Abbreviations and Notes
AE |
Anniée Epigraphique |
AFA |
Acta Fratrum Arvalium |
AJAH |
American Journal of Ancient History |
AJP |
American Journal of Philology |
BC |
Bellum Civile |
BCH |
Bulletin de correspondance hellénique |
BGU |
Berliner Griechische Urkunden |
BJ |
Bellum Judaicum |
CAH |
Cambridge Ancient History |
CIL |
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum |
CPJ |
Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum |
CQ |
Classical Quarterly |
CR |
Classical Review |
EJ |
V. Ehrenberg and A. H. M. Jones, Documents Illustrating the Reigns of Augustus and Tiberius |
GS |
Gesammelte Schriften of Th. Mommsen |
ILS |
Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae |
JRS |
Journal of Roman Studies |
MAAR |
Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome |
MEFR |
Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’Ecole française de Rome |
MH |
Museum Helveticum |
MW |
M. McCrum and A. G. Woodhead, Select Documents of the Principates of the Flavian Emperors including the Year of Revolution |
Nash |
E. Nash, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome |
NC |
Numismatic Chronicle |
NH |
Natural History |
OGIS |
Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae |
Ph |
Philologus |
Platner-Ashby |
S. B. Platner and T. Ashby, A topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome |
PG |
Plutarch, Galba |
PO |
Plutarch, Otho |
PW |
Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopädie |
REA |
Revue desétudes anciennes |
RhM |
Rheinisches Museum |
RömMitt |
Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung |
RRAM |
(Magie’s) Roman Rule in Asia Minor |
SAWW |
Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien |
SG |
Suetonius, Galba |
SO |
Suetonius, Otho |
SV |
Suetonius, Vitellius |
SVesp |
Suetonius, Vespasian |
Sm |
E. M. Small wood, Documents Illustrating the Principates of Gaius, Claudius and Nero |
StR |
Th. Mommsen, Staatsrecht |
T |
Tacitus |
T |
R. Syme, Tacitus |
TAPA |
Transactions of the American Philological Association |
VA |
Vita Apollonii |
WF |
Wege der Forschung |
WklPh |
Wochenschrift klassischer Philologie |
1 For a study of the portraits of Galba, Otho and Vitellius, see M. Gjø desen, Meddelelser fra Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 16 (1959), 1–46; and of Galba, H. von Heintze, RömMitt 75 (1968), 149–53. Suetonius is confused on the date of Galba’s birth; Hardy (Plut., Galba, p. 93) opts for 5 B.C., W. R. Tongue (TAPA 69, 1938, xlix) for 3 B.C.
2 An ambitious reconstruction of the forecourt of the Golden House is offered by E. B. Deman, MAAR 5 (1925), 115–26 and pl. 62.
3 Hungry chickens: Cic., De Diuinatione ii, 73. Shaded pronaos: Ovid, Fasti i, 71ff. with Frazer’s commentary. Magliana: T. Mommsen, Reden und Aufsätze 27–93, esp. 291.
4 On the Seventh Legion and Galba’s activities in Spain in 68, see Legio VII Gemina (Institute Leonés de Estudios Romano-Visigticos, Leó n 1970). Pom-ponius Rufus: MW 31 and M. Raoss, Epigraphica 20 (1958), 46–120, esp. 104.
5 On Macer see K. R. Bradley, ‘A Publica Fames in A.D. 68’, AJP 93 (1972), 451–8. A date for Galba’s arrival in Rome can only be argued from the mention of Narbonne, reached by the deputation about the beginning of August; on 15 October a statue of Liberty Recovered was dedicated in the palace: ILS 238 = MW 30.
6 The appointment of Agricola as investigator into deficits in the temple treasuries is one example of Galba’s attempts to rectify the malpractices of Nero’s reign.
7 For some of the literature on the population of the empire, see Der kleine PW, s.v. ‘Bevölkerung’ (Heichelheim). Estimates for Rome vary from 250,000 to 1½ million (listed by F. G. Maier, Historia 2, 1953–4, 318–61, esp. 321f.). For a recent conservative estimate see J. E. Packer, JRS 57 (1967), 80–95 MAAR 31 (1971), 74–9 (attacked in JRS 63, 1973, 279–81). Thirteen miles: Pliny, NH iii, 66.
8 On the speed of travel there is abundant evidence and an enormous literature: I cite only W. Riepl, Das Nachrichtenwesen des Altertums (Leipzig-Berlin, 1913); L. Friedlander, Sittengeschichte Roms10 I (1922), 333–42; L. Gasson, Skips and Seamanship in the Ancient World (Princeton, 1971); and G. Préaux, ‘Le Rè gne de Vitellius en Egypte’ in Mélanges G. Smets (Brussels 1952), 571–8.
