to find out alternate ways and an ecologically relevant hypothetical growth model.
3.3 ETHNOAGRICULTURE IN OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD
Ethnoagriculture record of Mexico has been overviewed by Butzer (1990). Growth of sedentary agricultural settlement was seen over the 2000 years prior to “Classic” Teotihuacan (demographic growth rate only 0.09% annually when 14C dates are calibrated to absolute years). Yet locally the ecological impact was enormous, with strong pollen peaks of maize (to over 30%) (Butzer, 1990). Around Lake Texcoco, a much more modest peak of maize and disturbance plants was delayed until the Teotihuacan phase (ca. A.D. 300-750) (Rai, 2012). Population centers were, then, prone to shift over time, with long intervening periods of agricultural recession. That pattern is reflected in the overall population history. For the early 1500s, extrapolating for the 20% or so of the arable lands not surveyed, a population of 800,000 to 1.2 million is suggested (Sanders, 1981; Butzer, 1990). This compares with 230,000 during the earlier maximum of the Teotihuacan era, which was followed by a protracted decline, to a low of only 130,000 between about A.D. 950-1150, a time of considerable settlement retraction in many areas and disintensification in some. The remarkable growth of the Late Aztec period is linked by Sanders to agricultural expansion and intensification. In Classic times, floodwater and canal irrigation had been limited to a small part of the basin, primarily around Teotihuacan. During the 150 years of Aztec rule, irrigated agriculture expanded greatly along the alluvial lowlands, up into the piedmont zone, while chinampa cultivation was developed in the Xochimilco-Chalco area, and hill slope terracing brought higher ground into cultivation (Butzer, 1990). In other words, the elaborate system of intensified agriculture that characterized the basin in 1519 was of comparatively recent origin. Although Sanders prefers to see intensification and agricultural expansion as a response to growing population pressure, the three centuries or more of demographic decline after A.D. 750 shows that growth was not linear and that the systemic interactions were more complex. The several cycles of settlement nucleation evidently corresponded to times of administrative centralization and population growth that were repeatedly terminated by periods of decentralization, with settlement dispersal and population decline. This suggests that systematic integration or dissipation, with increasing or decreasing energy (tribute) demands, must be considered as major factors in the equation (Butzer, 1990).
3.4 CASE OF APATANIS IN ARUNACHAL PRADESH
One other well-known example that can be cited as an example of TEK is wet rice cultivation of the Apatanis, which is a unique and highly integrated land use system in the State Arunachal Pradesh of NE India (Ramakrishnan et al., 2002). The estimated diversity of rice found in the entire region is about 9650 (Mao et al., 2009; Chaliha and Kant, 2011). The state of Arunachal Pradesh itself yielded around 616 germplasm collections of rice from 1987 to 2002 (Hore, 2005; Chaliha and Kant, 2011).
The Apatanis of Ziro valley in lower Subansiri district of Arunachal Pradesh are one such tribe which grow a wide variety of paddy in very small land holdings (Chaliha and Kant, 2011). This tribe, known to be relatively advanced among other tribal societies, grows paddy varieties of unique grain characteristic, nutrition requirement, duration, productivity and resistance to disease and insect pests, in highly evolved wet paddy cultivation coupled with pisciculture (Chaliha and Kant, 2011). Wetland rice cultivation in Ziro valley is practiced in broad and well-leveled terraces with strong bunds in which the hill streams are trapped, channelized and diverted into primary, secondary and tertiary networks to provide water in the terraces. Water from one terrace reaches another through bamboo or wooden pipes. Fish pits in the plots ensure water remains for pisciculture even when the field is drained off especially in the flowering and the grain maturity stage (Chaliha and Kant, 2011).
The paddy varieties of Apatanis have been reported by different researchers and their accounts vary greatly (Dabral, 2002; Pulamte, 2008; Dollo et al., 2009; Nimachow et al., 2010; Chaliha and Kant, 2011) on account both of limited tools at their disposal as also the geographical areas actually explored.
Further, the inventory of medicinal plants used by the Apatani by Kala (2005) opened new avenues to scrutinize such a rich natural resource for further analysis in order to develop the potential of herbal medicine.
