Notes

Chapter 1. Dismal Record

1. Benjamin Rivlin, “Unity and Nationalism in Libya,” Middle East Journal 3, 1 January 1949): 31–44, quote 37.

2. Louis Dupree, “The Non-Arab Ethnic Groups of Libya,” Middle East Journal 12, 1 (Winter 1958): 33–44, quote 44.

3. George P. Schultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Scribner’s, 1993), 677.

Chapter 2. Desert Kingdom

1. Ronald Bruce St John, “The Determinants of Libyan Foreign Policy, 1969–1983,” Maghreb Review 8, 3–4 (May-August 1983): 96–103; Nathan Alexander [Ronald Bruce St John], “The Foreign Policy of Libya: Inflexibility amid Change,” Orbis 24, 4 (Winter 1981): 819–46.

2. Ali Muhammad Shembesh, “The Analysis of Libya’s Foreign Policy, 1962–1973: A Study of the Impact of Environmental and Leadership Factors,” Ph.D. dissertation, Emory University, 1975, 56–60.

3. Gus H. Goudarzi, Geology and Mineral Resources of Libya—A Reconnaissance, Geological Survey Professional Paper 660 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1970), 2–18.

4. Majid Khadduri, Modern Libya: A Study in Political Development (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1963), 111–40; John Wright, Libya, Chad and the Central Sahara (London: Hurst, 1989); Ronald Bruce St John, “The Libyan Debacle in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1969–1987,” in The Green and the Black: Qadhafi’s Policies in Africa, ed. René Lemarchand (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), 125–38.

5. R. I. Lawless, “Population Geography and Settlement Studies,” Libyan Studies 20 (1989): 251–52; J. S. Birks and C. A. Sinclair, “The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya: Labour Migration Sustains Dualistic Development,” Maghreb Review 4, 3 (June-July 1979): 95–102.

6. Ronald Bruce St John, Historical Dictionary of Libya, 3rd ed. (Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 1998), 86–87.

7. Taoufik Monastiri, “Teaching the Revolution: Libyan Education Since 1969,” in Qadhafi’s Libya, 1969–1994, ed. Dirk Vandewalle (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 67–88; Marius K. Deeb and Mary Jane Deeb, Libya Since the Revolution (New York: Praeger, 1982), 18–51. Jamahiriya is an Arabic word coined by Qaddafi, which has no official translation but unofficially is understood to mean “state of the masses,” “people’s authority,” or “people’s power.” The revolutionary government employs the word to convey a concept of self-rule without interference from state administration. St John, Historical Dictionary of Libya, 144.

8. Benjamin Higgins, Economic Development: Problems, Principles and Policies, revised edition (New York: W.W. Norton, 1968), 26.

9. Frank C. Waddams, The Libyan Oil Industry (London: Croom Helm, 1980), 57–226; Rawle Farley, Planning for Development in Libya: The Exceptional Economy in the Developing World (New York: Praeger, 1971), 117–26; P. Barker and K. S. McLachlan, “Development of the Libyan Oil Industry,” in Libya Since Independence: Economic and Political Development, ed. J. A. Allan (London: Croom Helm, 1982), 37–54.

10. J. A. Allan, Libya: The Experience of Oil (London: Croom Helm, 1981), 58–95; Mustafa Sedd El-Ghariani, “Libya’s Foreign Policy: The Role of the Country’s Environmental and Leadership Factors, 1960–1973,” M.A. thesis, Western Michigan University, 1979, 54.

11. Judith Gurney, Libya: The Political Economy of Oil (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 218–25.

12. Knut S. Vikor, Sufi and Scholar on the Desert Edge: Muhammad b. Ali al-Sanusi and his Brotherhood (Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University Press, 1995), 22–180.

13. Nicola A. Ziadeh, Sanusiyah: A Study of a Revivalist Movement in Islam (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1983), 73–98; Vikor, Sufi and Scholar, 218–40; Emrys L. Peters, The Bedouin of Cyrenaica: Studies in Personal and Corporate Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 10–28.

14. E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Sanusi of Cyrenaica (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1949), 1–28. For context see Lisa Anderson, “Legitimacy, Identity, and the Writing of History in Libya,” in Statecraft in the Middle East: Oil, Historical Memory, and Popular Culture, ed. Eric Davis and Nicolas Gavrielides (Miami: Florida International University Press, 1991), 75–80.

15. Lisa Anderson, “The Development of Nationalist Sentiment in Libya, 1908–1922,” in The Origins of Arab Nationalism, ed. Rashid Khalidi, Lisa Anderson, Muhammad Muslih, and Reeva S. Simon (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 225–42.

16. George Joffé, “Qadhafi’s Islam in Local Historical Perspective,” in Qadhafi’s Libya, 1969–1994, ed. Dirk Vandewalle (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 139–54; Mahmoud Mustafa Ayoub, Islam and the Third Universal Theory: The Religious Thought of Mu’ammar al-Qadhadhafi (London: KPI, 1987), Deeb and Deeb, Libya, 93–108.

Chapter 3. In the Beginning

1. Although the name Libya is employed as a matter of convenience throughout this narrative, the reader should be reminded that most of the geographical area today recognized as Libya, until its occupation by Europeans, was generally known as Tripoli, the name of its capital city. It was only in 1929, when the separately administered provinces of Tripolitania in the west and Cyrenaica in the east were united under a single Italian governor, that Libya was adopted as the name of Italy’s North African colony.

2. To understand fully the early interaction of the United States and Libya, it is important to distinguish at the outset between piracy and privateering (also known as corsairing), as the concepts differ in theory, legal definition, and practice. Piracy is the practice of attacking ships indiscriminately to loot property or to capture prisoners for ransom, sale, or use. Piracy becomes privateering when governments sanction, license, and authorize the practice. Beginning in the sixteenth century, piratical operations in the Mediterranean were gradually converted over time into privateering. John F. Jameson, Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period (New York: Macmillan, 1923), ix.

3. Kola Folayan, Tripoli During the Reign of Yusuf Pasha Qaramanli (Ile-Ife: University of Ife Press, 1979), 1.

4. Seton Dearden, A Nest of Corsairs: The Fighting Karamanlis of Tripoli (London: John Murray, 1976), 25–138; Folayan, Tripoli 1–6.

5. Lisa Anderson, The State and Social Transformation in Tunisia and Libya, 1830–1980 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986), 4, 39–40; Folayan, Tripoli, 25–29. On Libya and the African slave trade see Wright, Libya, Chad and the Central Sahara (London: C. Hurst, 1989), 55–80.

6. Folayan, Tripoli, 29–31.

7. James A. Field, America and the Mediterranean World, 1776–1882 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1969), 27–32; Lotfi Ben Rejeb, “To the Shores of Tripoli: The Impact of Barbary on Early American Nationalism,” Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1982, 59–60.

8. Ray W. Irwin, The Diplomatic Relations of the United States with the Barbary Powers, 1776–1816 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1931), 20–28; Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers, vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1939–45), 22; Field, America, 32–33.

9. Dumas Malone, Jefferson and His Time, vol. 2, Jefferson and the Rights of Man (Boston: Little, Brown, 1970), 27–32, 51–52, quote 51–52. For a copy of the 1786 Treaty of Peace and Friendship Between the United States and the Emperor of Morocco, see Hunter Miller, ed., Treaties and Other International Acts of the United States of America, vol. 2, Documents 1–40:1776–1818 (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1931), 185–227; Field, America, 33–37; Irwin, Diplomatic Relations, 37–68; Rejeb, “To the Shores of Tripoli,” 64–69.

10. For a copy of the 1795 Treaty of Peace and Amity Between the United States and the Dey of Algiers, see Miller, Treaties, 2: 275–317; Naval Documents, 1: 107, 221, 239–40; Irwin, Diplomatic Relations, 69–81.

11. Folayan, Tripoli, 31; Field, America, 37–38.

12. For a copy of the 1796 Treaty of Peace and Friendship Between the United States and the Bey and Subjects of Tripoli of Barbary, see Miller, Treaties, 2:349–385. The original treaty was concluded in Arabic and then translated into English by Joel Barlow.

13. Folayan, Tripoli, 31–33.

14. Louis B. Wright and Julia H. Macleod, The First Americans in North Africa: William Eaton’s Struggle for a Vigorous Policy Against the Barbary Pirates, 1799–1805 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1945), 32, 40; Folayan, Tripoli, 34.

15. Folayan, Tripoli, 34–35.

16. Rejeb, “To the Shores of Tripoli,” 73–74; Field, America, 48–51; Kola Folayan, “Tripoli and the War with the U.S.A., 1801–5,” Journal of African History 13, 2 (1972): 261; Irwin, Diplomatic Relations, 92–105.

17. Dumas Malone, Jefferson and His Time, vol. A, Jefferson the President: First Term, 1801–1805 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1970), 97–99, 262–63; Wright and Macleod, First Americans, 37, 46–47, 86.

18. Naval Documents, 4: 293–307; Stanley Lane-Poole, The Barbary Corsairs (London: T. Unwin, 1890), 276–91; Folayan, “Tripoli and the War with the U.S.A.,” 262.

19. Field, America, 52–54; Irwin, Diplomatic Relations, 106–48; Dearden, Nest of Corsairs, 173–206; Folayan, Tripoli, 37–39.

20. For context see Dumas Malone, Jefferson and His Time, vol. 5, Jefferson the President: Second Term, 1805–1809 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), 35–39. The seizure of Darnah obviously affected the bey of Tripoli’s decision to sign a peace agreement; however, American scholars have often overemphasized the heroics of Eaton. For example, Wright and Macleod suggest that Yusuf Karamanli was “so frightened” after the occupation of Darnah “that he hastily negotiated a treaty very favorable to the United States before Eaton could carry out his original plan.” Wright and Macleod, First Americans, v. In a like mode, Robert Rinehart concluded that “Eaton’s action compelled Yusuf to conclude peace with the United States and to release the American prisoners.” Robert Rinehart, “Historical Setting,” in Libya: A Country Study, ed. Harold D. Nelson (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1979), 22.

21. For a copy of the 1805 Treaty of Peace and Amity Between the United States of America and the Bashaw, Bey and Subjects of Tripoli in Barbary, see Miller, Treaties, 2: 529–56. The original text of the treaty appeared in both Arabic and English. The terms of the 1805 treaty remain a subject of debate, with some scholars arguing that, given the growing strength of the American position, the payment of ransom could probably have been wholly avoided. For example see Irwin, Diplomatic Relations, chap. 10. While such revisionist arguments can be attractive, it should be recognized that concern for the fate of American captives, coupled with the demands of a four-year-old war, made the Jefferson administration and the American people eager for any reasonable settlement.

22. Folayan, “Tripoli and the War with the U.S.A.,” 270.

23. Field, America, 57–58, 207; Folayan, Tripoli, 107–8.

24. L. J. Hume, “Preparations for Civil War in Tripoli in the 1820s: Ali Karamanli, Hassuna D’Ghies and Jeremy Bentham,” Journal of History 21, 3 (1980): 311–22; Folayan, Tripoli, 78–168.

25. Anthony J. Cachia, Libya Under the Second Ottoman Occupation (1835–1911) (Tripoli: Government Press, 1945), 29–32.

26. Anderson, State and Social Transformation, 59–60; Cachia, Libya, 74–98. For context see Lord Kinross, The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire (New York: Morrow Quill Paperbacks, 1977), 417–530.

27. Michel Le Gall, “The Ottoman Government and the Sanusiyya: A Reappraisal,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, 1 (February 1989): 91–106; Anderson, State and Social Transformation, 87–92. Named after its founder, Muhammad Bin Ali al-Sanusi, the Sanusi order was a late arrival among the Sufi mystical religious brotherhoods active in northern Africa.

28. James A. Field, “A Scheme in Regard to Cyrenaica,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 44, 3 (December 1957): 448.

29. Vidal quoted in Field, “Scheme in Regard to Cyrenaica,” 445.

30. Field, “Scheme in Regard to Cyrenaica,” 445–68, Fish quoted on 467.

31. An anti-Western element of Libyan nationalism surfaced as early as 1881, when the French declaration of a protectorate over Tunisia provoked widespread demonstrations throughout Libya against European colonialism, including the tribes that had previously been most restive under Turkish domination. Cachia, Libya, 45.

32. Thomas Barclay, The Turco-Italian War and Its Problems (London: Constable, 1912), 12–14, 52–58, quote 12–13.

33. Denis Mack Smith, Modern Italy: A Political History (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997), 241–42; Cachia, Libya, 54–55.

34. Timothy W. Childs, Italo-Turkish Diplomacy and the War over Libya, 1911–1912 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1990), 29–43; Rachel Simon, Libya Between Ottomanism and Nationalism: The Ottoman Involvement in Libya During the War with Italy (1911–1919) (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1987), 48.

35. Claudio G. Segrè, Fourth Shore: The Italian Colonization of Libya (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974), 3–19.

36. Smith, Modern Italy, 242–43, quotes 242; Report on the Work of the Commission Sent Out by the Jewish Territorial Organization under the Auspices of the Governor-General of Tripoli, to Examine the Territory Proposed for the Purpose of a Jewish Settlement in Cyrenaica (London: n.p., 1909); Simon, Libya, 49.

37. René Albrecht-Carrié, Italy from Napoleon to Mussolini (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), 223–25, quote 225; Childs, Italo-Turkish Diplomacy, 49–70; Barclay, Turco-Italian War, 19–47; Smith, Modern Italy, 246.

38. Anderson, “Development of Nationalist Sentiment in Libya,” 229; Duncan Cumming, “Libya in the First World War,” in Libya in History, ed. Fawzi F. Gadallah (Benghazi: University of Libya, 1968), 384.

39. Ahmed M. Ashiurakis, A Concise History of the Libyan Struggle for Freedom (Tripoli: General Publishing, Distributing & Advertising Co., 1976), 48–52; Childs, Italo-Turkish Diplomacy, 174–230.

40. Albrecht-Carrié, Italy, 225–26, quote 225; Denis Mack Smith, Mussolini’s Roman Empire (London: Longman, 1976), 36–37.

41. Smith, Mussolini’s Roman Empire, 36–37.

42. The Acting Secretary of State to the American Chargé d’Affaires at Rome, 27 October 1911, File No. 765.67/131a, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States (hereafter FR), 1911 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1918), 308–9; The Italian Chargé d’Affaires to the Secretary of State, 18 October 1912, File No. 765.67/409, No. 1635, FR, 1912, 632; The Italian Chargé d’Affaires to the Secretary of State, 30 October 1912, File No. 765.003, No. 1704, FR, 1912, 608.

43. The Secretary of State to the Italian Chargé d’Affaires, 28 February 1913, File No. 765.003, No. 380, FR, 1913, 609; The Secretary of State to the American Ambassador, 1 March 1913, File No. 765.003, No. 130, FR, 1913, 610; The Secretary of State to the American Consul General at Genoa, 10 March 1913, File No. 765.003, No. 152, FR, 1913, 611.

44. Anderson, “Development of Nationalist Sentiment in Libya,” 233–34; dimming, “Libya in the First World War,” 385–89; Simon, Libya, 155–80.

45. Albrecht-Carré, Italy, 237–38, quote 237; Simon, Libya, 294–98.

46. Anderson, “Development of Nationalist Sentiment in Libya,” 236–41, quote 240–41; Lisa Anderson, “The Tripoli Republic, 1918–1922,” in Social and Economic Development of Libya, ed. E. G. H. Joffé and K. S. McLachlan (London: Menas Press, 1982), 43–65.

47. The Secretary of State to the Ambassador in France (Herrick), 27 October l922, File No. 767.68119/51a, No. 345, FR, 1923, 2: 886–88.

48. Romain Rainero, “The Capture, Trial, and Death of Omar al-Mukhtar in the Context of the Fascist Policy for the Reconquest of Libya,” in Omar al-Mukhtar: The Italian Reconquest of Libya, ed. Enzo Santarelli, Giorgio Rochat, Romain Rainero, and Luigi Goglia (London: Darf, 1986), 173–87; Ashiurakis, Concise History, 67–71.

49. Lisa Anderson, “Legitimacy, Identity, and the Writing of History in Libya, 1908–1922,” in The Origins of Arab Nationalism, ed. Rashid Khalidi, Lisa Anderson, Muhammad Muslih, and Reeva S. Simon (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 76; E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Sanusi of Cyrenaica (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1949). Anderson calls Evans-Pritchard’s study an “illuminating example of scholarship in the service of imperialism” (81), and notes that the book remains one of the best-known studies of Libyan resistance to Italian rule, and it is also a classic in the field of anthropology as well as in Libyan studies and modern Arab and Islamic history. Concerned with those aspirants to nationalist leadership in Libya most amenable to British support, the book exaggerates the vitality of the Sanusiya, neglects the role of Ottoman and later British support, and distorts the struggles of Libyan nationalists who opposed both Italian rule and British influence.