9 The soldiers’ annual oath: Pliny, Ep., x, 52 with Sherwin-White’s note.
10 Antonius Naso: MW 355, 421.
11 The standard work on divination is A. Bouché-Leciercq, Histoire de la divination dans l’antiquit é (Paris 1879–82). On the Piacenza bronze ‘liver’, see G. Kö rte, Röm-Mitt 20 (1905), 348–77 and pls. xii-xiv.
12 Subrius Dexter: MW 337. The site of Liberty Hall is much disputed: T. Mommsen, GS v, 60–2; and E. Welin, Studien zur Topographic des Forum Romanum (Lund 1953), 179–219, esp. 194, places it at a point later covered by Trajan’s Forum.
13 The Basin of Curtius: Platner-Ashby, s.v., Nash2i, 542ff.; G. Lugli, Roma antica: il centro monumentale 156; Welin, op. cit., 75ff. The fig tree is illustrated on the Plutei of Trajan: Nash2 ii, 176f.; 399.
14 Mucius Scaevola: Livy, Ep. lxxxvi.
15 On the unsatisfactory nature of Tacitus’ famous obituary in Histories i, 49, 2–4, see E. Koestermann, ‘Das Gharakterbild Galbas bei Tacitus’ in Navicula Chilonien-sis, Festschrift für Felix Jacoby (Leiden 1956), 191–206 (= V. Pöschl, ed., Tacitus (WF), Darmstadt 1969, 413–31).
16 On the Horrea Sulpicia, see G. F. Rickman, Roman Granaries and Store Buildings 1971, esp. 167.
17 Customs dues: S. J. de Laet, Portorium (Brugge 1949). Digne: Pliny, NH iii, 37.
18 The military coin issues: H. Mattingly, ‘The “Military” Glass in the Coinage of the Civil Wars of A.D. 68–9’, NC 12 (1952), 72–7; G. Kraay, ‘Revolt and Subversion; the so-called “Military Coinage” of A.D. 69 Re-examined’, ibid., 78–86. But the coins were surely minted not in ‘South Gaul’ but at Lyon; and I doubt whether their purpose was ‘to be smuggled into Rome, put into circulation there, and thus subvert the loyalty of both troops and civilians’. The Fides Praetorianorum coins may imply a bribe already offered by Vitellius to his troops in Germany: the promise that any who wished would be enrolled in the Guard.
19 The date of departure from the Rhine can only be argued from an elaborate calculation of distances and times for which this is not the place; and the same is true for other incidents in the movements of Valens, Caecina and Vitellius.
20 educatrici Augusti nostri: CIL xiii, 5138 = E. Howald and E. Meyer, Die römische Schweiz 233.
21 Mons Vocetius: another and perhaps more likely identification is the Utliberg west of Zurich: A. Deman, ‘Tacite, Histoires i, 67–68’ in Hommages à Max Niedermann (Brussels 1956), 90–101; he also places at Zurich the fort whose pay was stolen.
22 The Great St Bernard: Strabo iv, 6, 7; cf. PW Supplement-Band VII, 407 and G. Walser, Itinera Rotnana (Bern 1967) i, 44.
23 Jars: Strabo v, i, 12.
24 Nero’s ‘liberation’ of Greece: P. A. Gallivan, Hermes 101 (1973), 230–4. False Neros: D. Magie, RRAM ii, 1422n; K. Holzinger, ‘Erklä rungen … der Offen-barung Johannis …’ in Sitzungsberichte der Akad. der Wissenschaften in Wien 216, 3 (1936); P. A. Gallivan, ‘The False Neros: a Re-examination’, Historia 22 (1973), 364f Asprenas: B. Levick in Anatolian Studies 17 (1967), 102f. and pl. xia has published an inscription (AE 1967, 492) from Pisidian Antioch referring to him and dated 71.
25 The Esterzili inscription: CIL x, 7852 = ILS 5947 = MW 455; cf. T. Mommsen, GSv, 325–51.
26 Dalmatia: CIL iii, 9973; and 9938 (= ILS 5951 = MW 451) with J. J. Wilkes, Dalmatia, 1969, 214ff.
27 The Aurelian Way repaired by Nero: S 352. Suedius Clemens: MW 339, 405 and 476. A drink made of barley: Strabo iv, 6, 2.