3.5 ALTERNATE OF SHIFTING CULTIVATION
Shifting cultivation, which is the prime concern of policy makers in the context of natural resource management, cannot sustain for the long term because increasing population in the absence of an abundant supply of land is bound to shorten the cycle of shifting cultivation, bringing about continuous deterioration in soil fertility and ecological changes. Studies conducted in the Philippines, Gambia, Malawi, Zambia, and in India (Ganguly, 1968; Saha, 1970) reveal that land carrying capacity under shifting cultivation is very low-about six persons per sq. km. Therefore, conservation of biodiversity will largely depend on creating conditions to revert to traditional long fallow shifting cultivation, finding suitable alternatives to such farming practices, or a combination of both. In view of earlier mentioned demographic, economic, and land use patterns in NE states, it may be too ambitious attempt to ban traditional shifting cultivation. The efforts of the government to control forest resources could not be enforced against strong local needs of subsistence and income generation. Therefore, the best solutions may lie in finding suitable alternatives that make an appropriate balance between socio-economic considerations and natural resource management.
In order to remove the ecological and economic constraints imposed due to non traditional shifting cultivation, TEK and scientific approach can be practiced in an integrated way in NE India through the broad implementation and extension of agroforestry practices on jhoom lands.
Agroforestry is a collective name for land use systems and technologies where woody perennials (trees, shrubs, palms, bamboos, etc.) are deliberately used on the same land management units as agricultural crops and/ or animals, in some form of spatial arrangement or temporal sequence. Community forestry, farm forestry, social forestry in nutshell describes the “tree growing by the people, for the people” and in general, all these terminologies encompass agroforestry concepts and technologies. In agroforestry systems, there are both ecological and economic interactions between the different components. The mixture of crops grown in agroforestry is so evolved that the root systems of different plants reach out to varying depths. In this way, different crops are able to use the nutrients of different layers of the soil in the field. In contrast, all plants under monoculture system (common in conventional shifting cultivation) draw up from the same strata. Secondly, the varieties of plants in jhoom system are arranged in a multi-storied pattern so that the leaf area of all vegetation in the field together is extraordinarily large. This helps in harvesting the solar energy much more efficiently than in a mono crop area. The multi-storied pattern also provides a better cover for the land against soil erosion. Further, aforesaid monoculture pattern may be more prone to pest attack when compared to multiple cropping pattern followed in agroforestry.
3.6 AGROFORESTRY: PROSPECTS AND POTENTIAL FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OF NE INDIA
Various approaches have been suggested as alternatives and/or improvements to shifting cultivation (FAO, 1985), and most of them emphasize the importance of retaining or incorporating the woody vegetation into the fallow phase and even in the cultivation phase, as the key to the maintenance of soil productivity (Nair, 1993). However, suitable eco-friendly methods are to be applied for true and all round agricultural development in the hills. Depending on the ways in which the woody species are incorporated, the alternate land-use system can be agroforestry (Nair, 1993).