Chapter 4. Postwar Gridlock

1. Memorandum Prepared by the Subcommittee on Territorial Problems of the Advisory Committee on Post-War Foreign Policy, 22 May 1943, Limits of Land Settlement in Libya, Lot 60 D 224, FR, The Conferences at Washington and Quebec 1943, 339–41, quote 339; John Wright, “British and Italians in Libya in 1943,” Maghreb Review 15, 1–2 (January-April 1990): 32.

2. FR, The Conferences at Washington and Quebec 1943, 340.

3. Ibid., 341.

4. Ibid., 341–42.

5. Prime Minister Churchill’s Chief of Staff (Ismay) to Prime Minister Churchill, 21 May, 1943, Attachment 1: Camp in North Africa for Refugees from Spain, Hopkins Papers, FR, The Conferences at Washington and Quebec 1943, 343.

6. The British Foreign Secretary (Eden) to Prime Minister Churchill, 19 May 1943, FR, The Conferences at Washington and Quebec 1943, 345.

7. Memorandum by the Assistant Secretary of State (Long) to President Roosevelt, 5 July 1943, File No. 840.48 Refugees/40362/6, FR, The Conferences at Washington and Quebec 1943, 322–23.

8. Scott L. Bills, The Libyan Arena: The United States, Britain, and the Council of Foreign Ministers, 1945–1948 (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1995), 15, 20–21. The special relationship between the Sanusiya and the British government dated back to the beginning of the twentieth century when the British intervened to stop the French from occupying the Sanusi center at Kufrah. Eric Armar Vully de Candole, The Life and Times of King Idris of Libya (published privately by Mohamed Ben Ghaldon, 1990), 16–17. De Candole was the British representative in Cyrenaica in 1949–52. On early French scholarship on the Sanusiya, much of which inaccurately depicted the order as warlike and anti-French see Vikor, Sufi and Scholar, 6–12.

9. Richard W. Leopold, The Growth of American Foreign Policy: A History (New York: Knopf, 1962), 576–77; Bills, Libyan Arena, 7–8.

10. Memorandum by Mr. Philip W. Ireland, of the Division of Political Studies, 12 May 1943, FR, The Conferences at Washington and Quebec 1943, 796–97, quote 797. In contrast, the British recognized at an early date the strategic importance of Cyrenaica, although they felt they had no strategic interests in Tripolitania beyond denying it to a hostile power. Bills, Libyan Arena, 22–23.

11. Memorandum by Ireland, FR, The Conferences at Washington and Quebec 1943, 798.

12. The Secretary of State to the President, 11 September 1944, Memorandum for the President, Roosevelt Papers, FR, The Conference at Quebec 1944, 408–11.

13. Record of Conversation, Prepared by the United Kingdom Delegation at the Moscow Conference of Foreign Ministers, 17 December 1945, File No. 740.00119 Council/12–1745, FR, Diplomatic Papers 1945, vol. 2, General: Political and Economic Matters, 629–32.

14. United Kingdom Delegation Record of a Conversation at the Kremlin, 24 December 1945, Moscow Embassy Files: 500 Conference of Foreign Ministers, FR, Diplomatic Papers 1945, 2: 774–76, quote 776.

15. Possible Trusteeship for Italian Colonial Territories and Korea, No. 246, 30 June 1945, Briefing Book Paper, File No. 740.00119 (Potsdam)/5–2446, FR, The Conference of Berlin (The Potsdam Conference) 1945, vol. 1, 305–6, quote 306. Drawing a parallel with the French position in Algeria, the Italian government lobbied the Truman administration to recognize Libya as an essential part of Italian national territory. The Italian Ambassador (Tarchiani) to President Truman, 6 July 1945, Memorandum for Mr. Truman, President of the U.S.A. on the Position, Wishes and Hopes of Italy, File No. 740.0011 PW/7–645, FR, The Conference of Berlin (The Potsdam Conference) 1945, 1: 308–9.

16. Sixth Plenary Meeting, Sunday, 22 July 1945, 5 P.M., Thompson Minutes, Truman Papers, FR, The Conference of Berlin (The Potsdam Conference) 1945, 2: 254, 265, quote 265.

17. Sixth Plenary Meeting, FR, Conference of Berlin (Potsdam Conference) 1945, 2: 244–66, quote 265.

18. Bills, Libyan Arena, 9, 32, quote 9; James F. Byrnes, Speaking Frankly (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947), 76–77. On British disengagement in the Middle East during the period of the Labour government (1945–51) see Wm. Roger Louis, The British Empire in the Middle East, 1945–1951: Arab Nationalism, the United States, and Postwar Imperialism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984).

19. Bills, Libyan Arena, 24–25, 58.

20. Suggested Directive from the Council of Foreign Ministers to Govern Them in the Drafting of a Treaty of Peace with Italy, September 14, 1945, Memorandum by the United States Delegation, C.F.M. (45) 16, FR, 1945, The Conference of Berlin (The Potsdam Conference), 2: 179; C. Grove Haines, “The Problem of the Italian Colonies,” Middle East Journall, 4 (October 1947): 421–22.

21. James Reston, “U.S. Chiefs Divided on Italy’s Colonies,” New York Times, 2 September 1945. See Bills for an analysis of the significance of the Reston article. Libyan Arena, 46—47.

22. Harvey E. Goldberg, Jewish Life in Muslim Libya: Rivals and Relatives (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 109–22. The impact of the riots on the Jewish community was soon clear; Libyan Jews began to emigrate in increasing numbers, finding a new home in Israel after the creation of a Jewish state in 1948.

23. Byrnes, Speaking Frankly, 92–97; Bills, Libyan Arena, 50–52.

24. Majid Khadduri, Modern Libya: A Study in Political Development (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1963), 117–18.

25. Ibid., 118–20. The Egyptian Abdul Rahman Azzam studied medicine in England and traveled in nationalist circles in Egypt and Tunisia before arriving in Libya toward the end of World War I. Embracing the cause of unity and resistance, “He was as close as Libya would get to a genuine Arab nationalist.” Lisa Anderson, “The Development of Nationalist Sentiment in Libya, 1908–1922,” in The Origins of Arab Nationalism, ed. Rashid Khalidi, Lisa Anderson, Muhammad Muslih, and Reeva S. Simon (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 236. On the ideological development of Abdul Rahman Azzam, see Ralph M. Coury, The Making of An Egyptian Arab Nationalist: The Early Years of Azzam Pasha, 1893–1936 (Reading, Pa.: Ithaca Press, 1999).

26. The Italian Ambassador (Tarchiani) to the Counselor of the Department of State (Cohen), 25 July 1946, CFM Files, FR, Paris Peace Conference: Proceedings, 1946, vol. 3, 17–18; Eleventh Plenary Meeting, August 10, 1946, 4 p.m., CFM Files, ibid., 182; United States Delegation Memorandum of Conversation (Byrnes-De Gasperi Conversation, August 22, 1946, 9:30 a.m.), CFM Files, ibid., 267–69; Draft Peace Treaty with Italy, Prepared by the Council of Foreign Ministers, Palais du Luxembourg, Paris, July 18, 1946, CFM Files, ibid., vol. 4, 12.

27. Report by the Committee on Italian Colonies to the Council of Foreign Ministers, C.F.M. (46) 221 (Revised), 11 July 1946, FR, Council of Foreign Ministers, vol. 2, 1946, 899–900; “Treaty of Peace with Italy,” Treaties and Other International Agreements of the United States of America, 1776–1949, vol. 4: Multilateral, 1946–1949, comp. Charles I. Bevans (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1970): 311–402.

28. United States Delegation Record, Council of Foreign Ministers, Second Session, Fourth Meeting, Paris, 29 April 1946, 4 p.m., CFM Files: Lot M-88: Box 2063: US Delegation Minutes, FR, Council of Foreign Ministers, vol. 2, 1946, 155–64.

29. United States Delegation Record, Council of Foreign Ministers, Second Session, First Informal Meeting, Paris, 2 May 2 1946, 5 p.m., CFM Files, ibid., 221–22; Fifteenth Meeting, Palais du Luxembourg, Paris, 10 May 1946, 11 a.m., CFM. Files, ibid., 334–38; Tenth Informal Meeting, Palais du Luxembourg, Paris, 20 June 20 1946, 5 p.m., CFM Files, ibid., 558–63.

30. Haines, “Problem of the Italian Colonies,” 417–19, quotes 419. On French policy in the Levant see Philip S. Khoury, Syria and the French Mandate: The Politics of Arab Nationalism, 1920–1945 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1987).

31. Denis Mack Smith, Modern Italy: A Political History (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997), 424; Bills, Libyan Arena, 133–36.

32. Bills, Libyan Arena, 137.

33. Louis, British Empire in the Middle East, 105, 300–302.

34. Council of Foreign Ministers, Commission of Investigation, Report on Libya, 1948, Khadduri, Modern Libya, 120–24. For context on political activity in Cyrenaica see De Candole, Idris, 89–92.

35. Richard P. Stebbins, The United States in World Affairs, 1949 (New York: Harper & Brothers for the Council on Foreign Relations, 1950), 355–59; Bills, Libyan Arena, 142.

36. John C. Campbell, The United States in World Affairs, 1948–1949 (New York: Harper & Brothers for the Council on Foreign Relations, 1949), 437.

37. Statement by the United States Representative to the United Nations General Assembly (Dulles) before the General Assembly Political and Security Committee, 6 April 1949, in Documents on American Foreign Relations, vol. 11 (1 January-31 December 1949), ed. Raymond Dennett and Robert K Turner (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press for the World Peace Foundation, 1950), 683–86, quote 684. A full discussion of the complexity of the negotiations at the United Nations is beyond the scope of this study. The reader is referred to the monumental work by the UN architect of Libyan independence, Adrian Pelt, Libyan Independence and the United Nations: A Case of Planned Decolonization (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1970) and Benjamin Rivlin, The United Nations and the Italian Colonies (New York: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1950).

38. Henry Serrano Villard, Libya: The New Arab Kingdom of North Africa (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1956), 33–34.

39. Statement by the United States Representative to the United Nations(Austin) before the Plenary Session of the General Assembly, 17 May 1949, in Documents on American Foreign Relations, 11: 686–89, quote 687.

40. Wright, “British and Italians in Libya in 1943,” 35.

41. Draft Resolution on the Disposition of the Former Italian Colonies, Submitted by the United States to the United Nations General Assembly Political and Security Committee, 10 October 1949, in Documents on American Foreign Relations, 11: 690–91; Resolution on the Disposition of the Former Italian Colonies, Adopted by the United Nations General Assembly, November 21, 1949, in Documents on American Foreign Relations, 11: 692–93.

42. The Secretary of State to the Consulate in Tripoli, 5 May 1950, 357. AG/5–350: Telegram, FR, 1950, vol. 5, The Near East, South Asia and Africa, 1621–22; Khadduri, Modern Libya, 137–40. On the low level of national identity prevailing in Libya in 1948 see Benjamin Rivlin, “Unity and Nationalism in Libya,” Middle East Journal^, 1 (January 1949), 31–44.

43. Position Paper Prepared in the Department of State, 6 November 1951, United States Position on Probable Soviet and Arab Challenges Regarding US and UK Military Bases in Libya, SD/A/C.l/374/Add 1/Rev.l, IO Files: Lot 71 D 440, FR, 1951, vol. 5, The Near East and Africa, 1359–61; Memorandum of Conversation, Prepared in the Embassy in the United Kingdom, 19 September 1950, Subject: Communism in Africa, 780.00/9–1950, FR, 1950, 5: 1551–52.

44. Memorandum by the Under Secretary of State (Webb) to the Executive Secretary of the National Security Council (Lay), 30 April 1951, Subject: Final Progress Report on NSC 19/5, “Disposition of the Former Italian Colonies,” FR, 1951, 5: 1318–20; Memorandum of Informal United States-United Kingdom Discussions, 19 September 1950, 780.00/9–1850, FR, 1950, 5: 296–302.

45. The Ambassador in France (Bruce) to the Secretary of State, 31 March 1950, FR, 1950, vol. 5, The Near East, South Asia, and Africa, 1774; Record of the Under Secretary’s Meeting, 16 October 1950, Oral Report on Trip to London, Paris, and Tangier, undated, Under Secretary’s Meetings: Lot 53 D 250: Minutes of Meetings, FR, 1950, 5: 216; Villard, Libya, 33. On French concerns about Libyan independence see André Martel, La Libye, 1835–1990: Essai géopolitique historique (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1991), 164–65.

46. The Consul General at Tripoli (Lynch) to the Department of State, 9 November 1951, 711.56373/11–951, FR, 1951, 5: 1361–63; The Secretary of Defense (Marshall) to the Secretary of State, January 9, 1951, Secretary’s Letters: Lot 56 D 459, FR, 1951, 5: 1313–15; The Secretary of State to the Consulate in Tripoli, May 5, 1950, 357. AG/5–350: Telegram, FR, 1950, 5: 1621–23.

Chapter 5. Independence at a Price

1. Memorandum by the Politico-Military Adviser in the Bureau of Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs (Robertson), 14 November 1949, U.S. Strategic Position in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East, 711.9011/11–1449, FR, 1949, vol. 6, The Near East, South Asia, and Africa, 56–59, quotes 56. For a penetrating analysis of events in the Northern Tier see Bruce Robellet Kuniholm, The Origins of the Cold War in the Near East: Great Power Conflict and Diplomacy in Iran, Turkey, and Greece (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1980).

2. U.S. Strategic Position, FR, 1949, 6: 57–58.

3. Ibid., 58–59, quotes 59. U.S. military requirements in Tripolitania were detailed four days after the memo on the U.S. strategic position. Memorandum of Conversation, by the Deputy Director of the Office of African and Near Eastern Affairs (Moose), 18 November 1949, United States Military Requirements in Tripolitania, PPS Files, Lot 64/D/563, Libya, FR, 1949, 6: 59–60.

4. Memorandum by the Director of the Office of Near Eastern and African Affairs (Henderson) to the Under Secretary of State (Lovett), 28 August 1947, 841.2383/8–2847, FR, 1947, vol. 5, The Near East and Africa, 800–802, quote 802. The United States and United Kingdom maintained a close partnership in the Middle East following the end of World War II. Peter L. Hahn, “Discord or Partnership? British and American Policy Toward Egypt, 1942–56,” in Demise of the British Empire in the Middle East: Britain’s Responses to Nationalist Movements, 1943–55, ed. Michael J. Cohen and Martin Kolinsky (London: Frank Cass, 1988), 162–82.

5. The First Secretary of the Embassy in the United Kingdom (Palmer) to the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs (McGhee), 15 November 1950, 711.56373/11–1550, FR, 1950, vol. 5, 1635–38; The Director of the Office of African Affairs (Bourgerie) to the First Secretary of the Embassy in the United Kingdom (Palmer), 11 December 1950, 711.56373/111550, FR, 1950, 5: 1638–39.

6. The Secretary of State to the Consulate in Tripoli, 5 May 1950, 357. AG/5–350: Telegram, FR, 1950, 5: 1621–22, quotes 1621.

7. Summary of Remarks by the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs (McGhee) to a Bureau of Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs Staff Meeting, 24 October 1950, Summary by Mr. McGhee of Conclusions of Tangier Conference and Recent Visits to Paris and London, 120.4371/11–150, FR, 1950, 5: 1569–73, quotes 1570. On Arab nationalist political activity in Cyrenaica in 1948–1951, see E. A. V. De Candole, The Life and Times of King Idris of Libya (n.p., 1988), 89–92.

8. Summary by Mr. McGhee, FR, 1950, 5: 1571.

9. Memorandum by the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs (McGhee) to the Secretary of State, 6 November 1950, Summary of the Tangier Conference, 120.4371/11–650, FR, 1950, 5: 1573–80, quotes 1574.

10. Ibid., 1573.

11. The Consul General at Tripoli (Lynch) to the Acting Secretary of State, 19 May 1950, 711.56373/5–1950: Telegram, FR, 1950, 5: 1624–26, quote 1625; The Acting Secretary of State to the Consulate in Tripoli, May 9, 1950, 711.56373/5950: Telegram, FR, 1950, 5: 1623–24.

12. Memorandum of Negotiations for Libyan Bases, General Counsel Hill to Mr. Finletter, July 11, 1951, Declassified Documents Reference System (Washington, D.C.: Carrollton Press, microfiche series, various years), 1992–1235: 1 (hereafter DDRS 1992–1235: 1). In the DDRS, the number immediately following refers to the year in which the document was declassified, the second number is the catalog number of the document, and the third is the page number.

13. Memorandum of Informal United States-United Kingdom Discussion in Connection With the Visit to London of Assistant Secretary of State McGhee, 19 September 1950, 780.00/9–1850, FR, 1950, 5: 1631–33, quote 1633; The Consul at Geneva (Ward) to the Department of State, 17 October 1951, 357. AG/10–1751: Telegram, FR, 1951, 5: 1344–45; The Secretary of State to the Embassy in the United Kingdom, 17 October 1951, 357. AG/10–1751: Telegram, FR, 1951, 5: 1345.