28 Vestricius Spurinna: see Pliny’s letters passim, with Sherwin-White’s commentary.
29 Much of the narrative of chapters 4 and 5 is discussed in detail in JRS 61 (1971), 28–51.
30 A plausible supplement: Histories i, 90, 3, prqfectus Otho (Flauio Sabinoy quietem urbis curasque imperii Saluio Titiano fratri permisit.
31 Galerius Trachalus: gready admired by the young Quintilian: x, 1, 119; xii, 5, 5.
32 Virgil’s carrier: Catalepton x, where the boy poet describes the votive tablet of the retired muleteer, in which he was represented with reins and comb, in the chapel of the Castors (Dioscuri). The poem is a delightful parody of Catullus, written shordy after the publication of Phaselus ille, quem uidetis, hospites …
33 For a description of Roman troops marching impediti, see BJ iii, 115–26 (tr. Williamson, Penguin, pp. 18of.); and for illustrations, the reliefs of Trajan’s Column, published in standard editions by Fröhner (1872), Cichorius (1896–1900) and Lehmann-Hartleben (1926).
34 Gaeta inscription: CIL x, 6087 = ILS 886 = EJ 187. There is an illustration of the mausoleum in the Enciclopedia dell’ Arte antica (Rome 1958–73), iii, 724. A convenient and authoritative recent guide to Roman Lyon is that of A. Audin, Lyon, miroir de Rome dans les Gaules 1965.
35 Veleia inscription: ILS 2284 = MW 386.
36 Philostratus, Life of Apollonius v, 13.
37 Streets needing repair: ILS 245 = MW 412.
38 A small sacrifice: AFA, first half of June: ob [uictoria]m faction. Venet. porcam et a[gnam …
39 Chills and malaria: with the remarks of Histories ii, 93 and 99 may be compared the discussion of W. H. S. Jones, Malaria and Greek History (Manchester 1909).
40 A Nereid: Statius, SiL iii, 2, 33. The Pharos of Alexandria: H. Thiersch, Pharos (Leipzig-Berlin 1909); M. Asin and M. L. Otero, Proc. British Academy 19 (1933), 277–92; C. Picard, BCHj6 (1952), 61–95. For the graceful epigram of Posidippus relating to the lighthouse, see A. S. F. Gow and D. L. Page, The Greek Anthology: Hellenistic Epigrams i, p. 169 (no. xi) and ii, pp. 489–91. The poet declares that the lighthouse is visible from an infinite distance: Josephus, BJ iv, 613 says that the light could be seen at a distance of up to thirty-seven miles, and Mr T. Ireland, of the Department of Navigation at Leith Nautical College, confirms the accuracy of this figure if we accept (from our Arabic source) that the structure was 135.7 metres high and if we place our imaginary observer 50 feet above sea-level with good conditions of visibility.
41 An encyclopaedic work on the city is P. M. Fraser’s Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford 1972). Piazza del Popolo obelisk: ILS 91 = EJ 14.
42 Irresponsible excesses: for the exuberant behaviour of the Alexandrian mob in the theatre and the hippoDrôme, cf. E. K. Borthwick, CR 86 (1972), 1–3.
43 BJ ii, 487–98.
44 OGIS 669 = MW 328 = S 391; cf. B. Chalon, L’ Edit de Tiberius Julius Alexander (Olten-Lausanne 1964); tr. N. Lewis and M. Reinhold, Roman Civilization ii, 98. The papyrus version, which reproduces the first fourteen lines of the inscription with slight discrepancies, is BGU vii, 1563 (from Philadelphia in the Fayum).
45 For a recent study of the portraits of Vespasian and his family, see G. Daltrop, U. Hausmann and M. Wegner, Die Flavier (in the series Das römische Herrscherbild) (Berlin 1966). Vacuna: Hor., Ep. i, 10, 49; the Roccagiovine inscription is CIL xiv, 3485 = ILS 3813 = MW 432.
46 Oenoanda: ILS 8816 = MW 258 = S 243a. Antalya: S 243b.
47 Euphrates: Pliny, NH v, 83; elephant: viii, 6; monkeys: viii, 215; goats: viii, 202; teeth: xi, 107; leather pipe: v, 128; plane tree: xii, 9.
48 Alans: Josephus, BJ vii, 244; Ammianus Marcellinus xxi, 2, 12ff.; D, Magie, RRAM, ii, 1418f. At Histories i, 6, 2 we should read in Alanos with T. Mommsen, Romische Geschichte v, 394n (= tr. Provinces of the Roman Empire 1886, ii, 62n).