Agroforestry is a collective name for land use systems and technologies where woody perennials (trees, shrubs, palms, bamboos, etc.) are deliberately used on the same land management units as agricultural crops and/ or animals, in some form of spatial arrangement or temporal sequence. In agroforestry systems there are both ecological and economic interactions between the different components (Nair, 1993). Community forestry, farm forestry and social forestry in nutshell describe the “tree growing by the people, for the people.” In general, these terminologies all encompass agroforestry concepts and technologies (Nair, 1993). The mixture of crops grown in agroforestry is so evolved that the root systems of different plants reach out to varying depths. In this way different crops are able to use the nutrients of different layers of the soil in the field. In contrast, all plants under monoculture system (common in conventional shifting cultivation) draw up from the same strata. Secondly, the varieties of plants in jhoom system are arranged in a multi-storied pattern so that the leaf area of all vegetation in the field together is extraordinarily large. This helps in harvesting the solar energy much more efficiently than in a mono crop area. The multistoried pattern also provides a better cover for the land against soil erosion. Further, aforesaid monoculture pattern may be more prone to pest attack when compared to multiple cropping pattern followed in agroforestry. There are wide scope of sloppy land development and management in the hilly region with application of agronomical, mechanical soil and water conservation measures and intervention of agroforestry systems. The soil conservation measures and agroforestry systems are to be generally planned and taken up in the areas retrieved from jhooming to provide protective cover to the barren lands. These will help in prevention of soil erosion, improving water regime particularly of the catchments areas and general restoration of the balance of the ecology of nature (Sonowal et al., 2006). Tiwari and Jha (1995) surveyed 22 watersheds in Mizoram. These have been placed in three class, i.e., low priority, high priority or very high priority as per the requirement of swift soil conservation measures. Effective planning, development, and utilization of all natural resources in hills towards sustainable production are possible on the basis of watershed programs, aimed to check soil erosion, improve soil fertility and productivity (Satapathy and Bujarbaruah, 2006). Further, TEK, as discussed earlier in the text may also encourage agroforestry approaches in an effective and systematic way. For instance, TEK was integrated into institution building in the sustainable management of the traditional slash and burn agroecosystem in the State of Nagaland in NE India. Traditional tribal societies of Nagaland in NE India organize nutrient-use efficient crop species on the upper slopes and less efficient species along the lower slopes, corresponding to the soil fertility gradient of a steep slope. By shortening the shifting agricultural cycle the farmer tends to place emphasis on tuber and vegetable crops rather than cereals with longer cycles. Operating a mixed cropping system, where species are sown simultaneously following the first rain during the monsoon, the farmer harvests crops one after the other as they mature over a period of a few months. After the harvest, the biomass is recycled into the agricultural plot. Weed biomass taken from the plots are put back into the system; about 20 per cent of weed biomass serves an important nutrient conservation role on the hill slope, which would otherwise be lost through leaching processes. Socially selected species of traditional agricultural systems and those from natural systems often have an ecologically significant keystone value; these keystone species often play a major role in the nutrient enrichment of soil. Traditional eco-technologies, such as systems for water harvesting during the period of the monsoon, have been shown to be of value in altering biological processes in soil and thus improving soil fertility (Ramakrishnan, 1992).
There should be an inextricable link between plants and animals in agroecosystems. Animal husbandry with fish or prawn aquaculture may be an integral component of agroforestry in NE India. Livestock management, for example, pig and bee culture may also be practiced in agroforestry systems. Animal husbandry is an important component of the local economy and the status of a tribal family is often also assessed on the basis of the number of animals of its own (Satapathy and Bujarbaruah, 2006). By pollinating the diverse group of plants Bees perform vital and often unappreciated roles. At least 30% of our agricultural crops require the movement of pollen between flowers mediated by bees. We are dependent upon these “forgotten pollinators” for most of what we eat. Furthermore, in agroforestry, selective breeding of livestock for meat extraction may prevent frequent hunting of wildlife leading to their extinction. Concomitantly, animal husbandry in agroforestry systems may boost the socioeconomic status of peoples, for example, breeding of pig is particularly popular in Mizoram and it provides a sound contribution to economy.
Similarly, Agroforestry may be Teak based, Subabul based, Fruits mixed with Subabul, Medicinal plants mixed with Subabul, Bamboo based agroforestry, Hedgerow cropping, Coffee based agroforestry, Sole Banana based cropping, and Medicinal plant based, which further ameliorate the socio-economic sector. Medicinal plant cultivation has many more advantages, as this practice brings economic benefit to the community while also addressing conservation concerns (Chettri and Sharma, 2007). Jha and Lalnunmawia (2003) studied the ecological and economic aspect of Bamboo and Ginger based agroforestry system. Lalramnghinghlova and Jha (1996) mentioned prominent multipurpose trees in farming system of Mizoram. Such sort of studies in context of agroforestry systems need focused attention and further work in this direction. Home gardens are very common and age old practice of agroforestry in every village of NE India, which may be encouraged further. A home garden is an assemblage of plants which may include trees, shrubs, bamboos, and herbaceous plants in or adjacent to a home or home compound. Banana, papaya, mango, peach, plum, jack fruit, pine apple and some other domesticated wild fruit and vegetables are commonly cultivated in home gardens. Fodder and fuel trees are also planted in home garden for home consumption throughout the year. Besides, a number of the home gardens of rare and endangered orchids (epiphytic and ground/terrestrial), medicinal plants (both as vegetables and medicinal) and wild fruit plants (both lianas and trees) are grown in the garden. Live fence of different species (both thorny and non-thorny) are planted around the orchard for providing protection from the livestock and for additional production and risk diversification. The species widely planted for the purpose are: Erythrina indica, Gliricidia sp, Thysanolaena maxima, Emblica officinalis, etc. Large cardamom (Amomum subulatum) is the most important native cash crop of Sikkim in agroforestry systems of NE India and traditional agroforestry systems also encompasses different economic crops (Rai et al., 1994, 1997, 2002). Therefore, agroecosystems as well as natural ecosystems harbor immense genetic potential (Lalramnghinghlova, 1999a,b,c,d, 2000, 2001, 2002a,b).