14. Memorandum by the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs (McGhee) to the Secretary of State, 27 December 1950, Proposed US Political and Military Actions Required to Assist the Countries of the Middle East in the Defense of the Area Against Aggression, 27 December 1950, S/P-NSC Files: Lot 61 D 167: “Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East,” FR, 1951, 5: 4–14, quotes 4, 10. On Great Britain’s weak domestic economic position in the postwar period see Rodney Wilson, “Economic Aspects of Arab Nationalism,” in Demise of the British Empire in the Middle East, 64–78.

15. “Libya: Report of the United Nations Commissioner in Libya; Reports of the Administering Powers in Libya,” in Adrian Pelt, Libyan Independence and the United Nations: A Case of Planned Decolonization (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1970), 893–901; The Consul General at Tripoli (Lynch) to the Secretary of State, 1 November 1950, 357AG/11–150: Telegram, FR, 1950, 5: 1634–35.

16. Memorandum by the Under Secretary of State (Webb) to the Executive Secretary of the National Security Council (Lay), 30 Aprill951, Final Progress Report on NSC 19/5, “Disposition of the Former Italian Colonies,” S/P-NSC Files: Lot 61 D 167: “Italian Colonies,” FR, 1951, 5: 1250–53, 1318–20, quote 1319.

17. The Consul General at Tripoli (Lynch) to the Department of State, 2 June 1951, 711.56373/6–251: Telegram, FR, 1951, 5: 1325–26, quote 1326.

18. The Consul General at Tripoli (Lynch) to the Department of State, 20 July 1951, 711.56373/7–2051: Telegram, FR, 1951, 5: 1332–33, quote 1332.

19. Agreement Between The Government of Libya and the Government of the United States of America, 19 October 1951, 711.56373/12–451, FR, 1951, 5: 1347–56. Article 7 was later modified, at the insistence of the Libyan government, to provide for payment of equitable rent for whatever base areas were occupied by U.S. military forces. The Acting Secretary of Defense (Foster) to the Secretary of State, 4 December 1951, 711.56373/12–451, FR, 1951, 5: 1364–65.

20. The Acting Secretary of Defense (Foster) to the Secretary of State, 4 December 1951, 711.56373/12–451, FR, 1951, 5: 1364–65, quote 1365; The Secretary of State to the Consulate General at Tripoli, December 21, 1951, 711.56373/12–1951: Telegram, FR, 1951, 5: 1367; The Consul General at Tripoli (Lynch) to the Department of State, November 9, 1951, 711.56373/11–951: Telegram, FR, 1951, 5: 1361–63; Richard P. Stebbins, The United States in World Affairs, 1951 (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1952), 265–66; New York Times, 20 December 1951. For context on French policy in North Africa see Annie Lacroix-Riz, Les protectorats d’Afrique du Nord entre la France et Washington de débarquement à l’indépendance: Maroc et Tunisie, 1942–1956 (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1988), 109 Ali Muhammad 15.

21. The Consul General at Tripoli (Lynch) to the Department of State, October 30, 1951, 711.56373/10–3051: Telegram, FR, 1951, 5: 1358.

22. Memorandum for the National Security Council Senior Staff, September 12, 1952, The Current Situation in North Africa, INR-NIE files, FR, 1952–54, vol. 11, Africa and South Asia, Part 1, 131–42, quotes 140.

23. FR, 1952–54, 11, 1: 139–42, quote 142.

24. Draft Policy Statement Prepared by the National Security Council Staff for the National Security Council Planning Board, August 18, 1953, Statement of Policy Proposed by the National Security Council on the Position of the United States with Respect to North Africa, S/P-NSC files, lot 61 D 167, “North Africa,” FR, 1952–54, 11, 1: 150–52, quote 152.

25. National Intelligence Estimate, August 31, 1954, Probable Developments in North Africa, INR-NIE files, NIE-71–54, FR, 1952–54, 11, 1:153–70, quotes 168, 169. For context see William H. Lewis and Robert Gordon, “Libya After Two Years of Independence, “Middle East Journa 18, 1 (Winter 1954): 41–53.

26. National Intelligence Estimate, Probable Developments in North Africa, FR, 1952–54, 11, 1: 169. The NIE assessment was later challenged by Mustafa Ahmed Ben-Halim, the controversial prime minister of Libya from April 1954 to March 1957. According to Ben-Halim, King Idris “did not appreciate the dynamism of history and never realised that Britain’s greatness was at an end by 1945, that she had ceased to be a dominant power and had become a country of the second rank.” On the other hand, Ben-Halim did indicate that King Idris clearly recognized the British capacity for manipulation and intrigue. “I have to acknowledge that the King’s fear of British plots was well founded and indicated his far-sightedness and shrewdness. He was much more experienced than I in fathoming the capacity of the British for intrigue” Mustafa Ahmed Ben-Halim, Libya: The Years of Hope (London: AAS Media, 1998), 53–55, quotes 53, 54.

27. Lacroix-Riz, Les protectorats d’Afrique du Nord, 181–96. In a classic case of policy divergence, the Libyan government was facilitating the supply of arms and equipment to Algerian rebels opposing French rule at the same time that the United States was seeking to avoid actions which might weaken the French position. Ben-Halim, Libya, 201–3.

28. National Intelligence Estimate, Probable Developments in North Africa, FR, 1952–54, 11, 1: 169–70, quotes 170.

29. The Minister in Libya (Villard) to the Department of State, 21 January 1953, 711.56373/1–2153: Telegram, FR, 1952–54, 11, 1: 570–71, quote 570–71; The Consul at Benghazi (More) to the Department of State, 2 September 1952, 711.56373/9–252: Telegram, FR, 1952–54, 11, 1: 545–47.

30. Villard, Libya, 9; The Ambassador to Jordan (Green) to the Department of State, 5 January 1953, 711.56376/1–553: Telegram, FR, 1952–54, 11, 1: 566–67.

31 The Minister in Libya (Villard) to the Department of State, 12 June 1954, 711.56373/6–1254: Telegram, FR, 1952–54, 11, 1: 588–90, quote 588.

32 Department of State, Bulletin 31 (1954), quotes 396–97; The Secretary of State to the Legation in Libya, 20 1954, 711.56373/7–2054: Telegram, FR, 1952–54, 11, 1: 590–91; The Secretary of State to the Legation in Libya, 29 July 1954, 033.7311/7–2954: Circular airgram, FR, 1952–54, 11, 1: 591–93. For a copy of the 1954 base rights agreement see Majid Khadduri, Modern Libya: A Study in Political Development (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1963), 383–97. For context on American policy concerns in the summer of 1954 see Stephen E. Ambrose, Eisenhower: The President, 1952–1969 (London: Allen and Unwin, 1984), 186–211.

33. Villard, Libya, 142. The Libyan government had concluded a treaty of friendship and alliance, together with a financial agreement, with the United Kingdom on 29 July 1953. Libya later concluded a treaty of peace and friendship with France on 10 August 1955. Martel, La Libye, 179–80. French policy in North Africa in 1955 threatened embarrassment for the United States as the French sought to retain troops in the Fezzan after Washington had counseled the Libyan government to pursue a policy of moderation on the issue. Daily Intelligence Abstracts No. 353, Operations Coordinating Board, 21 April 1955, DDRS 1992–2148: 1.

34. Letter From the Ambassador in Libya (Tappin) to the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs (Allen), March 11, 1955, S/P-NSC Files: Lot 62 D 1, FR, 1955–1957, vol. 18, Africa, 415–19, quotes 415–16.

35. Ben-Halim, Libya, 108–17. Ben-Halim’s recently published memoirs, as fascinating as they are, must be treated with caution. In addition to being recognized as authoritarian and personally ambitious, he was considered by many to be devious and dishonest. “He has been accused of accumulating illegal earnings at every stage of his political career.” Mansour O. El-Kikhia, Libya’s Qaddafi: The Politics of Contradiction (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997), 36–37, 64–66. On Ben-Halim’s financial misdealings see also Laton McCartney, Friends in High Places: The Bechtel Story (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), 145–50.

36. Despatch from the Embassy in Libya to the Department of State, 30November 1955, Libyan Exchange of Diplomatic Representatives with USSR and the United States Position in Libya, 601.6173/11, FR, 1955–57, 18: 421–25, quote421–22. The Soviet Union in 1952–55 had repeatedly vetoed Libyan membership in the United Nations. The establishment of diplomatic relations with the Soviets paved the way for Libya’s admission to the United Nations in December 1955 in a package deal that included a total of sixteen new members.

37. Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Libya, 19 January 1956, 773.5-MSP/1–1956, FR, 1955–57, 18: 426–27, quote 427. Massimiliano Cricco, “La Libia nella politica delle grandi potenze (1951–1969),” Ph.D. dissertation, Università degli Studi di Fireze, 1999, 38–46.

38. Letter from the Ambassador in Libya (Tappin) to the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs (Palmer), 1 January 1957, AF/AFS Files: Lot 62 D 406, Miscellaneous, FR, 1955–57, 18: 459–62, quote 459. As Ambassador Tappin responded aggressively and positively to Prime Minister Ben-Halim’s efforts to raise U.S. aid levels, he became at the same time a severe critic of the Libyan prime minister and the tactics he employed. In a 7 February 1956 telegram to the Department of State, for example, Tappin described Ben-Halim as “bloated with power and possessed of insatiable appetite.” He went on to characterize Ben-Halim as having a split personality in which he was “dangerously intelligent, opportunistic, young, shrewd and ambitious both for political power and personal gain” on the one hand and yet very persuasive in his argument that the long range future of Libya was tied to the West on the other. Telegram from the Embassy in Libya to the Department of State, 7 February 1956, Central Files, 773. 5-MSP/2–756, FR, 1955–57, 18: 436–38, quotes 437.

39. Telegram from the Embassy in Libya to the Department of State, 22 March 1957, 120.1580/3–2257, FR, 1955–57, 18: 477–79, quote 477. Prime Minister Ben-Halim recounts with a sense of glee his successful efforts to play off the United States against the Soviet Union in order to increase economic assistance levels. Ben-Halim, Libya, 127–32.

40. A very large volume of literature is available on the Suez crisis. For a concise, readable account of Suez see Hugh Thomas, Suez (New York: Harper & Row, 1966). In discussing the withdrawal of Western aid to the Aswan High dam, Thomas suggests that this “was the first time that aid to underdeveloped countries had been openly used by the West as an instrument of policy.” Thomas, Suez, 25. His statement totally ignores the fact that the West had been using economic aid as an instrument of policy in Libya well before its independence in December 1951. In the course of the Suez crisis, the British ambassador in Tripoli emphatically warned Prime Minister Eden that the use of British troops stationed in Libya in operations against Egypt would produce violent reactions in Libya in which British troops would have to be used to restore order. Robert Rhodes James, Anthony Eden (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1986), 491.

41. Memorandum of Discussion at the 321st Meeting of the National Security Council, Washington, 2 May 1957, Eisenhower Library, Whitman File, NSC Discussions, FR, 1955–57, 18: 481–85, quote 484. The United States stepped up its economic and military assistance to Libya in 1958. Following strong Libyan representation in April 1958, the British finally agreed to an annual aid level of $9.1 million for five years. On the profound and long-lasting impact the 1956 Suez crisis had on British policy toward Libya, see Alison Pargeter, “Anglo-Libyan Relations and the Suez Crisis,” Journal of North African Studies 5, 2 (Summer 2000): 41–58.

42. Letter from the Acting Secretary of State to the Secretary of Defense (Wilson), 12 November 1955, 773.5-MSP/11–1255, FR, 1955–57, 18: 419–21, quote 419.

43. The Outlook for US Interests in Libya, 19 June 1956, NIE 36.5–56, FR, 1955–57, 18: 454–55, quote 455. For a Libyan perspective on the development of Arab nationalism in Libya see Mohammed Zahi El-Mogherbi “Arab Nationalism and Political Instability in Monarchical Libya: A Study in Political Ideology,” M.A. thesis, Kansas State University, 1973.

44. National Security Council Report, 29 June 1957, U.S. Policy Toward Libya, NSC 5716/1, FR, 1955–57, 18: 490–95, quote 492.

45. Summary Staff Material, U.S. Considering Moves to Counter Egyptian Influence in Libya, Office of the Director, International Cooperation Administration, 30 November 1956, DDRS 1985–2808: 1–2.

46. Robert A. Divine, Eisenhower and the Cold War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 91–92.

47. Faiz S. Abu-Jaber, American-Arab Relations from Wilson to Nixon (Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1979), 175–76; George Lenczowski, The Middle East in World Affairs, 4th ed. (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1980), 796–99.

48. Report by the Vice President, 5 April 1957, Report to the President on the Vice President’s Visit to Africa (28 February– 21 March 1957), S/P-NSC Files: Lot 62 D 1, North Africa, FR, 1955–57, 18: 57–66, quote 63.

49. Memorandum of Information, Current US-Libyan Relations, Department of the Navy, Office of the Chief of Naval Operations, 15 October 1957, DDRS 1984–1578: 1.

50. Memorandum of Discussion at the 406th Meeting of the National Security Council, Washington, 13 May 1959, Eisenhower Library, Whitman File, NSC Records, FR, 1958–1960, vol. 13, Arab-Israeli Dispute, United Arab Republic, North Africa: 729–30.

51. Personal Message from the President to the King, Department of State, 22 July 1958, DDRS 1982–2578: 1–3; Letter to Libyan Prime Minister, From Edward E. Wright to the Acting Secretary, 18 February 1959, DDRS 1984–2530: 1; Message to King Idris of Libya on the Law of the Sea, Memorandum for the President from Secretary of State Christian A. Herter, 23April 1960, DDRS 1984–2118: 1; Law of the Sea, Letter from the President to King Idris, Department of State, 25 April 1960, DDRS 1982–1780: 1–2. For context on American foreign policy in the so-called “Sputnik era” see Michael S. Sherry, In the Shadow of War: The United States Since the 1930s (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 214–33.

52. Memorandum of Discussion at the 422d Meeting of the National Security Council, Washington, 29 October 1959, Eisenhower Library, Whitman File, NSC Records, FR, 1958–60, 13: 733–34.

53. Implications of Petroleum Developments on U.S. Operations in Libya, National Security Council, Operations Coordinating Board Special Report, 23 September 1959, DDRS 1986–2132: 1–4, quote 4.

54. National Security Council Report, 15 March 1960, Statement of U.S. Policy Toward Libya, S/P-NSC Files: Lot 62 D 1, FR, 1958–60, 13: 740–49, quotes 740, 743; U.S. Policy Toward Libya, National Security Council, NSC 6004/1, 15 March 1960, DDRS 1984–1989: 1–40. The United States and Libya agreed in June 1960 to an amended economic assistance agreement that provided Libya with $10 million a.

55. Sherry, In the Shadow of War, 233–36, quotes 233–34; Ambrose, Eisenhower: The President, 605–17.

56. John Lewis Gaddis, Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Security Policy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 212; Sherry, In the Shadow of War, 242–44.

57. Wheelus Air Base Background Paper, Visit of the Libyan Crown Prince, 16–24 October 1962, CPV-III-G, 11 October 1962, DDRS 1983–1042: 1–4, quote 2.

58. Discussion at the 436th Meeting of the National Security Council, National Security Council Memorandum, 10 March 1960, DDRS 1991–1991: 1–16; Memorandum From the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs (Williams) to Secretary of State Rusk, 6 September 1963, FR, 1961–1963, vol. 21, Africa: 156–57. On the politics of the United Kingdom of Libya see Elizabeth R. Hayford, “The Politics of the Kingdom of Libya in Historical Perspective,” Ph.D. dissertation, Tufts University, 1971, and Salaheddin Hasan, “The Genesis of the Political Leadership of Libya, 1952–1969: Historical Origins and Development of Its Component Parts,” Ph.D. dissertation, George Washington University, 1973.

59. Memorandum from Robert W. Komer of the National Security Council Staff to President Kennedy, 15 October 1962, FR, 1961–63, 21: 142–44, quote 142; Visit of the Libyan Crown Prince, 16–24 October 1962, DDRS 1984–2532: 1–2; H. B. Sharabi, “Libya’s Pattern of Growth,” Current History (January 1963): 41–45; Khadduri, Modern Libya, 314–17.

60. Memorandum from D. D. Newsom to R. W. Komer, Prime Minister Fikini of Libya, 29 September 1963, DDRS 1991–3499: 1–2, quotes 1–2.

61. Memorandum for Mr. McGeorge Bundy, Libyan Prime Minister Fekini’s Meeting with President Kennedy, Department of State, 27 September 1963, DDRS 1988–2709: 1–3, quote 2.

62. Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Tripoli, Libya, 7 October 1963, FR, 1961–63, 21: 159–60, quote 159; Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Benghazi, Libya, 29 June 1963, FR, 1961–63, 21: 154; Moncef Djaziri, Etat et société en Libye: Islam, politique et modernité (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1996), 54.