49 BJ iii, 398–404.
50 5 June: BJ iv, 550. My understanding of 
rests upon the (ancient) table of equivalences published by Kubitschek in Denkschriften der k. Akad. d. Wissenschaften in Wien 57, 3 (1915), 12 and on the belief that a date important in Roman history would have been reported by Josephus according to the Macedonian (i.e. Julian) calendar: so E. Schurer, History of the Jewish People, tr. (Edinburgh 1890), I, 2, pp. 233f.; cf. p. 376. The supposition that Josephus was using the Tyrian calendar here leads to the dating 23 June (and to the previous year 68, inappropriate in the context, and found incredible by W. Weber, Josephus und Vespasian, Berlin, etc., 1931, 156f.).
51 Vitellius did not so regard 1, 2 or 3 January: AFA under 1 May.
52 The papyrus fragment: P. Fouad 8 = MW 41 = CP J 418a. On Fronto and Pedu-caeus, see p. 127.
53 T. Mommsen, ‘Die Dynastie von Kommagene’, GS iv, 81–91. For interesting evidence of Roman occupation of the Euphrates frontier in this area, see ILS 8903 = MW 93 with V. Chapot, BCH 26 (1902).
54 For some details of Eastern promotion, see G. W. Houston, ‘M. Plancius Varus’, TAPA 103 (1972), 167–80, esp. 177n40.
55 L. Peducaeus: P. Oxy. xxii, 2349; A. Stein, Die Präfekten von Ägypten (Bern 1950), 39f.; R. Syme, JRS44 (1954), 116
56 Nero’s regulation about wills: Suetonius, Nero 17.
57 The Fondi inscription: CIL x, 6225 = ILS 985 = MW 2741; cf. AE 1966, 68.
58 20 August: the date must be calculated on the basis of distances and marching speeds, as indicated in the text.
59 The Vitellian cohorts seem to have been engaged on routine bridge-building. The many wide rivers of northern Italy called for the maintenance of a number of pontoon bridges.
60 The doubts that obscure Saturninus’ career are expounded by R. D. Milns in ‘The Career of M. Aponius Saturninus’, Historia 22 (1973), 284–94.
61 The Vedennius stone: CIL vi, 2725 = ILS 2034 = MW 375; Helbig, Führer4 i, 275f. On Roman artillery in general see the works of Dr E. W. Marsden, Greek and Roman Artillery: Historical Development 1969; and Technical Treatises 1971.
62 Palisaded crown: Aulus Gellius v, 16, 17.
63 Valens’ route northwards: JRS 63 (1973), 296. For a map of Pisa Port, see PW, s.v. ‘Volaterrae’.
64 Umbrian prosperity: to Spoleto and its territory it may be possible to attribute the comparatively dense population of 23,000 (R. Duncan-Jones, The Economy of the Roman Empire, Cambridge, 1974, pp. 273–4): 17*850 plus slaves.
65 Cerialis: for a recent view of his career, see A. R. Birley, ‘Petillius Cerialis and the Conquest of Brigantia’, Britannia 4 (1973), 179–90.
66 The old circular harbour; de la Blanchere, MEFR 1881, 322n°.
67 Rembrantesque setting: Rembrandt’s painting in the Swedish National Museum, ‘Claudius Civilis makes the Batavians swear to rise against the Romans’, depicts the scene, on which see Konsthistorisk Tidskrift 25(1956), 3–92. The work, with which one may compare a number of preliminary sketches, was offered in vain to the city fathers of Amsterdam.
68 The Roman historian’s principles: as recorded by Orosius, Historiae adversum paganos vii, 10, 4.
69 Vetera: the older standard accounts (especially important is H. Lehner, Vetera, Berlin-Leipzig 1930) should now be supplemented by H. von Petrikovits, PW, s.v. ‘Vetera’.
70 The main (south) gate of Vetera: with Lehner’s reconstruction (op. cit., Abb. 23).
71 A poor soil: Strabo xi, 2, 12.
72 cf. P. Graec. Vindob. 25787 (cf. H. Gerstinger, ‘NeueTexte aus der Sammlung Pap. Erzherzog Rainer in Wien’, Anzeiger d. ost. Ak. d. W., phil.-hist. KL, 1958, nr. 15, pp. 195–202). The text, if it is properly taken to record the words of Vespasian, seems to refer to an occasion early in 70.
73 A. Rowe, ‘A visit to the Soma’, Bull. J. Rylands Library 38 (1955), 139–55; A. Bruhl, ‘Le Souvenir d’Alexandre et les Romains’, MEFR 47 (1930), 202–21.