Agroforestry systems promote an increase in the soil organic carbon stocks and fractions, thus improving soil quality (Ramesh et al., 2015). Certain plants, for example, Alnus nepalensis in particular, can, therefore, be recommended as an alternative soil management strategy for food production, and for the maintenance of soil quality and agricultural sustainability through increased Soil Organic Carbon (SOC) sequestration in the highly fragile agro-ecosystems of northeast India (Ramesh et al., 2015).
In this context, agroforestry systems, land use systems in which woody plants are grown in association with agricultural crops, pasture or livestock, have been widely promoted as a sustainable food production system, and would be particularly attractive for under-developed regions, where the use of external inputs is not feasible (Nair et al., 1999). It is also considered to be a viable option for better soil use, favoring environmental functions and increasing carbon sequestration (Takimoto et al., 2009). These agroecosystems can improve nutrient cycling and enhance soil structure (Maia et al., 2006), reducing water erosion and increasing SOC stocks depending upon the quantity and quality of litter reaching soil surface and rate of litter decomposition and nutrient release (Aguiar et al., 2010).
Soil hydro-physical behavior was studied under a 20-year old agroforestry plantation consisting of five multipurpose tree species (Pinus kesiya Royle ex Gordon, Alnus nepalensis D. Don, Parkia roxburghii G. Don, Michelia oblonga Wall. and Gmelina arboria Roxb.) maintained under normal recommended practices at Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) Complex, Umiam, Meghalaya, India (Saha et al., 2007). Of the tree species, Pinus kesiya, Michelia oblonga and Alnus nepalensis were found to be rated best for bio-amelioration of soils as these tree covers had more root and shoot biomass and more litter fall compared to other species (Saha et al., 2007).
Ethnopedology is the documentation and understanding of local approaches to soil perception, classification, appraisal, use and management (WinklerPrins and Sandor, 2003; Nath et al., 2015). It is widely recognized that farmers’ hold important knowledge of folk soil classification for agricultural land for its uses, yet little has been studied for traditional agroforestry systems (Nath et al., 2015). Nath et al. (2015) explored the ethnopedology of bamboo (Bambusa sp.) based agroforestry system in North East India, and establishes the relationship of soil quality index (SQI) with bamboo productivity.
Author of this chapter made a self-explainable eco-sustainable model (Figure 3.2) for the integrated management of natural and human resources on the basis of abovementioned discussions. Further, integrated work and cooperation among social workers, scientists, ecologists, wildlife workers, academicians from Mizoram University and North-Eastern Hill University, NGO’s and policy makers is recommended for sustainable development of natural resources of NE India (Rai, 2012).
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The author is thankful to Professor Amar Nath Rai, Former Director, NAAC, Vice chancellor Mizoram and North Eastern Hill University, India.
FIGURE 3.2 Alternate to ethno-agriculture in the form of shifting cultivation for ecosustainable development of North East India (Redrawn and modified after Rai, 2012, 2015).
KEYWORDS
- Agroforestry
- Apatanis
- Eco-sustainable model
- Ethnoagriculture
- Ethnoecology
- Shifting cultivation
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