63. Jules Davids, The United States in World Affairs (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), 256–57, quote 256; Mustafa Sedd El-Ghariani, “Libya’s Foreign Policy: The Role of the Country’s Environmental and Leadership Factors, 1960–1973.” M.A. thesis, Western Michigan University, 1979, 127–29.

64. Ali Muhammad Shembesh, “The Analysis of Libya’s Foreign Policy, 1962–1973: A Study of the Impact of Environmental and Leadership Factors,” Ph.D. dissertation, Emory University, 1975, 190–93; Ben-Halim, Libya, 87–97; De Candole, Idris, 133–35; Djaziri, État et société, 54–55.

65. Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy Office in Baida, Libya, 8 March 1964, FR, 1964–68, vol. 24, Africa: 2–3, Internet edition; Memorandum from the President’s Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Bundy) and Robert W. Komer of the National Security Staff to President Johnson, 17 March 1964, FR, 1964–68, 24: 4, Internet edition.

66. Memorandum from Robert W. Komer of the National Security Council Staff to President Johnson, 8 August 1964, FR, 1964–68, 24: 5, Internet edition; Telegram from the Embassy in Libya to the Department of State, 30 March 1965, FR, 1964–68, 24: 1–2, Internet edition.

67. Letter from President Johnson to King Idris, 1 September 1965, FR, 1964–68, 24: 5–6, Internet edition; Memorandum from Robert W. Komer of the National Security Council Staff to President Johnson, 31 August 1965, FR, 1964–68, 24: 4–5, Internet edition.

68. Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Libya, 7 June 1967, FR, 1964–68, 24: 4–5, Internet edition; Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Libya, 13 June 1967, FR, 1964–68, 24: 5–6, Internet edition.

69. Memorandum from W. W. Rostow to the President, The White House, 17 June 1967, DDRS 1984–2120: 1. On the impact of the 1967 war see Cricco, “La Libia nella politica delle grandi potenze,” 141–48.

70. Memorandum from the President’s Special Assistant (Rostow) to President Johnson, 11 April 1968, FR, 1964–68, 24: 10–11, Internet edition; William H. Lewis, “Libya: The End of Monarchy,” Current History (January 1970): 36–37; El-Ghariani, “Libya’s Foreign Policy,” 98–99, 124–26.

71. Ruth First, Libya: The Elusive Revolution (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974), 75–86; Wright, Libya, 89–118; Ragaei El Mallakh, “The Economics of Rapid Growth,” Middle East Journal 23, 3 (Summer 1969): 308–20; Lewis, “Libya,” 36.

72. “British Denied Libyan SOS on ‘69 Coup, Records Show,” New York Times, 2 January 2002.

Chapter 6. One September Revolution

1. Mu’ammar al-Qaddafi dominated the RCC from the outset, and all major policy statements bore the imprint of his personality and thinking. Many observers, like Henri Pierre Habib, tended to underestimate the extent of Qaddafi’s power, describing him as simply first among equals in a collégial executive body of military officers. Politics and Government of Revolutionary Libya (Montreal: Cercle du Livre de France, 1975), 172–74.

2. Muammar Qaddafi, Escape to Hell and Other Stories (Montreal: Stanké, 1998), 48–49.

3. Salah El Saadany, Egypt and Libya from Inside, 1969–1976: The Qaddafi Revolution and the Eventual Break in Relations, by the Former Egyptian Ambassador to Libya (Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland, 1994), 5–11. While the Egyptian revolution clearly influenced the Libyan revolution, the available evidence suggests that the Libyan coup d’état caught the Egyptian government completely by surprise. Nothing has come to light in subsequent years to support the suggestion of contemporary America policy makers that the Libyan revolution was inspired, planned, and executed from Cairo.

4. “The Libyan Revolution in the Words of Its Leaders: Proclamations, Statements, Addresses, Declarations, and Interviews from September 1 to Announcement of the Counter-Plot (December 10),” Middle East Journal 24, 2 (Spring 1970): 218. Appropriately enough, the passwords employed by the Free Unionist Officers’ Movement during the coup d’état were “Palestine is ours” and “Jerusalem.” Habib, Politics, 96.

5. Meredith O. Ansell and Ibrahim Massaud al-Arif, eds., The Libyan Revolution: A Sourcebook of Legal and Historical Documents, vol. 1, September 1, 1969-August 30, 1970 (Stoughton, Wis.: Oleander, 1972), 108–13, quote 108; Libyan Arab Republic, Ministry of Information and Culture, The Revolutionary March (Tripoli: n.p., 1974), 13–14.

6. Ansell and al-Arif, Libyan Revolution, 108–13, quotes 108, 110.

7. Libyan Arab Republic, Ministry of Information and Culture, Delivered by Col. Mo’ammar el-Gadhafi: 1. The Broadlines of the Third Theory; 2. The Aspects of the Third Theory; 3. The Concept of fihad; 4. The Divine Concept of Islam (Tripoli: General Administration for Information, 1973), 41–42.

8. Foreign Broadcast Information Services, Daily Report: Middle East and North Africa (hereafter FBIS-MEA), Washington, D.C., 4 March 1981: 110; Jamahiriya Mail (Tripoli), 18 November 1978.

9. “Interview of Col. Mu’ammar al-Qaddafi on U.A.R. Television on 2 Sha’ban 1389 = 14 October 1969,” in Ansell and al-Arif, Libyan Revolution, 79–85, quote 79.

10. “Address Delivered by Col. Mu’ammar al-Qaddafi in Tripoli on 4 Sha’ban 1389 = 16 October 1969,” in Ansell and al-Arif, Libyan Revolution, 88.

11. Libyan Arab Republic, Broadlines, 28–29, quote 28; “Law No. 56 of 1970 on the Protection of Morality in Public Places,” in Ansell and al-Arif, Libyan Revolution, 217–18.

12. “Address Delivered by Col. Mu’ammar al-Qaddafi in Tripoli on 4 Sha’ban 1389 = 16 October 1969,” in Ansell and al-Arif, Libyan Revolution, 86–95, quote 90.

13. Ahmed M. Ashiurakis, A Concise History of the Libyan Struggle for Freedom (Tripoli: General Publishing, Distributing & Advertising Co., 1976), 82–87; Elizabeth R. Hayford, “The Politics of the Kingdom of Libya in Historical Perspective,” Ph.D. dissertation., Tufts University, 1971, 425, 483–84; “Evacuation Celebrations,” Progressive Libya (July 1973): 1, 6. American evacuation of Wheelus Field on 11 June, nine days prior to the designated date, took the revolutionary government by surprise since extensive formalities had been scheduled for 20 June. American forces evacuated the base early due to concerns about the overcharged emotional atmosphere in Libya at the time. El Saadany, Egypt and Libya, 48–49.

14. El Saadany, Egypt and Libya, 25–28, 38. When Qaddafi first met Nasser on 1 December 1969, he reportedly “offered all of Libya’s capabilities for the forthcoming battle with Israel, pointing out that this was the main purpose behind the Mirage deal, which would significantly bolster the air power of Egypt.” El Saadany, Egypt and Libya, 28.

15.“Resolution by the Revolutionary Command Council Issuing Certain Regulations in Connection with Banks,” in Ansell and al-Arif, Libyan Revolution, 102–4; Yusif A. Sayigh, Arab Oil Policies in the 1970s: Opportunity and Responsibility (London: Croom Helm, 1983), 44–49; Ruth First, Libya: The Elusive Revolution (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974), 210. For a more detailed discussion of Libyan oil policy during the first eighteen years of the revolution, see Ronald Bruce St John, Qaddaft’s World Design: Libyan Foreign Policy, 1969–1987 (London: Saqi, 1987),107–24.

16. Mohamed R. Buzakuk, “Libya Took the Lead,” Progressive Libya (December 1972): 6; Edith Penrose, “The Development of Crisis,” in The Oil Crisis, ed. Raymond Vernon (New York: W.W. Norton, 1976), 40; Frank C. Waddams, The Libyan Oil Industry (London: Croom Helm, 1980), 230–36.

17. J. A. Allan, Libya: The Experience of Oil (London: Croom Helm, 1981), 18687, 309–10; Judith Gurney, Libya: The Political Economy of Oil (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 58–61; Waddams, Libyan Oil Industry, 236–40.

18. Libyan Arab Republic, Ministry of Information and Culture, The Revolution of 1st September: The Fourth Anniversary (Benghazi: General Administration for Information, 1973), 226; Mohamed R. Buzakuk, “More Price Increases for Short-Haul Crudes,” Progressive Libya (February 1973): 8; First, Libya, 203–4, 209–11; “BP’s Lawsuit Against NPC Rejected,” Progressive Libya (July 1973): 2.

19. St John, Qaddafi’s World Design, 116–18.

20. Enzo Rossi, Malta on the Brink: From Western Democracy to Libyan Satellite, European Security Studies 5 (London: Institute for European Defence & Strategic Studies, 1986); “Gathafi Receives Mintof of Malta,” Progressive Libya (February 1973): 4; FBIS-MEA, 4 September 1980: 11; Middle East Economic Digest 26, 12 (19–25March 1982): 32.

21. Ronald Bruce St John, “Libyan Debacle in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1969–1987,” in The Green and the Black, ed. René Lemarchand (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), 126–29. Qaddafi was boasting by late 1973 that he had isolated Israel from Africa. Mu’Ammar el Qathafi, Discourses (Valetta: Adam Publishers, 1975), 32, 118–19.

22. Qaddafi, Escape to Hell, 167–81, quotes 171–73.

23. Gadhafi, Broadlines, 14; “Interview with Colonel Kaddafi,” Progressive Libya (May-June 1976): 1–2.

24. Muammar Al Qathafi, The Green Book, Part III: The Social Basis of the Third Universal Theory (Tripoli: Public Establishment for Publishing, Advertising and Distribution, 1979); Libyan Arab Republic, Ministry of Information and Culture, The Fundamentals of the Third International Theory (Tripoli: General Administration for Information, 1974), 3, 13–16. Qaddafi persistently denied an economic basis for this theory. “Gathafi’s Press Conference in Paris,” Progressive Libya (November-December 1973): 4.

25. Fouad Ajami, The Arab Predicament: Arab Political Thought and Practice Since 1967 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 199–200.

26. Libyan Arab Republic, Ministry of Information and Culture, The Third International Theory: The Divine Concept of Islam and the Popular Revolution in Libya (Tripoli: General Administration for Information, 1973), 11–15; Gadhafi, Divine Concept of Islam, 87–117; Gadhafi, Aspects of the Third Theory, 38.

27. Gadhafi, Aspects of the Third Theory, 42–43; FBIS-MEA, 14 July 1980: 11; Al-Fajral-Jadid, 20 February 1978: 3; U.S. Department of Commerce, Office of Technical Services, Joint Publications Research Service (Washington, D.C.) 70813, No. 1772, 21 February 1978: 135–36, 140 (hereafter JPRS); Ann Elizabeth Mayer, “Islamic Resurgence or New Prophethood: The Role of Islam in Qadhdafi’s Ideology,” in Islamic Resurgence in the Arab World, ed. Ali E. Hillal Dessouki (New York: Praeger, 1982), 196–220.

28. Knut S. Vikor, Sufi and Scholar on the Desert Edge: Muhammad b. Ali al-Sanusi and His Brotherhood (Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University Press, 1995), 218–40; E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Sanusi of Cyrenaica (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1949), 1–28; Marius K. Deeb, “Militant Islam and Its Critics: The Case of Libya,” in Islamism and Secularism in North Africa, ed. John Ruedy (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996), 187–97.

29. FBIS-MEA, 25 January 1982: Q4; FBIS-MEA, 12 August 1980: II; Marius K. Deeb and Mary-Jane Deeb, Libya Since the Revolution: Aspects of Social and Political Development (New York: Praeger, 1982), 93–108.

30. Gadhafi, Concept of Jihad, 53.

31. FBIS-MEA, 4 March 1981: 111; Oriana Fallaci, “Iranians Are Our Brothers: An Interview with Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi of Libya,” New York Times Magazine, 16 December 1979: 125; “Col. El-Gathafi’s Press Conference,” Progressive Libya (June 1973): 8. Terrorism is defined here as the use by a group for political ends of covert violence which is usually directed against a government but may be against another group, class, or party. Ronald Bruce St John, “Terrorism and Libyan Foreign Policy, 1981–1986,” World Today 42, 7 (July 1986): 111.

32. FBIS-MEA, 11 March 1981: Q3; FBIS-MEA, 18 October 1978: 16–17.

33. “Resolution Establishing the Jihad Fund,” in Ansell and al-Arif, Libyan Revolution, 115–17; “Law No. 44 of 1970 Imposing the Jihad Tax,” in Ansell and al-Arif, Libyan Revolution, 131; “The Libyan Revolution in the Words of Its Leaders,” 218–19; Qathafi, Discourses, 48–49.

34. El Saadany, Egypt and Libya, 6–11, quotes 8, 10.

35. Fouad Ajami, “The End of Pan-Arabism,” Foreign Affairs 57, 2 (Winter 1978/79): 355–73, quote 357; Mohammad Hassanein Heikal, “Egyptian Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs 56, 4 (July 1978): 719–22.

36. Mu’ammar al-Qadhdhafi, “A Visit to Fezzan,” in Man, State, and Society in the Contemporary Maghrib, ed. I. William Zartman (New York: Praeger, 1973), 131–36, quote 133; Libyan Arab Republic, Ministry of Information and Culture, Aspects of First of September Revolution (Tripoli: General Administration for Information, 1973), 9–11.

37. Qadhdhafi, “Visit to Fezzan,” quotes 133–34; Qathafi, Discourses, 69–90; MS-MA, 5 March 1980: 17; FBIS-MEA, 9 June 1980: 12.

38. For additional detail on early merger attempts, see Nathan Alexander [Ronald Bruce St John]. “The Foreign Policy of Libya: Inflexibility amid Change,” Orbis 24, 4 (Winter 1981): 832–38. In contrast to the Libyan approach, Baath ideology generally envisioned a union of the better-endowed Arab states with those whose progress was hampered by a lack of capital and natural resources. Gordon H. Torrey, “The Bath—Ideology and Practice,” Middle East Journal 23, 4 (Autumn 1969): 451.

39. FBIS-MEA, 2 September 1980: 13; FBIS-MEA, 10 September 1980: 14–17; FBIS-MEA, 2 September 1981: Q4-Q5; Middle East Economic Digest 24, 51/52 (19–25 December 1980): 98.

40. St John, “Libyan Debacle in Sub-Saharan Africa,” 125–38.

41. Leonard Binder, The Ideological Revolution in the Middle East (New York: Wiley, 1964), 241.

42. Qathafi, Discourses, 25–29, quote 29; Binder, Ideological Revolution, 240–51.

43. “Libyan Revolution in the Words of Its Leaders,” 211.

44. Ibid., 212.

45. Libyan Arab Republic, Fundamentals, 5–6; FBIS-MEA, 4 March 1981:110; FBIS-MEA, 14 May 1979:15.

46. Qathafi, Discourses, 25–29, 47, 87; Gadhafi, Broadlines, 9–14, 23–26; Libyan Arab Republic, Revolution of 1st September, 250.

47. Seth P. Tillman, The United States in the Middle East: Interests and Obstacles (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982), 123–274; Bernard Reich, “United States Middle East Policy,” Current History 76, 443 (January 1979) : 6–8, 41–42; Ethan Nadelmann, “Setting the Stage: American Policy Toward the Middle East, 1961–1966,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 14, 4 (November 1982): 435–57.

48. John K. Cooley, Libyan Sandstorm: The Complete Account of Qaddafi’s Revolution (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1982), 13–14. There is general agreement that Western diplomats and intelligence services were initially surprised and confused by the coup. Judith Miller, God Has Ninety-Nine Names: Reporting from a Militant Middle East (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 215; P. Edward Haley, Qaddafi and the United States Since 1969 (New York: Praeger, 1984), 21, 24; Guy Arnold, The Maverick State: Gaddafi and the New World Order (London: Cassell, 1996), 89.

49. Adriana Bush, Reagan: An American Story (New York: TV Books, 1998), 219.

50. Henry Kissinger, Years of Upheaval (Boston: Little, Brown, 1982), 859–60.

51. Quoted in Kissinger, Years of Upheaval, 860; Mahmoud G. ElWarfally, Imagery and Ideology in U.S. Policy Toward Libya, 1969–1982 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1988), 85–86.

52. Department of State, Bulletin, 29 September 1969.

53. El Saadany, Egypt and Libya, 75–77; ElWarfally, Imagery and Ideology, 76–77.

54. Waddams, Libyan Oil Industry, 251–60; ElWarfally, Imagery and Ideology, 80–81. On Libyan crude oil exports by destination, 1962–93, see Gurney, Libya, 108, 129.

55. Newsom, statement before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, 19 July 1971; quoted in ElWarfally, Imagery and Ideology, 81.

56. Cooley, Libyan Sandstorm, 80–100; William Gutteridge, ed., Libya: Still a Threat to Western Interests? Conflict Studies 160 (London: Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1984), 17; Haley, Qaddafi, 24.