74 Every eye: Pliny, NH xxxiv, 24.
75 The foundations of the temple: CAH, pis. iv, 92a.
76 ILS 984 = MW 97 (Marquardt, Privatleben2 244n).
77 MW 405; G. R. Watson, The Roman Soldier 1969, pp. 103 and 193; Macrobius i, 10, 1.
78 Martial x, 23, 5–8.
79 The cellars of the Capitoline Temple: Aulus Gellius alludes to the fauisae Capitolinae, ii, 10.
80 Tampius Flavianus also was probably involved in repelling the invasion: ILS 985 = MW 274 mentions ornamenta and the taking of hostages from the enemy, a Tran[sdanuuianis]. Cooperation with Mucianus in the autumn to restore the Danube frontier position might well account for the favour he continued to enjoy in Vespasian’s reign despite his connection with Antonius.
81 Letter to the Archbishop of Prague: no. xxxv in A. Gabrielli, Epistolario di Cola di Rienzo (Rome 1890), p. 165. The scene in the Lateran is described in the lively and anonymous Life (c. 1358) to be found in Muratori’s Antiquitates Italiae Medii Aevi (Milan 1740) iii, coll. 40off. and since then separately in other editions including that of A. M. Ghisalberti (Florence, etc., 1928), Capitolo Terzo. The tablet is now in the Stanza del Fauno of the Capitoline Museum (Helbig4 ii, 22of.). Text: CIL vi, 930 = ILS 244 = MW 1. It has generated an enormous debate, for which see inter alios G. Barbieri in de Ruggiero, Dizionario Epigrafico iv (1957)> 750–8. Rienzo’s homily: ‘Gentlemen, so great was the majesty of the Roman people that it gave the emperor his authority. Today, however, we have lost this privilege, to our great discomfiture and shame.’
82 Eprius Marcellus: MW 271–3.
ADDITIONAL NOTES
p.1 a blessing on the community: cf. Ovid, Fasti 177ff.with Frazer’s commentary; A. Miiller, ‘Die Neujahrsfeier im romischen Kaiserreiche’, Ph 68 (1909) 464–87;M. Meslin, La fete des Kalendes de Janvier dans Vempire romain, Bruxelles, 1970;D. Baudy, ‘Strenarum commercium’, RhM 130 (1987) 1–28.
p.2 no stranger to greatness: on the coins of Galba and his portraits see also E. Fabbricotti, Galba, Rome, 1976. The prophecy: so Dio 57, 19; 63, 29. It is attributed by SG 4, 1to Augustus.
p.3 Faliscan heights … Clitunno: merely exemplary, but see Ovid, Am. III 13–14 and Vir. G II 146–8.
p.7 Quintilianus: Jerome, Chron. s. anno2084 = A.D. 68:not mentioned by T.
p.8 those he had robbed: whether at Agr. 6, 5T wrote dona templorum or bona templorum, as J. G. Griffiths, CQ71 (1977) 437prefers, the sense is clear. Since T is influenced by his father-in-law as a primary witness to the fact that Galba’s own hands were clean, I read at H 149, 3 pecuniae … publice auarus, not … publicae … which would imply the exact opposite. Vindex’ revolt: the literature on Vindex and Verginius is enormous and fortunately does not concern us here: for a recent view see B. Levick, RhM 128 (1985) 318–46.
p.9 not for self, but Italy: Pliny, Ep. IX19, 1.
p.12 massive and multifarious: and indeed often humdrum, unless much was dangerously delegated to liberti. A conception of the duties performed by, or required of, the emperor, especially in Flavian and later times, may be gained from Fergus Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World, London, 1977. For a brief and excellent survey of that world, Th. Mommsen’s Provinces … cannot be bettered.
p.15 annual oath: Pliny, Ep. X52with Sherwin-White’s n. seven German (legions): V Alaudae and XV Primigenia at Birten near Xanten, XVI at Neuss, I at Bonn, IIII Macedonica and XXII Primigenia at Mainz, XXI Rapax at Windisch.
p.16 a secret emergency meeting: I so interpret PG 22
This incident is not mentioned by T, who is intent upon the coup de theatre at Bonn, but it is perfectly consistent with, and indeed required by, T’s narrative. At this meeting the selection of Vitellius must have been urged by Caecina Alienus, commander of IIII, who was probably already in collusion with Fabius Valens, commander of I. The final adhesion of the German military districts to Vitellius could not have been publicised until3January, and of this Pompeius could give no indication in his letter two days earlier; it was not known at Rome on10January (cf. TH 116, 3:Galba to Piso: … duae legiones …). Even on15January Otho claimed (ib.38, 2) that omnium militum arma nobiscum sunt.