57. Colin Legum, ed., Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents, vol. 5, 1972–73 (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1973), B54; Legum, Africa Contemporary Record, vol. 10, 1977–78, A78; ElWarfally, Imagery and Ideology, 88–89.

58. Vernon Loeb, “Fallout for a CIA Affidavit,” Washington Post, 24 April 2000; Peter Maas, “Selling Out,” New York Times Magazine, 13 April 1986; Seymour M. Hersh, “The Qaddafi Connection,” New York Times Magazine, 14 June 1981.

59. United States Policy Toward North Africa: Statement by Assistant Secretary Newsom Before the Subcommittees on Africa and the Near East of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, July 19, 1972, Richard P. Stebbins and Elaine P. Adam, eds., American Foreign Relations: A Documentary Record, 1972 (New York: New York University Press, 1976), 371–78, quotes 374–75; Ronald Bruce St John, “Libya’s Foreign and Domestic Policies,” Current History 80, 470 (December 1981): 426–27.

60. Lisa Anderson, “Qadhdhafi and the Kremlin,” Problems of Communism 34 (September-October 1985): 29–44; Roger F. Pajak, “Arms and Oil: The Soviet-Libyan Arms Supply Relationship,” Middle East Review 13, 2 (Winter 1980–81): 51–56; Progressive Libya (May-June 1975): 2–3.

61. Ronald Bruce St John, “The Soviet Penetration of Libya,” World Today 38, 4 (April 1982): 131–38; FBIS-MEA, 12 June 979: 13 and 30 April 1981: Q1-Q3.

62. FBIS-MEA, 12 October 1978: 16; 27 July 1981: Ql; and 2 September 1981: Q12-Q14; Middle East Economic Digest 25, 36 (4–10 September 1981): 26.

63. Brian L. Davis, Qaddafi, Terrorism, and the Origins of the U.S. Attack on Libya (New York: Praeger, 1990), 35; Dirk Vandewalle, Libya Since Independence: Oil and State-Building (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), 113; John K Cooley, “The Libyan Menace,” Foreign Policy 42 (Spring 1981): 84. Ambassador Palmer asked to be recalled in 1972 because the Libyan government refused to deal with him. Haley, Qaddafi, 24.

64. Michael S. Sherry, In the Shadow of War: The United States Since the 1930s (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 337–38, quote 338. Arguing that American credibility was at stake around the globe, Henry Kissinger was an especially strong advocate of the use of force in the Mayaguez affair. Although the Ford administration billed the event as a foreign policy triumph, the sad statistics were forty-one American military men killed and nine wounded, together with an untold number of Cambodians, to rescue forty American seamen. William Shawcross, Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon, and the Destruction of Cambodia (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979), 433–35. For a more detailed discussion of the Mayaguez affair, see Ralph Wetterhahn, The Last Battle: The Mayaguez Incident and the End of the Vietnam War (New York: Carroll and Graf, 2001).

65. Cooley, Libyan Sandstorm, 265, 284; Davis, Qaddafi, 37–38.

66. St John, “Libya’s Foreign and Domestic Policies,” 426–27; Raymond H. Cleveland et al., A Global Perspective on Transnational Terrorism: A Case Study of Libya, Research Report 25 (Maxwell Air Force Base Alabama: Air War College, 1977); ElWarfally, Imagery and Ideology, 106–8. The author disagrees with the suggestion of Guy Arnold (Maverick State, 91–92) that the deterioration in American-Libyan relations reached a point of no return as early as 1976. Even though the Carter administration was soon disenchanted with the Qaddafi regime, there was a noticeable effort on both sides over the next four years to discover areas of accord.

67. Cooley, Libyan Sandstorm, 80–82; Simons, Libya, 317.

68.“State-Sponsored Terrorism,” Statement by the Secretary of Defense(Weinberger), 21 January 1987, American Foreign Policy: Current Documents (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1987), 235; Claudia Wright, “Libya and the West: Headlong into Confrontation?” International Affairs 8, 1(Winter 1981–82): 24–25; Gutteridge, Libya, 17–18; Frank Lennon, “Libya Seeks Personal Contacts to Counter Official Sanctions,” Middle East Economic Digest 22, 32(11 August 1978): 4.

69. Youssef M. Ibrahim, “Qaddafi Calls the $220,000 Loan Part of Billy Carter Business Deals,” New York Times, 10 August 1980; Inquiry into the Matter of Billy Carter and Libya, Report together with additional views of the Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee to Investigate Individuals Representing the Interests of Foreign Governments to the United States, Senate (2 October 1980) (Washington, D.C.:U.S. Government Printing Office, 1980): 7; “Billy Carter Investigations—Your Personal Notes,” Memorandum for the President, 8 September 1980, DDRS 1994–1713: 1–3; “Text of U.S. Documents on Billy’s Trip,” New York Times, 3 August1980. Frank Terpil, a former U.S. government employee hired by the Libyan government in the mid-1970s and later arraigned on arms-trafficking charges, translated for Billy Carter during his visit to the tenth anniversary celebrations in September 1979. Cooley, Libyan Sandstorm, 176.

70. “NSC Role in Aircraft Sales to Libya,” 16 September 1986, DDRS 1994–1634: 1–3; Johnny Rizq and Robin Allen, “Libya Presses for Decision on Boeings,” Middle East Economic Digest 23, 50 (14 December 1979): 15.

71. “Al-Qadhdhafi Addresses Celebration on Removal of U.S. Bases,” FBIS-MEA, 12 June 1979: 11–12.

72. “Tripoli Demonstration at U.S. Embassy Reported,” FBIS-MEA, 3 December 1979: II; Department of State, Bulletin, October 1980: 61; Eugene Mannoni, “Le danger Kadhafi,” Le Point 386 (11 février 1990): 47–53; “A Prophet with an Illusion,” Africa 94 (June 1979): 50–51. Ambassador William L. Eagleton, Jr., chargé d’affaires at the U.S. embassy in Tripoli at the time, believes television coverage of the mobs in Teheran may have inspired the attack on the U.S. embassy. Personal correspondence, 31 August 2000.

73. Memorandum of Conversation, President Carter, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Ali El-Houdari, 6 December 1979, DDRS 1994–1712: 1–2, quote 1. Chargé d’affaires Eagleton returned to Tripoli from consultations in Washington about this time with a message from President Carter to Qaddafi that included the additional condition that Qaddafi give personal assurances regarding the security of the embassy and its personnel. Qaddafi refused to receive Eagleton, despite his repeated requests for an interview, and later told a reporter that he would deal with the Americans only after a people’s committee, similar to those being organized by the Libyans in their embassies around the world, had been formed by the Americans to take over the U.S. embassy. Personal correspondence, 31 August 2000.

74. Personal correspondence, 31 August 2000, 2.

75. President Carter’s reply and covering letter, 4 August 1980, to Senator Birch Bayh, Chairman, Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, in Inquiry into the Matter of Billy Carter and Libya, hearings before the subcommittee to investigate the activities of individuals representing the interests of foreign governments, 96th Congress, Second Session, 3, Appendix, 1479; quoted in Cooley, Libyan Sandstorm, 176.

76. Christopher S. Wren, “Libya’s Identity Blurred by Ties With East, West and Terrorism,” New York Times, 14 October 1979.

77. Richard D. Lyons, “Suspect Libyan Terrorists Were Watched by F.B.I.,” New York Times, 9 May 1980; Youssef M. Ibrahim, “Foreign Workers in Libya Subjected to Harassment,” New York Times, 27 August 1980.

78. Patrick Blum, “Gafsa Attack Raises Shockwaves,” Middle East Economic Digest (8 February 1980): 42; Peter Blackburn, “Tunisia Blames Libya for Night Attack,” Middle East Economic Digest 24, 5 (1 February 1980): 39.

79. Mannoni, “Le danger Kadhafi,”; “US Embassy Closes,” Middle East Economic Digest 24, 7 (15 February 1980) 37; Daniel Pipes, “No One Likes the Colonel,” American Spectator 14, 3 (March 1981): 18–22. Following the attack on the French embassy, Chargé d’Affaires Eagleton recommended that the U.S. embassy in Tripoli be closed on the grounds its security could not be assured. Personal correspondence, 31 August 2000.

80. “Jallud Comments on ‘Liquidating’ Libyan Expatriates,” FBIS-MEA, 6 June 1980:11–12; “Four Libya Diplomats Are Expelled by U.S. For Harassing Exiles,” New York Times, 5 May 1980. On 1 September 1979, Qaddafi called on Libyans living abroad to organize popular marches and to occupy their embassies. Libyan embassies everywhere soon became people’s bureaus, with the ambassador replaced by a people’s committee. Mohammed Wahby, “People power diplomacy for Libya,” Middle East Economic Digest 23, 36 (7 September 1979): 18.

81. Washington Post, 22 October 1980; Richard Halloran, “Libyans Are Challenging U.S. Forces in War of Nerves,” New York Times, 24 October 1980.

Chapter 7. Reagan Agonistes

1. Barry Rubin, “The Reagan Administration and the Middle East,” in Eagle Defiant: United States Foreign Policy in the 1980s, ed. Kenneth A. Oye, Robert J. Lieber, and Donald Rothchild (Boston: Little, Brown, 1983), 367. For context see Daniel Yankelovich and Larry Kaagan, “Assertive America,” in The Reagan Foreign Policy, ed. William G. Hyland (New York: Meridian, 1987), 1–18.

2. Robert S. Barrett, “U.S. Policy in North Africa,” American-Arab Affairs 13 (Summer 1985): 41–42; Tim Zimmerman, “The American Bombing of Libya: A Success for Coercive Diplomacy?” Survival 29, 3 (May/June 1987): 208–9; Robert E. Osgood, “The Revitalization of Containment,” in Reagan Foreign Policy, ed. Hyland, 45. The activist approach of the Reagan administration sparked an intellectual debate among Middle East specialists and policy analysts over Libya and terrorism. While not sympathetic to many of the arguments raised in this debate, Brian Davis (Qaddafi, Terrorism, and the Origins of the US. Attack on Libya [New York: Praeger, 1990], 38–47) provides a thought-provoking analysis of the discussion.

3. Nathan Alexander [Ronald Bruce St John], “The Foreign Policy of Libya: Inflexibility amid Change,” Orbis 24, 4 (Winter 1981): 819–46; Ronald Bruce St John, “Libya’s ‘New’ Foreign Policy,” Contemporary Review 243, 1410 (July 1983): 15–18. The author strongly disagrees with analysts like Mansour O. El-Kikhia, author of a well-written and perceptive study of Qaddafi’s Libya, who suggest that Libyan foreign policy was in disarray in the late 1970s or early 1980s (El-Kikhia, Libya’s Qaddafi: The Politics of Contradiction [Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997], 112). On the contrary, inflexibility in the face of constant global change best characterized that policy.

4. J. A. Allan, “Libya Accommodates to Lower Oil Revenues: Economic and Political Adjustments,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 15, 2 (August 1983): 377–85; Shukri Ghanem, “The Oil Industry and the Libyan Economy: The Past, the Present, and the Likely Future,” in The Economic Development of Libya, ed. Bichard Khader and Bashir El-Wifati (London: Croom Helm, 1987), 67–68.

5. Pamela Chasek, “Revolution Across the Sea: Libyan Foreign Policy in Central America,” in Central America &f the Middle East: The Internationalization of the Crises, ed. Damián J. Fernández (Miami: Florida International University Press, 1990), 150–76.

6. “Libya Is an African Problem,” Testimony by the Assistant Secretary of State Designate for African Affairs (Crocker) Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (6 April 1981), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1981), 1148. While the literature on Libyan intervention in Chad is vast, the following are especially recommended: J. Millard Burr and Robert O. Collins, Africa’s Thirty Years War: Libya, Chad, and the Sudan, 1963–1993 (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1999); Sam C. Nolutshungu, Limits of Anarchy: Intervention and State Formation in Chad (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1996); Guy Jérémie Ngansop, Tchad: Vingt ans de crise (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1986); Bernard Lanne, Tchad-Libye: La querelle des frontières (Paris: Karthala, 1982).

7. “Possible Libyan Assassination Attempt,” Central Intelligence Agency, National Foreign Assessment Center, August 24, 1981, DDRS 1988–1937: 1; “Reports of Libyan Assassination Squads,” Transcript of an Interview with President Reagan (30 November 1981), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1981, 795–96.

8. Ronald Bruce St John, Qaddafi’s World Design: Libyan Foreign Policy, 1969–1987 (London: Saqi Books, 1987), 136.

9. “Libyan Activities,” Statement by the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs (Crocker) Before Subcommittees of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (8 July 1981), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1981), 1148–51, quotes 1148–49, 1150.

10. “Al-Qadhdhafi Address,” FBIS-MEA, 2 September 1981: Q3-Q19, quotes Q12-Q13; St John, “The Soviet Penetration of Libya,” World Today 38, 4 (April 1982): 135–36; “U.S. Planes Attacked by Libyan Aircraft,” Department of State Bulletin (October 1981): 57–60.

11. “Closing of the Libyan People’s Bureau in Washington,” Transcript of a Department of State Special Briefing (6 May 1981), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1981, 787; St John, Qaddafi’s World Design, 82; “Request for U.S. Citizens to Leave Libya,” Statement by the Secretary of State (Haig) (10 December 1981), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1981, 796.

12. While the literature on the legal aspects of the Gulf of Sirte controversy is voluminous, the following articles provide a good introduction. Alessandro Silj, “The Gulf of Sidra Incident: March-April 1986,” International Spectator 28, 1 (January-March 1993): 75–105; Stephen R. Langford, Libya: The Gulf of Sirte Closing Line, IBRU Boundary Briefing 3 (Durham: International Boundaries Research Unit, 1990); Roger Cooling Haerr, “The Gulf of Sidra,” San Diego Law Review 24, 751 (1987): 751–67; Yehuda Z. Blum, “The Gulf of Sidra Incident,” American Journal of International Law 80 (1986): 668–77; Francesco Francioni, “The Status of the Gulf of Sirte in International Law,” Syracuse Journal of International Law and Commerce 11 (1984): 311–26. The Gulf of Sirte is also known as the Gulf of Sidra.

13. Claudia Wright, “Libya and the West: Headlong into Confrontation?” International Affairs 58, 1 (Winter 1981–82): 16

14. David Ignatius, “U.S. Seeks to Mobilize Opponents of Khadafy in Libya and Outside,” Wall street Journal, 14 July 1981; “Kaddafi’s Dangerous Game,” Newsweek, 20 July 1981; “Searching for Hit Teams,” Time, 21 December 1981; Mahmoud G. ElWarfally, Imagery and Ideology in U.S. Policy Toward Libya, 1969–1982 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1988), 175–78.

15. Donald Rothchild and John Ravenhill, “From Carter to Reagan: The Global Perspective on Africa Becomes Ascendant,” in Eagle Defiant, ed. Oye, Lieber, and Rothchild, 352–53; St John, “Libya’s Foreign and Domestic Policies,” Current History 80, 470 (December 1981): 426–29, 434–35; Bernard Gwertzman, “U.S. Pledges to Aid African Countries That Resist Libyans,” New York Times, 3 June 1981.

16. St John, “Soviet Penetration of Libya,” 137–38.

17. For the European reaction to the American call for sanctions see St John, “Terrorism and Libyan Foreign Policy, 1981–1986,” The World Today 42, 7 (July 1986): 113–14.

18. George P. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Scribner’s, 1993), 677; Ellen Laipson, “U.S. Policy in Northern Africa,” American-Arab Affairs 6 (Autumn 1983): 52–53; New York Times, 11 March 1982; International Herald Tribune, 17–18 December 1983.

19. “Denial of Any U.S. Role in Failure of OAU Summit in Tripoli,” Remarks by Vice President Bush, Lagos (13 November 1982), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1982, 1263.

20. Wright, “Libya and the West,” 14; St John, Qaddafi’s World Design, 82–83.

21. Dirk Vandewalle, Libya Since Independence: Oil and State-Building (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), 113–14.

22. St John, “Terrorism and Libyan Foreign Policy,” 112. In discussing the oil embargo imposed by the Reagan administration in 1982, Judith Gurney (Libya: The Political Economy of Oil [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996], 70) concludes that the U.S. ban on the import of Libyan crude oil “did not seriously affect Libyan production as the government had little difficulty finding west and east European markets to absorb the exports formerly intended for the USA.” The author finds this analysis incomplete because crude oil production in Libya clearly dropped from 1981 to 1984, as indicated in Gurney’s chart, “Libyan Crude Oil Production” (Libya, 92). Technically true, the suggestion that European markets made up the U.S. shortfall overlooks the fact that total Libyan crude oil exports declined every year from 1981 to 1985. See Gurney’s “Libyan Crude Oil Exports by Destination (1980–1993)” (Libya, 129).

23. Middle East Economic Digest 29, 49 (7–13 December 1985): 30.

24. Michael Ritchie, “Libya: Qaddafi Warns of Further Austerity,” Middle East Economic Digest 29, 36 (7–13 September 1985): 20–21; Financial Times, 10 September 1985; John Damis, “Morocco, Libya and the Treaty of Union,” American-Arab Affairs 13 (Summer 1985): 44–55.

25. Tony Walker, “Gaddafi’s Libya: Why Testing Times Lie Ahead,” Financial Times, 10 September 1985.

26. H. S. McKenzie and B. O. Elsaleh, “The Libyan Great Man-Made River Project: Project Overview,” Proceedings of the Institute of Civil Engineers: Water, Maritime and Energy 106 (June 1994): 103–22; J. A. Allan, “The Great Man-Made River: Progress and Prospects of Libya’s Great Water Carrier,” Libyan Studies 19 (1988): 141–46; Teresa English, “Libya’s GMR Defies Its Critics,” Middle East Economic Digest 33, 37 (22 September 1989): 4–5; Toby Odone, “Doubts Surround Libya’s Ambitious Irrigation Plans,” Middle East Economic Digest 27, 49 (9 December 1983): 26–28. On the early involvement of Brown and Root in the American political process see Robert A. Caro, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: The Path to Power (New York: Vintage Books, 1990), 1: 450, 458–68, 473–74, 577–78, 607–8; Robert Dallek, Lone Star Rising: Lyndon Johnson and His Times, 1908–1960 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 402, 450.

27. Lisa Anderson, “Qadhdhafi and His Opposition,” Middle East Journal 40, 2 (Spring 1986): 225–37; George Joffé, “Islamic Opposition in Libya,” Third World Quarterly 10, 2 (April 1988): 615–31.

28. Lisa Anderson, “Ignore Qaddafi,” New York Times, 17 December 1981; Robert Bailey, “Libyan Order Marks Further Airbus Success,” Middle East Economic Digest 25, 48 (27 November 1981): 20; Helena Cobban, “Europe Learns to Live with Qaddafi—Despite His Deeds in the Past,” Christian Science Monitor, 11 December 1981.

29. Rothchild and Ravenhill, “From Carter to Reagan,” 360–63, quote 362–63. For context see Coral Bell, “From Carter to Reagan,” in Reagan Foreign Policy, ed. Hyland, 57–77.

30. “Notifying Libya Not to Interfere with the AWACS Airplanes in Sudan,” Transcript of a Press Conference by the Secretary of State (Shultz) (20 March 1984), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1984, 894.

31. The pressure of the Reagan administration on the Libyan government caused a growing number of apologists for the Qaddafi regime to surface in this time frame. For example, see Bob Abdrabboh, ed., Libya in the 1980’s: Challenges & Changes (Washington, D.C.: International Economics and Research, Inc., 1985); Mohamed O’Bai Samura, The Libyan Revolution: Its Lessons for Africa (Washington, D.C.: International Institute for Policy and Development Studies, 1995); Themba Sono, ed., Libya: The Vilified Revolution (Langley, Md.: Progress Press Publications, 1984); Understanding Libya’s Role in World Politics (Washington, D.C.: People’s Committee for Students of the Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, 1984).

32. “Prohibition of Libyan Petroleum Products,” Executive Order 12538, Issued by President Reagan (15 November 1985), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1985, 602; Bob Woodward, “CIA Reportedly Plans to Undermine Qadhafi,” International Herald Tribune, 4 November 1985; St John, Qaddafi’s World Design, 83. Western European governments had been arguing for years that it made no sense for the United States to impose a partial economic embargo on Libya but continue to contribute billions of dollars annually to the Libyan treasury in the form of oil receipts. “Libyan Troops in Chad; American Oil Firms in Libya,” Transcript of the Department of State Daily Press Briefing (20 November 1984), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1984, 904–5.

33. Untitled Document, Hand-Written Date, 20 February 20 1987, DDRS 19910046: 1.

34. Noam Chomsky, Pirates & Emperors: International Terrorism in the Real World (New York: Claremont Research and Publications, 1986), 128–31; Ehud Ya’ari, “Abu Nidal’s New Brand of Terrorism,” Wall Street Journal, 31 December 1985; David B. Ottaway, “U.S., Egypt Believe Libya Masterminded EgyptAir Hijacking,” International Herald Tribune, 28 November 1985; Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 677.

35. Financial Times, 16 April 1986; International Herald Tribune, 23 April 1986.

36. Financial Times, 29 April 1986.

37. “Libya: Imports Face a Sharp Cutback,” Middle East Economic Digest 30, 15 (12–18 April 1986): 39; Jeune Afrique, 19 February 1986: 52; Tony Walker, “The Financial Squeeze on Qaddafi,” Financial Times, 22 April 1986.

38. Le Monde, 27 March 1986.

39. Jonathan Marcus, “French Policy and Middle East Conflicts: Change and Continuity,” The World Today (February 1986): 28; Italian Business Trends (24 January 1986): 2–4.

40. Paul Wilkinson, “State-Sponsored International Terrorism: The Problems of Response,” The World Today (July 1984): 294; International Herald Tribune, 9 January 1986 and 19–20 April 1986; Wall Street Journal (Europe), 24 April 1986.

41. “Qadhafi. . . A Pariah in the World Community,” Statement by the President (7 January 1986), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1986, 446–47.

42. “U.S. Goals Toward Libya,” Prepared Statement by the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs (Murphy) (28 January 1986), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1986, 448–49.

43. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 669–78; International Herald Tribune, 9 January 1986, 25–26 January 1986; Middle East Economic Digest 29, 19 (10–16 May 1985): 47; Middle East Economic Digest 29, 47 (23–29 November 1985): 31.

44. Jane Mayer and Doyle McManus, Landslide: The Unmaking of the President, 1984–1988 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1988), 221. There is widespread agreement that the Reagan administration targeted the Qaddafi regime largely because it was vulnerable. For examples see Judith Miller, God Has Ninety-Nine Names: Reporting from a Militant Middle East (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 225; Chomsky, Pirates and Emperors, 131–33; Simons, Libya, 324–32.

45. “US to Reject Fresh Bid for Talks from Gadaffi,” Financial Times, 3 April 1986; St John, Qaddafi’s World Design, 84; International Herald Tribune, 26 March 1986.

46. New York Times, 23 March 1986; Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 678–79.

47. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 683; Davis, Qaddafi, 115–18. For details of the intercepts see David Locke Hall, The Reagan Wars: A Constitutional Perspective on War Powers and the Presidency (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991), 213–14. On the weakness of the La Belle justification see Simons, Libya, 342–43. Reagan biographers, on the other hand, generally concentrate on the La Belle bombing to the exclusion of other motivations for the 1986 air raid. For example, see Frances Fitzgerald, Way Out There in the Blue: Reagan, Star Wars, and the End of the Cold War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000), 332.

48. “U.S. Air Strikes Against Libya,” Statement by the President (14 April 1986), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1986, 450–51. The journalist Seymour M. Hersh later concluded that the primary aim of the Tripoli bombings was to kill Qaddafi (“Target Qaddafi,” New York Times Magazine, 22 February 1987).

49. “US Calls Libya Raid a Success; ‘Choice Is Theirs,’ Reagan Says; Moscow Cancels Shultz Talks,” New York Times, 16 April 1986; Edmund Morris, Dutch: A Memoir of Ronald Reagan (New York: Random House, 1999), 586; Chomsky, Pirates and Emperors, 142–46. For military details on the U.S. raid on Libya see Joseph T. Stanik, “Swift and Effective Retribution”: The U.S. Sixth Fleet and the Confrontation with Qaddafi, U.S. Navy in the Modern World Series 3 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1996) and Col. Robert E. Venkus, Raid on Qaddafi: The Untold Story of History’s Longest Fighter Mission by the Pilot Who Directed It (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1992). Many legal scholars argued the raid was a clear violation of international law and possibly American law. Ann Elizabeth Mayer, “In Search of Sacred Law: The Meandering Course of Qadhafi’s Legal Policy,” in Qadhafi’s Libya, 1969 to 1994, ed. Dirk Vandewalle (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 128.

50. “OPEC Condemns U.S. Attack But Rules Out Oil Embargo,” International Herald Tribune, 16 April 1986; Wall Street Journal, 21 April 1986 and 26–27 April 1986; R. W. Apple, Jr., “Middle East Experts Fear Libya Raid May Harm Interests of Moderate Arab States,” International Herald Tribune, 22 April 1986.

51. Karen Elliott House, “The Mideast That Wants Qadhafi Toppled,” Wall Street Journal, 17 April 1986; “U.S. Dismays Allies and Outrages Foes With Libya Bombing,” Wall Street Journal, 16 April 1986; Frederick Kempe, “U.S. Foreign Policy Comes Under Fire After Libya Raid,” Wall Street Journal, 21 April 1986.

52. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 687.

53. François Soudan, “Le Kaddafi nouveau arrive,” Jeune Afrique 1355–1356 (24 et 31 Decembre 1986): 34–36; “Al-Qadhdhafi Addresses Revolutionary Anniversary Rally,” FBIS-MEA, 2 September 1986: Q1-Q24; Gerald F. Seib, “Gadhafi Reemerges Before Libyan Public, Confident, But More Cautious on Terrorism,” Wall Street Journal, 2 September 1986; “Qadhdhafi Reaffirms Libyan Objectives,” FBIS-MEA, 5 May 1986: Q4. The available evidence does not support the conclusion of Gottfried and others who suggest the 1986 bombing of Libya caused the Qaddafi regime to modify its international policies and behavior in “a gradual about-face.” Ted Gottfried, Libya: Desert Land in Conflict (Brookfield, Conn.: Millbrook Press, 1994), 128. See Chomsky (Pirates and Emperors, 147–49) on American newspaper editorial support for the notion that the raid had prompted Qaddafi to reorient his foreign policy and terminate support for terrorism.

54. “Al-Qadhadhafi Addresses Revolution Anniversary Rally,” FBIS-MEA, 2 September 1986: Q1-Q24, quotes Ql.

55. Philip Shehadi, “After a Lull, Committees in Libya Urge Attacks on U.S. Interests, Allies,” International Herald Tribune, 27 August 1986; Hanspeter Mattes, “The Rise and Fall of the Revolutionary Committees,” in Qadhafi’s Libya, 1969–1994, ed. Dirk Vandewalle (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 89–112; St John, Historical Dictionary of Libya, 3rd ed. (Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 1998), 220–22.

56. Tony Walker, “Defections Highlight Dissatisfaction in Libya’s Military,” Financial Times, 4 March 1987; David Hawley, “Libya Displays a New Militancy,” Middle East Economic Digest 30, 36 (6–12 September 1986): 11; Nora Boustany, “Poorer But Still, It Seems, Loyal,” Financial Times, 6 September 1986; “Libyan Opposition,” FBIS-MEA, 1 July 1986: Ql; R.W. Apple Jr., “U.S. Hopes Libyan Military Will Seek Qadhafi’s Removal,” International Herald Tribune,” 6 April 1986.

57. “Opposition,” FBIS-MEA, 15 May 1986: Q1-Q2; Lisa Anderson, “Libya’s Qaddafi: Still in Command?” Current History 86, 517 (February 1987): 65; Mary-Jane Deeb, Libya’s Foreign Policy in North Africa (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991), 172–73.

58. “Austerity Measures Implemented,” FBIS-MEA, 30 May 1986: Ql; “Libya Bans English,” Financial Times, 23 May 1986; Edward Schumacher, “The United States and Libya,” Foreign Affairs 65, 2 (Winter 1986/87): 340–41.

59. Ihsan A. Hijazi, “Libya, Soviet at Odds After U. S. Air Raid,” International Herald Tribune, 7 May 1986; James M. Markham, “Gorbachev Says Libya Raid May Hurt U.S.-Soviet Ties,” New York Times, 19 April 1986; “Moscow Cancels Meeting, Citing U.S. Raid on Libya,” Wall Street Journal, 16 April 1986.

60. Robert D. Hershey, Jr., “U.S. Oil Companies End All Operations in Libya,” International Herald Tribune, 1 July 1986; Robert S. Greenberger, “U.S. to Prohibit Some Exports Tied to Libya,” Wall Street Journal, 28 May 1986; Frances Ghilès, “US Groups Told to Stop Libya Oil Operations,” Financial Times, 5 June 1986.

61. David Hawley, “Tripoli in Isolation,” Middle East Economic Digest 30, 31 (2–8 August 1986): 4–6; Gurney, Libya, 70–71.

62. “State-Sponsored Terrorism,” Statement by the Secretary of Defense (Weinberger) (January 21, 1987), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1986, 230–32, quotes 230–31.

63. “In Collapse of Terror Talks, Jittery Allies,” International Herald Tribune, 7–8 February 1987; Richard B. Strauss, “U.S. Policy On Libya Is Wavering,” International Herald Tribune, 9 September 1986; David K. Shipler, “Where Will Reagan’s Libyan Battle Plan Lead?” New York Times, 20 April 1986; Sheena Phillips, “The European Response,” in Mad Dogs: The US Raids on Libya, ed. Mary Kaldor and Paul Anderson (London: Pluto Press, 1986), 41–47.

64. Robert Windrem, “Pan Am Bombing Part of Libya Plot,” Special Report from MSNBC, Internet Edition, 16 February 2000; Robert Keatley, “Experts on Terrorism Fear It May Rise After U.S. Attacks,” Wall Street Journal, 16 April 1986; Blaine Harden, “U.S. Aide At Embassy Is Shot in Khartoum,” International Herald Tribune, 17 April 1986; John Winn Miller, “Italy May Scale Down Ties With Libya After Island Raid,” Wall Street Journal, 18 April 1986.

65. James M. Markham, “Europeans Say Walters Was Sketchy on Libya,” International Herald Tribune, 6–7 September 1986; Quentin Peel, “Walters Makes Discreet Calls on European Allies,” Financial Times, 3 September 1986; David White, “Walters Denies ‘Making Demands’ over Libya,” Financial Times, 2 September 1986.

66. Robin Allen, “Gulf States Warm to the Soviet Union,” Middle East Economic Digest 31, 4 (24–30 January 1987): 2–3; David Hawley, “Libya: EEC Reaction Underlines Divisions,” Middle East Economic Digest 30, 17 (26 April-2 May 1986): 6–8; Patrick Seale, “Qadhafi Is a Small Part of a Big Problem,” International Herald Tribune, 25 April 1986.

67. John Walcott and Gerald F. Seib, “Col. Gadhafi and U.S. Again May Be Heading Toward Confrontation,” Wall Street Journal, 25 August 1986; Bernard Weinraub, “U.S. Asserts Readiness to Thwart Gadhafi,” International Herald Tribune, 27 August 1986; “Tripoli exige de preuves,” La Suisse, 31 August 1986; “Think Before You Do Anything, Colonel,” Economist, 30 August 1986; John Walcott, “U.S. Tries to Capitalize on Current Pressure to Bring About Libyan Leader’s Downfall,” Wall Street Journal, 2 September 1986; “US Steps Up Destabilisation Campaign,” Middle East Economic Digest SO, 36 (6–12 September 1986): 25.

68. Bob Woodward, “U.S. Strategy of Deceit on Libya Reported,” International Herald Tribune, 3 October 1986; John Walcott, “Campaign Against Gadhafi Backfires on White House,” Wall Street Journal, 6 October 1986; Bernard Weinraub, “Reagan Confirms Secret Plan to Unnerve Gadhafi,” International Herald Tribune, 4–5 October 1986.

69. Lou Cannon, Ronald Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime (New York: Public Affairs, 1991), 580; John Walcott and Ellen Hume, “Reverses like Iran Threaten to Unravel Reagan Foreign Policy,” Wall Street Journal, 14 November 1986.

70. James Schlesinger, “Reykjavik and Revelations: A Turn of the Tide?” in Reagan Foreign Policy, ed. Hyland, 239–59; Roberto Suro, “Italian Cites U.S.-Libya Secret Link,” International Herald Tribune, 20–21 December 1986.

71. Victor Mallet, “Gadaffi Rounds on Summit Delegates in Harare,” Financial Times, 5 September 1996; “Gaddafi: Non-Aligned Useless,” Jerusalem Post, 5 September 1996; Anderson, “Libya’s Qaddafi,” 87; Schumacher, “United States and Libya,” 344.

72. James M. Markham, “Europeans Feeling a Drift in U.S. Policy,” International Herald Tribune, 11 February 1987; St John, Qaddafi’s World Design, 85.

73. John Orman, Comparing Presidential Behavior: Carter, Reagan, and the Macho Presidential Style (New York: Greenwood Press, 1987), 113–14.

74. “An Unusual and Extraordinary Threat,” Letter from President Reagan to the Speaker of the House of Representatives (Wright) (12 January 1988), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1988, 431–32.

75. “Prospects for an Improved Relationship with Libya,” Statement Issued by the Department of State (15 March 1988), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1988, 432.