p.17 Rome: Pompeius could not have despatched his warning earlier than the morning of2January, but it reached Galba in Rome before the public adoption of Piso on 10 January, which it triggered.The speed implied is 125 mp daily, a rate credible in circumstances of considerable urgency. VII (Galbiana): T’s silence on this transfer, destined to be fatal to Galba, is a serious lapse, flaws of character: emphasized by T, but surely visible to Galba if he did not choose him, as expected, to be his successor. It is Juvenal (ii 103) who mentions the mirror (missed by the historians, he says), the coins which demonstrate the wig; and Pliny, NH xiii 27adds the information that Otho put scent on his feet.
p.18 Marius Celsus: at TH 172, 11 read fides integra et [in] felix as sense demands. Syme, T, App.32, should be consulted, private heir: if we may believe SG 17 (Pisonem) nobilem egregiumque iuuenem ac sibi olim probatissimum testamentoque semper in bona et nomen adscitum. If this fact were known to Otho, it might explain his apparently long-laid plans; cf. p.21.
p.21 11January: at TH 126, 11 read with Th. Mommsen postridie redeuntem (cf. the appendix critica of the Teubner text, 1989).
p.23 The speech was well enough received: the text of THI 31, 1 is seriously corrupt. I read without confidence cetera cohors non aspernata (est) contionantem, ut turbidis rebus euenit erectior, te‹mere› magis et nullo adhuc consilio pars igna‹ra, par›s quod postea creditum est, insidiis et simulatione. According to this interpretation, some men were stimulated by loyalty, others pretended it. This at any rate accords with the sequel.
p.29 the life, not the death, of Galba: at TH 149, 21 now read (non) magis extra uitia quam cum uirtutibus, which makes sense of nonsense (less affectedly,cum uirtutibus aeque ac vitiis).
p.35 self-interested: at TH I52, 21 read auiditate impe‹t›randi with the Leiden manuscript (cf. RhM no, 1967, 215–17).
p.39 early69:cf. CIL XIII 5138 with van Berchem, MH 39 (1982) 267–74.
p.40 Brugg: much more likely is the suggestion of C. Durr, Ort und Wort 1 (1973) 1–19, that the Mons Vocetius is to be identified with an ancient fort on high ground beside the Aare2km. south-west of Aarau in the parish of Eppenberg-Woschnau.
p.41 Great St Bernard: cf. G. Walser, Summus Poeninus, Wiesbaden, 1984.
p.43 C. Fonteius Agrippa: not mentioned by any ancient author in this connexion but deduced from TH II 2, 2 oram … Asiae … praeuectus.
p.44 the praetorship: cf. Th. Mommsen, StR 1573–4.
p.54 southwestwards: T’s control of the narrative of events in the spring of A.D. 69 is uncertain. Both chronology and troop-movements must be reconstructed with some labour and speculation.
p.57 Antonius Primus: TH II 86, 2.
p.62 T. Flavius Sabinus: this Sabinus is probably the son of the Urban Prefect of the same name; cf. G. B. Townend, ‘Some Flavian Connections’, JRS 51 (1961) 54–62, esp.56;K. G. Wallace, ‘The Flavii Sabini in T’, Historia 36 (1987) 343–58.
p.66 218 B.C.: SEE P. 149and n.
p.68 gable-ends of the building: PO14.
p.69 south of Cremona: one must assume (T does not tell us) that the former bridge over the Po had been broken by the Othonians before the Vitellians made Cremona their base.
p.74 Tornata: cf. the IGM 25,000 map sheet61 II NE (AMS891= GSGS4228). The Dugale Delmona, accompanying the Via Postumia, flows i km north of the probable site, normal infantry prescription: no convincing explanation has been offered by historians ancient or modern for this short advance, but the decision may have been prompted not only by the reason offered in the text but by a desire to keep out of the probable range of Vitellian reconnaissance and thus secure secrecy.
p.76 language: TH II 39, 2 de proelio dubitatum is grossly ambiguous.
p.78 the treason of certain elements: TH II 41, 1 proditionem; 44, 1 proditorem; 44, 3 proditione.
p.81 a comrade in the enemy ranks: TH II 42, 2 noscentes inter se (pace the commentators).