76. New York Times, 24 December 1987; Michael R. Gordon, “U.S. Suspects Libyans of Chemical Arms Site,” International Herald Tribune, 26–27 December 1987. Construction of the production facility at Rabta began in 1984, shortly after chemical weapons were used in the Iran-Iraq war. W. Andrew Terrill, “Libya and the Quest for Chemical Weapons,” Conflict Quarterly 14, 1 (1994): 48–49.

77. Thomas C. Wiegele, The Clandestine Building of Libya’s Chemical Weapons Factory: A Study in International Collusion (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1992), 24–26.

78. “US Criticises Gaddafi over Chemical Arms,” South China Morning Post, 16 September 1988; Don Oberdorfer, “U.S. Troubled by Plant Japanese Built in Libya,” International Herald Tribune, 17–18 September 1988; “Japanese Involved in Chemical Weapons Charge,” Middle East Economic Digest 32, 39 (30 September 1988): 37; David B. Ottaway, “CIA Director Says Libya Is Building a Large Chemical Weapons Plant,” International Herald Tribune, 27 October 1988; Lou Cannon and David Ottaway, “U.S. Weighs Strike on Libyan Complex,” International Herald Tribune, 23 December 1988.

79. “Qaddafi Denies Chemical Arms Assertion,” International Herald Tribune, 28 October 1988; Jennifer Parmelee, “Courting West, Gadhafi Knock on Europe’s Door,” International Herald Tribune, 26–27 November 1988; Jennifer Parmelee, “A Visit to Libyan Plant Proves Inconclusive,” International Herald Tribune, 9 January 1989; Wiegele, Clandestine Building, 30–33.

80. “International Cooperation Against Libyan Chemical Weapons Production,” Press Conference by Secretary of State Shultz, Vienna (17 January 1989), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1989, 455; Stephen Engelberg and Michael R. Gordon, “U.S. Presses Bonn on Libya Gas Factory,” International Herald Tribune, 2 January 1989; Robert J. McCartney, “Bonn Lists 4 Firms in Libya Affair,” International Herald Tribune, 10 January 1989; Wiegele, Clandestine Building, 35–45, 70–112.

81. Edward Cody, “Chad, Libya Agree on Cease-Fire,” International Herald Tribune, 12–13 September 1987; Hamza Kaidi, “Tchad-Libye: Le cessez-le-feu ne tiendra pas,” Jeune Afrique 1394 (23 Septembre 1987): 28–32; Youssef M. Ibrahim, “Libya and Chad to End War and Restore Ties,” International Herald Tribune, 4 October 1988.

82. “Gadaffi Presses Arabs to Develop Atom Bomb,” Times (London), 3 September 1987; Gaddafi’s A-bomb Agenda,” South China Morning Post, 4 November 1987.

83. “Libya Plans to Scrap Military,” South China Morning Post, 2 September 1988.

84. David Ottaway, “U.S. Sees Gadhafi Hand in Terrorist Acts,” International Herald Tribune, 3 June 1988; “Libyan Agents Accused of Terrorism Boost in West,” South China Sunday Morning Post, 5 June 1988.

85. “Libyan Attack on U.S. Aircraft,” Statement by the Secretary of Defense (Carlucci) (4 January 1989), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1989, 453–54.

86. Molly Moore and George C. Wilson, “Gadhafi Pledges to Reply,” International Herald Tribune, 5 January 1989; Joseph Fitchett, “U.S. Downs 2 Libyan Fighters in Clash over Mediterranean,” International Herald Tribune, 5 January 1989; George C. Wilson, “Pentagon Calls Libyan a ‘Liar’ For Saying MiGs Were Unarmed,” International Herald Tribune, 6 January 1989; Joseph Fitchett, “U.S. Says Allies Accept Charges Against Libyans,” International Herald Tribune, 7–8 January 1989; Serge Schmemann, “Bonn’s Libya Crisis: Complex Anxieties,” International Herald Tribune, 17 January 1989.

87. “Modification of U.S. Sanctions Against Libya,” Statement by the President’s Press Secretary (Fitzwater) (19 January 1989), American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1989, 455–56.

Chapter 8. U.S.-Libyan Relations in the Post-Cold War Era

1. Michael S. Sherry, In the Shadow of War: The United States Since the 1930s (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 431–32.

2. “Gaddafi Invites Bush to Talks in ad hoc Briefing,” South China Morning Post, 8 January 1989.

3. “Body Returned by Libya Was That of Pilot,” International Herald Tribune, 16 January 1989; Keesing’s Contemporary Archives 35, 3 (March 1989): 36572; Mary-Jane Deeb, “New Thinking in Libya,” Current History 89, 546 (April 1990): 178.

4. “Continued Libyan Support for International Terrorism,” Daily Press Briefing by the Department of State Spokesman (Tutwiler), 26 October 1989, American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1989, 458; “CIA Chief Links Firms to Gas Plants,” International Herald Tribune, 10 February 1989; David B. Ottaway, “U.S. Continues Attack on Libya Over Terror,” International Herald Tribune, 20 January 1989.

5. Mansour O. El-Kikhia, Libya’s Qaddafi: The Politics of Contradiction (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997), 143–44.

6. Robert S. Litwak, Rogue States and U.S. Foreign Policy: Containment After the Cold War (Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2000), 49–56; George P. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Scribner, 1993), 643–88.

7. Michael T. Klare, Rogue States and Nuclear Outlaws: America’s Search for a New Foreign Policy (New York: Hill and Wang, 1996), 18–24; Debra von Opstal and Andrew C. Goldberg, Meeting the Mavericks: Regional Challenges for the Next President, Significant Issues Series 10, 7 (Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1988), xiii.

8. Michael T. Klare, “An Anachronistic Policy: The Strategic Obsolescence of the ‘Rogue Doctrine,’“ Harvard International Review 22, 2 (Summer 2000): 46–47. For context see Sherry, In the Shadow of War, 431–97.

9. Klare, “An Anachronistic Policy,” 47–48; Richard Falkenrath, “Weapons of Mass Reaction: Rogue States and Weapons of Mass Destruction,” Harvard International Review 22, 2 (Summer 2000): 52–55. For an in-depth discussion of the remaking of U.S. military policy see Klare, Rogue States and Nuclear Outlaws, 3–34.

10. Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George Bush, 1990 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1991), 2: 1089–94, quote 1090.

11. Public Papers: George Bush, 2: 1091–92.

12. Department of Defense, Defense Strategy for the 1990s: The Regional Defense Strategy (Washington, D.C.: Department of Defense, 1993); Litwak, Rogue States and U.S. Foreign Policy, 28–29; Klare, “An Anachronistic Policy,” 48–49.

13. Carl E. Vuono, “National Security and the Army of the 1990s,” Parameters (Summer 1991): 12.

14. Klare, “An Anachronistic Policy,” 49.

15. Litwak, Rogue States and U.S. Foreign Policy, xiv; Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright, “Remarks and Q&A Session at Howard University,” 14 April 1998 <http://secretary.state.gov/www/statements/1998/980414.html>.

16. Litwak, Rogue States and U.S. Foreign Policy, 8–9.

17. Meghan L. O’Sullivan, “Sanctioning ‘Rogue States,’“ Harvard International Review 22, 2 (Summer 2000): 56–57; Anthony Lake, “Confronting Backlash States,” Foreign Affairs 73, 2 (March/April 1994): 45–46.

18. “Al-Talhi Cited on Ties with U.S.,” FBIS-NES-89–003, 5 January 1989: 15. Quoted in Thomas C. Wiegele, The Clandestine Building of Libya’s Chemical Weapons Factory: A Study in International Collusion (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1992), 53.

19. Wiegele, Clandestine Building, 56–69, quote 68–69.

20. Edward Cody, “Banning Toxic Arms: Without Arabs, No Pact,” International Herald Tribune, 13 January 1989.

21. Juan Tamayo, “Troubled Gadaffi Woos Bush Administration,” South China Morning Post, 1 July 1989; Craig R. Whitney, “Gorbachev Says Bush Threatens Arms Talk Pace,” International Herald Tribune, 7 April 1989; “Sudanese Plan New Coalition,” International Herald Tribune, 6 March 1989.

22. “Evidence That Libya’s Rabta Plant Producing Chemical Weapons,” Press Briefing by the President’s Press Secretary (Fitzwater), 7 March 1990, American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1989, 615–16; New York Times, 7 March 1990; Serge Schmemann, “Grim Kohl Endures Broadside on Libya, International Herald Tribune, 19 January 1989; Wiegele, Clandestine Building, 115–16. On the potential utility of chemical weapons for Libya, see W. Andrew Terrill, “Libya and the Quest for Chemical Weapons,” Conflict Quarterly 14, 1 (1994): 53–58.

23. Quoted in David Hoffman, “Bush Calls Libya Fire’s Origin Hazy,” International Herald Tribune, 19 March 1990; “Indications That Rabta Fire a Deception Effort,” Daily Press Briefing by the Department of State Deputy Spokesman (Boucher), 18 June 1990, American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1989, 617.

24. “Central Bank Restricts Letters of Credit,” Middle East Economic Digest 34, 32 (17 August 1990): 28; Jiann-Yuh Wang, “Un accident est si vite arrivé . . . “Jeune Afrique 1525 (26 mars 1990): 12–14; “Libya Detains Suspects, Alleging Rabta Sabotage,” International Herald Tribune (20 March 1990).

25. “Libya Plans to Re-Open Disputed Rabta Plant,” Washington Times, 12 March 1991; Terrill, “Libya,” 51; Dennis Whiteley, “Libyan Plant Fire a Hoax,” International Herald Tribune, 10 April 1990; Wiegele, Clandestine Building, 116–17.

26. “Talk of a 2d Libya Toxic Gas Plant,” International Herald Tribune, 19 June 1990; “German Businessman Pleads Guilty in Case of Libyan Chemical Factory,” International Herald Tribune, 14 June 1990; “Libyan Arms Deal Denied by Official,” South China Morning Post, 12 June 1990.

27. “Thailand: Libya Gives Pledge,” Far Eastern Economic Review (6 October 1994) : 13; Philip Shenon, “Work by the Thais in Libya Prompts a Warning by U.S.,” New York Times, 26 October 1993; Douglas Jehl, “U.S. Says That Libya Is Building a 2d Plant to Make Poison Gas,” New York Times, 18 February 1993; Elaine Sciolino and Eric Schmitt, “Libya Expands Chemical Arms, U.S. Agents Say,” New York Times, 22 January 1992.

28. Richard Bassett, “Experts Shudder at the Explosive Truth,” South China Morning Post, 24 March 1990; Craig R. Whitney, “Communists Sent Tons of Explosives to Libya, Havel Reveals,” International Herald Tribune, 23 March 1990; Sennen Andriamir Ado, “Chronologie d’une déroute,” Jeune Afrique 1563 (12–18 decembre 1990): 18–20.

29. Michael R. Gordon, “Libya Makes Strides in Extending Jet Range,” International Herald Tribune, 30 March 1990.

30. Jean-Louis Vassallucci, “Les bons comptes de Kaddafi,” Jeune Afrique 1600 (28 août-3 septembre 1991): 42–43; Omar Fayeq, “Libya’s Gains and Losses from the Gulf Crisis,” Middle East International 402 (14 June 1991): 17–18; “Nine Western, North African States Forge Ties,” Bangkok Post, 12 October 1990; Abdelaziz Dahmani, “Ils se verront tous les deux mois,” Jeune Afrique 1522 (5 Mars 1990): 18–19. For a thoughtful analysis of the internal and external pressures affecting Libyan foreign policy in this time frame see Deeb, “New Thinking in Libya,” 149–52, 177–78.

31. “Cheney Has Mixed Record In Business Executive Role,” New York Times, 24 August 2000; Michael Cooper, “Cheney Strongly Defends His Record as Chief of Halliburton,” New York Times, 25 August 2000; “Dongah Builds Water Project in Libya,” Korea Herald, 1 September 2000, Internet edition; Roula Khalaf, “Gadaffi Taps Desert Waters in Bid to Make a Big Splash,” Financial Times, 11 September 1996.

32. “Libya’s Continuing Support for Terrorism,” Daily Press Briefing by the Department of State Deputy Spokesman (Boucher), 19 December 1990, American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1990, 618; Frédéric Dorce, “Les mouches de Kaddafi,” Jeune Afrique 1530 (30 avril 1990): 7; Jennifer Parmelee, “U.S., Libya and a Fly,” International Herald Tribune, 20 April 1990.

33. “Au bureau populaire arabe libyen à Paris,” Jeune Afrique 1597 (7–13 août 1991): 29; “350 Libyans Leave Kenya for New Life in US,” Bangkok Post, 18 May1991; Clifford Kraus, “How U.S. Failed to Get Gadhafi Out,𔄨 International Herald Tribune, 13 March 1991.

34. Judith Miller, God Has Ninety-Nine Names: Reporting from a Militant Middle East (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 232–33; Jane Hunter, “Bush keeps the heat on Qadhafi,” Middle East International 421 (20 March 1992): 19; Caryle Murphy, “U.S. Could Push Libyans Too far, Diplomats Warn,” International Herald Tribune, 14 February 1992.

35. “Chip Links Libya to Lockerbie Bomb,” International Herald Tribune, 19 December 1990; Michael Wines, “Signs Emerge of Libyan Involvement in Pan Am Bombing,” International Herald Tribune, 11 October 1990; “Probe into Gaddafi’s role in Pan Am crash,” South China Morning Post, 30 January 1989.

36.“Paris Confirms Joint Talks on Libya Sanctions,” International Herald Tribune, 20 December 1991; “Britain, U.S. Ask Lockerbie Payments,” International Herald Tribune” 28 November 1991; Gilbert Lam Kaboré, “Qui a piégé le DC 10 d’UTA,” Jeune Afrique 1549 (5–11 septembre 1990): 9; “La Libye serait impliquée dans l’attentat du DC-10 d’UTA,” Le Monde, 27 août 1990.

37. “OIC Talks Back Libya, Accuse Israel of Racism,” Bangkok Post, 10 December 1991; “G-77 Snubs Libya,” Bangkok Post, 25 November 1991; “Arab League Cautions U.S. Against Military Strike,” International Herald Tribune, 18 November 1991.

38. “Text of U.N. Resolution Asking Libya’s Help,” New York Times, 22 January 1992.

39. Paul Lewis, “U.N. Tightens Sanctions Against Libya,” New York Times, 12 November 1993; “UN Votes Sanctions on Libya; China and 4 Others Abstain,” International Herald Tribune, 1 April 1992; “U.S. Blocks Firms Said To Be Libyan,” International Herald Tribune, 30 March 1992.

40. “Maghreb Union to Back Libya at UN,” International Herald Tribune, 12–13 December 1992; “Libya Renounces Terrorism but Retains Suspects,” International Herald Tribune, 15 May 1992; Max Rodenbeck, “Arabs Resigned But Angry over Libya Sanctions,” Middle East International 424 (1 May 1992): 3; “Libya Vows Not to Hand over Bomb Suspects,” Bangkok Post, 30 March 1992; Caryle Murphy, “Gadhafi Calls for Compromise,” International Herald Tribune, 3 February 1992.

41. “Al-Qadhdhafi Comments on Relations with West,” FBIS-NES-92–174, 8 September 1992: 14.

42. “Al-Qadhdhafi Condemns U.S., West, Lauds Bush Loss,” FBIS-NES-93–001, 4 January 1993: 18–19.

43. Klare, “An Anachronistic Policy,” 30–31, 48–49; Noam Chomsky, “In a League of Its Own: Assessing US Rogue Behavior,” Harvard International Review 22, 2 (Summer 2000): 69–70. For an in-depth discussion of the security debate at the outset of the Clinton administration, see Klare, Rogue States and Nuclear Outlaws, 97–119.

44. O’Sullivan, “Sanctioning Rogue States,” 56–60; Klare, “An Anachronistic Policy,” 49.

45. Lake, “Confronting Backlash States,” 45–46.

46. Lake, “Confronting Backlash States,” 46.

47. Litwak, Rogue States and U.S. Foreign Policy, 26.

48. Alfred Hermida, “Qadhafi Stands Firm,” Middle East International 448 (16 April 1993): 8–9; Jacky Rowland, “Impasse over Lockerbie,” Middle East International 447 (2 April 1993): 13; Elaine Sciolino, “Christopher Signals a Tougher U.S. Line Toward Iran,” New York Times, 31 March 1993; Jehl, “U.S. Says That Libya Is Building a 2d Plant”; “Report of New Poison Gas Plant Being Built,” FBIS-NES-93–016, 27 January 1993: 13.

49. Paul Lewis, “U.N. Tightens Sanctions Against Libya,” New York Times, 12 November 1993; Paul Lewis, “Russia Tying Sanctions Against Libya to a Loan,” New York Times, 31 October 1993; Frank J. Priai, “Libya Given Deadline to Extradite Suspects in Pan Am Jet Bombing,” New York Times, 14 August 1993; Michael R. Gordon, “U.S. Warns Moscow on Sale of Key Rocket Fuel to Libya,” New York Times, 23 June 1993.

50. “Envoy to Arab League Queried on Lockerbie, Ties with West,” FBIS-NES- 93–134, 15 July 1993: 14–16, quote 15.