p.82 their collapse: this sideshow (which, however, completed the discomfiture of the Othonian left) is not clearly described by T at H II 43, 2. The praetorian cohorts of Spurinna (II 36, 2) hang in the air. Presumably one of the three was left at Piacenza (p.53) and the other two were added to the gladiatorial force of Flavius Sabinus south of the Po at Cremona (p.99).
p.85 planned to marry: an improbable story at SVesp. 6, 4circulated, it seems, by Flavian propaganda, later alleged that in his last hours Otho had penned a letter to Vespasian appealing to him to claim the principate for the good of Rome and to avenge himself, Otho.
p.87 16 April: for the chronology of these events, see ‘Suggestio Falsi in T’, RhM 103 (1960) 283–4.
p.89 Otho in his death: Martial, Ep. vi 32
p.99 a deputation of the Senate: cf. that which met Galba at Narbonne (p.7).
p.100 the second half of May: at TH II 70, 1the paradosis reads intra quadragesimum pugnae diem. Ernesti in1752plausibly suggested the emendation ultra (ul/in), which accords with the context and a reconstruction of the timetable of Vitellius’ march to Rome, triumphs: Lucan, BC I 12 Philostratus VA V13survives: pl.3
p.101 the list of consuls suffect: G. B. Townend, ‘The Consuls of A.D. 69/70’, AJP 83 (1962) 113–29
p.102 from Mainz): and also those borne by the drafts from Britain, it may be presumed.
p.106 7 September: either7or24September, according to SV3. But see L. Holzapfel,
p.111 an inscription at Dendera: Sm 156.
p.114 May 69:the oath but not the date is mentioned at TH I 73, 1; 74, 1, but the context in T and the probable lapse of time (two weeks for the outward journey from Rome (p. 88) ) make early May probable for the recognition of Vitellius at Caesarea, and news of this would hardly have reached Italy until mid-June, that is before Vitellius’ entry into Rome (p. 101). The first Egyptian document designating Vitellius (at Thebes) is dated 16 June, a statement in Suetonius: V6, 2–3
p.117 Genzano in 1877: CIL xiv 2173 = MW 259
p.121 sacrifice was due: the portents are faithfully recorded by SVesp. 5.
p.125 well received: cf. pp. 136–7
p.126 Eastern frontier: for road-building between Caesaea and Scythopolis in the latter half of 69, see B. H. Isaac and I. Roll, ‘A Milestone of A.D. 69 from Judaea’, JRS 66 (1976) 15–19.
p.130 Este: p.97
p.133 the client-kingdom of Vannius: A. Alfoldi, ‘Wo lag das Regnum Vannianum?’, Sudostforschungen 15 (1956) 48–53 and A. Leube, ‘Rom und Germanien’, SA WW 1982, 51ff.
p.134 Tartaro … Legnago … Castagnaro: the TCI 1:200 000 map 8 will be found convenient. The Valli Grandi Veronesi are now elaborately drained. The 1:25 ooo maps (IGM) are valuable for detail.
p.135 unimpeded access: T misleadingly says (H III 8, 1) Verona potior uisa, patentibus circum campis ad pugnam equestrem, qua praeualebant. The point was not the proximity of plains, widely available in the Po valley, but the protection (and control) offered by the hills on the north side of Verona.
p.139 a second consulship: p.132
p.140 for his own advantage: Such allegations appear in T with regrettable frequency if they are thought to be piquant. 18 October: This date is extrapolated from the date of Cremona II, which itself must also be argued from hints which T supplies from quite other motives than those of chronological clarity. 9.50 p.m.: ‘Moonshine in T’, RhM 100 (1957) 244–52
p.141 entered the city: We must presume that Caecina’s bridge (or the old one) was now restored or completed (cf. p. 77).
p.142 carrier’s van: Vir. Cat. x.
p.143 towards Cremona: fig. 2.
p.144 the Delmona near Voltido: or perhaps a watercourse corresponding with the Cavo Borri. There was no mention of any such impediment in the advance, which may suggest a different route for the retreat. The main bridges along the Postumia must have been repaired since the spring, but a minor crossing on the decumanus might well have been left in a poor state. But early maps do not represent the Delmona as completely canalised along the Postumia, and it may still have cut the decumanus and not the high road.
p.145 close infantry fighting: When I first explored the area in 1955 and stood in the virtually dried-up bed of the fossa agrestis (ita locus erat) of H III 21, 2 I was convinced that T was accurately reproducing salient features in an accurate account which tallies with the modern landscape (cf. the 1:25 000 IGM map 61 III NE).