51. Youssef M. Ibrahim, “Missing Libyan’s Wife Reports Bribe Effort,” New York Times, 18 May 1994; Mark Nicholson, “Clinton Plea over Libyan Dissident,” Financial Times, 21 December 1993; Elaine Sciolino, “U.S. Asks Egypt’s Help on Missing Libya Dissident,” New York Times, 19 December 1993; “Qaddafi Calls Libya a Mecca for Guerrillas,” New York Times, 18 December 1993; Jim Hoagland, “Boxed In, Gadhafi Again Consorts with Terror,” International Herald Tribune, 16 December 1993.

52. Roula Khalaf, “US Sanctions Are Gadaffi’s Greatest Fear,” Financial Times, 30 October 1996; Chris Hedges, “Libyan Chief Threatens to Defy Flight Ban and Quit U.N.,” New York Times, 6 April 1995; George Graham and Robert Corzine, “US Seeks New UN Sanctions Against Libya,” Financial Times, 29 March 1995.

53. Roula Khalaf, “Britain to Expel Libyan Diplomat for Spying,” Financial Times, 12 December 1995; “Libya Expels Palestinians and Many Are Stranded,” New York Times, 12 September 1995.

54. “Libya Demands U.S. Surrender Pilots, Planners,” Journal Star, 16 April 1996; Tim Weiner, “Libya Completing Huge Plant for Chemical Arms, U.S. Says,” New York Times, 25 February 1996. A Stuttgart state court in June 2001 found Roland Franz Berger guilty both of offenses under German arms control and export laws and violations of UN sanctions against Libya. Berger was allegedly involved in delivering and assembling at Tarhuna in 1994 equipment to be used in the production of mustard gas and Sarin. Associated Press, 19 June 2001, Internet edition.

55. “France to Fight U.S. Sanctions on Iran, Libya,” Asian Wall Street Journal, 8 August 1996; Nancy Dunne, “Clinton Plea to US Allies over Iran and Libya,” Financial Times, 6 August 1996; Robert S. Greenberger, “Sanctions Voted on Firms Investing in Iran and Libya,” Wall Street Journal, 20 June 1996. The Clinton administration also moved to block the application of Louis Farrakhan, the leader of the Nation of Islam, to receive the Qaddafi International Prize for Human Rights worth $250,000, together with a gift of $1 billion which Qaddafi pledged to Farrakhan during his visit to Tripoli in January 1996. Farrakhan later accepted the human rights award but declined the monetary prize. “Farrakhan Delays $250,000 Libyan Prize,” New York Times, 31 August 1996.

56. Douglas Jehl, “Rumors and Secrecy Cloud Issue: Is Qaddafi O.K?” New York Times, 18 October 1998; Ray Takeyh, “Qadhafi and the Challenge of Militant Islam,” Washington Quarterly 21, 3 (Summer 1998): 159–73; Stephen Hedges and Terry Atlas, “Targeting Masters of Terror,” South China Morning Post, 23 August 1998; Roula Khalaf, “US Sanctions Are Gadaffi’s Greatest Fear,” Financial Times, 30 October 1996; “Libyan Rebels ‘Kill 26’,” Financial Times, 19 August 1996; Roula Khalaf and Shahira Idriss, “Rioting in Libya Leaves ‘up to 50’ Dead,” Financial Times, 15 July 1996. David Shayler, a former British intelligence agent, later charged that British intelligence was involved in a plot to assassinate Qaddafi in 1996. Martin Bright, “How a Bomb in Libya Led to a Legal Earthquake,” Guardian, 23 July 2000, Internet edition; Sarah Lyall, “Ex-Intelligence Agent Arrested in Britain on Return from Exile,” New York Times, 22 August 2000.

57. “Mandela Asks Shift in Lockerbie Bomb Trial,” New York Times, 26 October 1997; Joseph Fitchett, “Mandela Begins Visit to Gadhafi as U.S. Protests,” International Herald Tribune, 23 October 1997; Douglas Jehl, “Defying UN, Arabs Give Gadhafi Landing Rights,” International Herald Tribune, 22 September 1997; “Vatican Establishes Full Ties With Libya,” New York Times, 11 March 1997.

58. “Libya Accepts Pan Am Trial in The Hague,” International Herald Tribune, 27 August 1998; Steven Erlanger, “U.S. Proposes a Compromise to Libya,” International Herald Tribune, 25 August 1998; Guy de Jonquieres, “EU Companies ‘May Escape Iran-Libya Sanctions Threat,’“ Financial Times, 11 May 1998; David Buchan, “Libya Claims Victory in Lockerbie Ruling,” Financial Times, 28 February-1 March 1998; Craig R. Whitney, “World Court Says It Will Rule On 2 Libyans in Pan Am Case,” New York Times, 28 February 1998.

59. Anne Swardson, “Tripoli Hands Over Pan Am 103 Suspects, International Herald Tribune, 6 April 1999; “United Nations Sanctions Attacked,” International Herald Tribune, 27 October 1998.

60. Mary-Jane Deeb, “Qadhafi’s Changed Policy: Causes and Consequences,” Middle East Policy 7, 2 (February 2000): 146–53; Ray Takeyh, “Libya and Africa,” Testimony before the U.S. House of Representatives Subcommittee on Africa, 22 July 1999, Internet edition.

61. Tim Niblock, “Pariah States” & Sanctions in the Middle East: Iraq, Libya, Sudan (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2001), 93–94; Middle East Institute, “US Sanctions on Iran and Libya: What Have We Learned?” Policy Briefs, 29 May 2001, Internet edition.

62. Raymond Bonner, “Gadhafi Holds a 5-Nation Summit on Congo,” International Herald Tribune, 1 October 1999; Emma Thomasson, “Mandela Greets Gadafi, Last Official Guest,” Reuters, 13 June 1999, Internet edition; Colum Lynch, “Khadafy Commands Loyalty in Africa Despite 18 Years of US Sanctions,” Boston Globe, 8 May 1999, Internet edition.

63. Barbara Slavin, “Influencing a Progressive Man,” USA Today, 11 May 2000; Howard Schneider, “Libya Seeking Investors, Moves from Fringe Toward Mainstream,” Washington Post, 20 July 1999, Internet edition; Sidy Gaye, “OAU Summit Kadhafi Calls for Pan African Congress, PANA, 13 July 1999, Internet edition. For a detailed assessment of Libyan policy in Africa after 1969, see Ronald Bruce St John, “Libya in Africa: Looking Back, Moving Forward,” Journal of Libyan Studies 1, 1 (Summer 2000): 18–32.

64. Gamal Nkrumah, “Confidence in Ourselves,” Al-Ahram Weekly 476 (6–12 April 2000), Internet edition; “Faster African Union Sought,” Financial Times, 10 September 1999; “Libya: African Leaders Meet,” New York Times, 9 September 1999; Nicholas Phythian, “Gaddafi Revives 1960s African Unity Dream,” Reuters, 5 September 1999, Internet edition.

65. David Buchan, “Rift with Libya to End After 15 Years,” Financial Times, 8 July 1999; Nicole Winfield, “U.S. Refuses to Lift Libya Sanctions,” Associated Press, 2 July 1999, Internet edition; Gaylord Shaw, “Lawsuit Against Libya Allowed,” Newsday, 15 June 1999, Internet edition; Judith Miller, “U.S. Firm on Libya Sanctions,” International Herald Tribune, 13 June 1999; “Libya to Meet With the U.S. on Sanctions,” New York Times, 6 June 1999.

66. Ronald E. Neumann, Testimony Before the House International Relations Africa Sub-Committee, 22 July 1999, Internet edition; Department of the Treasury, Office of Foreign Assets Control, “New Rules of the Commercial Sale of Food, Medicine, and Medical Equipment Under Existing Unilateral Sanctions Regimes,” 27 July 1999, Internet edition.

67. John Lancaster, “U.S. Moves Toward Better Ties to Libya,” Washington Post, 24 December 1999, Internet edition; “Terrorisme: Washington adresse un satisfecit inhabituel ä la Libye,” Le Monde, 2 December 1999; “U.S. Law Seen Hampering Airbus Supply to Libya,” Reuters, 30 November 1999, Internet edition; Mark Suzman, “U.S. to Modify Iran and Libya Sanctions,” Financial Times, 27 July 1999.

68. Alessandra Stanley, “D’Alema Is First Western Leader to Call on Gadhafi in 8 Years,” International Herald Tribune, 2 December 1999; Dominic Evans, “Britain’s New Envoy to Libya Seeks Fresh Start,” Reuters, 6 December 1999, Internet edition; Mark Huband, “Trade Mission Seeks Deals in Post-Sanctions Libya,” Financial Times, 7 October 1999.

69. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Human Rights Reports for 1999: Libya, 25 February 2000, Internet edition; “Libya Rejects U.S. Monitoring,” Associated Press, 5 December 1999, Internet edition; Vijay Joshi, “Gadhafi Denounces Terrorism,” Associated Press, 3 December 1999, Internet edition; James Blitz, “Italy Pursues Goal of More Libya Trade,” Financial Times, 3 December 1999; “Amnesty International, “30 Years On-Time for Action,” 31 August 1999, Internet edition; Amnesty International, Annual Report, 1999: Libya, Internet edition; “Statement of A. Omar Turbi, Libyan American Human Rights Activist,” Subcommittee on Africa, Hearing U.S.-Libya Relations: New Era, 22 July 1999, Internet edition.

70. Ronald E. Neumann, “Libya: A U.S. Policy Perspective,” Middle East Policy 7, 2 (February 2000): 142–45, quotes 143–45; White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Continuation of Libyan Emergency,” 29 December 1999, mimeograph.

71.“Libya Trying to Buy a North Korean Ballistic Missile,” El Pais, 16 January 2000, Internet edition; David Buchan, “UK Protests at Libya’s Smuggling of Scud Missile Parts,” Financial Times, 10 January 2000; “Libya Smuggling Scud Missile Parts, Britain Says,” New York Times, 10 January 2000; Nicholas Rufford, “Libyans Smuggled Scuds through UK,” Sunday Times, 9 January 2000, Internet edition.

72. Barbara Crossette, “Letter to Qaddafi Released,” New York Times, 26 August 2000; “Text of Annan Letter Released,” Financial Times, 26–27 August 2000; Barbara Slavin, “Albright Won’t Release Bombing Letter,” USA Today, 18 February 2000, Internet edition.

73. “Review of Libya Restraints,” New York Times, 22 March 2000; U.S. Department of State, Daily Press Briefing, 22 March 2000, Internet edition; U.S. Department of State, Daily Press Briefing, 28 February 2000, Internet edition; Colum Lynch and John Lancaster, Washington Post Service, 28 February 2000, Internet edition; George Gedda, “US-Libya Ties Become a Possibility,” Associated Press, 26 January 2000, Internet edition.

74. Holger Jensen, “U.S. Wonders if Gadhafi Is Ready to Act Civilized,” Rocky Mountain News, 18 April 2000, Internet edition; Bill Gertz, “Beijing Delivered Missile Technology to Libya, U.S. says,” Washington Times, 13 April 2000, Internet edition; Howard Schneider, “Libya Seeks to Restore Broken Ties at Summit,” Washington Post, 3 April 2000, Internet edition; Ray Takeyh, “Qadhafi’s New Political Order,” Policywatch 445 (9 March 2000), Internet edition; Roula Khalaf, “Gadaffi Returns to ‘People Power,’“ Financial Times, 4–5 March 2000; Rupert Cornwell, “Libya Must Have a Head of State, Gaddafi Decrees,” Independent, 3 March 2000, Internet edition.

75. Donald G. McNeil, Jr., “Trial of 2 Accused in Pan Am Bombing Finally Under Way,” New York Times, 4 May 2000; Ian Bickerton, “Lockerbie Murder Trial Starts Today,” Financial Times, 3 May 2000. A large volume of material was published on the Lockerbie case even before the trial began; unfortunately, most of it was highly polemical in content. For example, see Charles Flores, Shadows of Lockerbie: An Insight into the British-Libyan Relations (Malta: Edam Publishing House, 1997) and Simons, Libya, 3–87.

76. On the indictment and charges in the Lockerbie trial see the University of Glasgow School of Law website www.law.gla.ac.uk.

77. Donald G. McNeil, Jr. “Lockerbie Trial Hears Police Minutiae, Defense Hints and, at Day’s End, List of Dead,” New York Times, 6 May 2000; T. R. Reid, “Doubts Persist About Lockerbie Evidence,” Washington Post, 30 April 2000, Internet edition.

78. Betsy Pisik, “Trial to Start in Lockerbie bombing,” Washington Times, 1 May 2000, Internet edition.

79. “Lockerbie Bombing ‘Nothing To Do with Libya,’“ Sky News World, 3 May 2000, Internet edition; Ray Takeyh, “The Lockerbie Trial, Round One,” Policywatch 465 (26 May 2000), Internet edition; Giles Elgood, “Gaddafi Distances Libya from Lockerbie trial,” Reuters, 3 May 2000, Internet edition.

80. Barbara Slavin, “Libya Has Changed with the World; U.S. Must, Too,” USA Today, 12 May 2000, Internet edition; “Sanctions Force US firms to Skip Libya Oil Meeting,” Reuters, 8 May 2000, Internet edition; Tom Hundley, “U.S. Accused of Cruise Missile Diplomacy,” Chicago Tribune, 28 May 2000, Internet edition.

81. In the High Court of Justiciary at Camp Zeist (Case No: 1475/99), Opinion of the Court, delivered by Lord Sutherland in causa Her Majesty’s Advocate v Ab-delbaset Ali Mohmed Al Megrahi and AI Amin Khalifa, Mimeograph copy, quotes 81–82; Donald G. McNeil Jr., “Libyan Convicted by Scottish Court in ‘88 Pan Am Blast, New York Times, 1 February 2001; John Mason and Ian Bickerton, “Lockerbie Verdict Welcomed But Sanctions Set to Continue,” Financial Times, 1 February 2001.

82. U.S. Department of State, “Overview of State-Sponsored Terrorism,” 1 May 2000, Internet edition: 3–4.

83. U.S. Department of State, “On-the-Record Briefing on the 1999 Annual “Patterns of Global Terrorism” Report, 1 May 2000, Internet edition: 4.

84. Department of State, “On-the-Record Briefing,” 9.

85. U.S. Department of State, International Information Programs, “Neumann’s Senate Testimony on U.S. Policy Toward Libya,” 4 May 2000, Internet edition: 1–5, quote 5.

86. Christopher Marquis, “U.S. Declares ‘Rogue Nations’ Are Now ‘States of Concern,’“ New York Times, 20 June 2000; Barbara Slavin, “U.S. Does Away With ‘Rogue State’ Tag,” USA Today, 20 June 2000.

87. Falkenrath, “Weapons of Mass Reaction,” 52–53; O’Sullivan, “Sanctioning ‘Rogue States,’“ 57–60.

88. “Letter from the President: Continuing the Libya Emergency,” White House Press Office, 4 January 2001, mimeograph; “Libya Dismisses U.S. Economic Sanctions Renewal Decision,” JANA News Agency (Tripoli), 5 January 2001, Internet edition; Neil MacFarquhar, “Qaddafi Rants Against the U.S. in a Welcoming After Bomb Trial,” New York Times, 2 February 2001.

89.“Joint Statement by President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair,” White House, 23 February 2001, mimeograph; “Sanctions on the Way Out,” Middle East Economic Digest, 4 May 2001, Internet edition; Ray Takeyh, “The Rogue Who Came in from the Cold,” Foreign Affairs 8, 3 (May/June 2001): 62–72; Middle East Institute, “US Sanctions on Iran and Libya: What Have We Learned?” Policy Briefs, 29 May 2001, Internet edition; Robert Fife, “Ottawa Ran Libya Plan by U.S.,” National Post, 3 July 2001, Internet edition.

90. Alison Mitchell, “Senate Extends Sanctions on Libya and Iran,” New York Times, 26 July 2001; Oxford Analytica, “Libya: Investment Outlook,” 19 July 2001, Internet edition; Tom Doggett, “White House Urges Shorter Iran, Libya Sanctions,” Reuters, 28 June 2001, Internet edition.

91. “Libya: Beckoning and Rebuffing, An Erratic Charm Offensive from Tripoli,” Economist Intelligence Unit, 8 September 2001, Internet edition; “Libya Condemns US Sanctions Extension,” JANA News Agency (Tripoli), 28 July 2001, Internet edition; Edward Alden, “U.S. to extend sanctions on Libya and Iran,” Financial Times, 27 July 2001.

92. “Gaddafi Says U.S. Anthrax ‘Worst Form of Terrorism,’“ Reuters, 18 October 2001; Internet edition; “Libyans Express Sympathy for U.S. Victims,” Boston Herald, 12 September 2001, Internet edition; Caroline Drees, “Mideast Leaders Condemn, Citizens Cheer Attacks,” Associated Press, 12 September 2001, Internet edition.