p.149 the highway to Brescia: T’s account at H III 27, 2 has puzzled scholars, and justifiably. It is only intelligible upon the supposition which I have made, namely that the camp lay within the angle formed by the junction of the Via Brixiana and the Via Postumia (p. 66; and cf. the marching-camp at p. 74)
p.150 beneath: At H III 29, 1 I now readpostremo uallis‹ubli›cam or ualli {lori) cam, for M’s ballis tarn, abandoned: for a re-interpretation of the metal fragments in the Cremona museum (long thought to be part of the facing of a legionary chest; cf. my commentary, p. 117) as parts of guns, see D. Baatz, ‘Ein Katapult der Legio IV Macedonica aus Cremona’, RömMitt 87 (1980) 283–99.
p.152 hot water, though: such at any rate is one interpretation of the textually uncertain words at H III 32, 3 statim futurum ut incalescerent, denounced as a ‘cheap joke’ by the historian.
p.155 Piomba: TH III 42, 1 qua Picenus ager Hadria adluitur.
p.156 9 November: dates in November must be worked out by extrapolation from 31 October (p. 161) and 17 December (p. 196) by consideration of travel times and the nexus of events. For the period 15 December to 20 December see AJAH 6 (1981) (1984) 166–71.
p.159 Collemancio: I accept the identification proposed by W. Heraeus, WklPh 33 (1916) 787, chiefly on geographical grounds connected with the return of the prisoner from the north-west towards Antonius’ route of march towards Rome.
p.162 if they were so foolish: T, taking an opposite view, shows himself no practical strategist.
p.164 400 cavalry: no doubt posted there to command the Spoleto loop of the Via Flaminia.
p.167 Saturnalia to remember: it is impossible to reconcile the garbled account of Suetonius at V 15 with a time-table based on the much more detailed narrative of T (cf. p. 156n.).
p.176 Vetera: T’s allegation that the defences had been neglected (H IV 22, 1) is exploded by archaeology and looks like an echo of Flavian propaganda seeking to exculpate the Flavian encouragement of the earlier movements of Civilis.
p.177 Neuss: An unfortunate sentence at TH IV 22, 1 gives the impression that both officers were at Vetera.
p.178 his change of plan: not explained by T except by the suspicion oifraus ducum. If our chronology were more secure, the explanation may lie with news of Antonius Primus’ successes in northern Italy and the present need to conciliate Batavians previously encouraged (cf. H V 26) to revolt against the Vitellian legions. Bingen: In a dry autumn and from the vantage point of the Niederwald, I have seen the central bed of the Rhine dry and barges stranded.
p.180 cavalry regiment: probably the Ala I Tungrorum Frontoniniana.
p.183 justified by the event: T’s account of the warfare on the Rhine is far from satisfactory. For a discussion of some of the difficulties see, in addition to Heubner and Chilver-Townend, M. Carbone, The First Relief of Castra Vetera in the Revolt of Civilis’, Phoenix 21 (1967) 296–8 and G. Alfoldi, Die Legionslegaten der römischen Rheinarmeen (Bonn/D ü sseldorf, 1967).
p.188 every eye rested on him: Pliny NH xxxiv 24 oculatissimo in loco, a prepared script: it is remarkable that T writes no direct speech here or elsewhere for Vitellius, thus stifling in the reader’s mind any realization of the sympathy felt for him.
p.190 grandchildren: At H III 69, 4 I so understand liberos: the two children aged 16 and 9, the future consuls of A.D. 82 and 95. The reference cannot be to the consul of A.D. 69, whose absence from Rome at this time may be inferred. The children were to be saved from the danger of being used as hostages.
p.192 grave consequences: cf. my article cited above (p. 156n.).
p.195 the usual jollification: toward the expense of which a deduction was made from pay (cf. Pap. Geneva i-MW 405 with n. 77 here).
p.203 one young Sabinus: cf. p. 1 gon. mask: Appian BCIV 47 and Dio Cass. 65, 17, 4 
Trastevere: CQ 49 (1956) 211–14 discusses the evidence.
p.205 News of the irruption: The chronology of these events is obscure and with my interpretation (ed. Ill 46, 2 with appendix) compare the criticism of Syme, Antichthon 11 (1977) 78–92. However, the reference to the fear of a double attack (ne externa moles utrimque ingrueret) seems to exclude the knowledge that the Vitellians were decisively beaten.
p.207 Lex de imperio Vespasiani: P. A. Brunt, JRS 67 (1977) 95–116
p.209 insincerity.’: TH IV 4, 3 where I read prompsit sententiam honorificam ut in bonum principem; falsa aberant …