1. The Seneca Indian School has had several names, including the Wyandotte Mission; the Seneca, Shawnee, and Wyandotte Industrial Boarding School; and the Seneca Boarding School. The school was founded in 1871 in Wyandotte, Oklahoma, under the auspices of the Society of Friends. Children between the ages of four and eighteen attended the school, which initially offered a curriculum through the fourth grade, later expanding to the eighth and ninth grades in the 1920s. Classes began in spring 1872, with fewer than fifty students. The low enrollment reflected the resistance among Seneca, Shawnee, and Wyandot parents to sending their children away to boarding school. In 1876 the government began to assume a more active role in Indian education, and it oversaw all the missionary schools in Indian Territory, including the Seneca Indian School (Bieloh, “Bad Water,” 58). Due to recruitment efforts and increased pressure by the federal government, the enrollment increased to more than 135 by 1885 (Gibson, “Wyandotte Mission,” 140). Over time the school earned a reputation for its “steady stream of dedicated and competent administrators and teachers” and for its success in transforming so-called “savages” into students. Unlike other church-sponsored schools that failed, the Seneca Indian School thrived, resulting in its nickname as the “Marvel of the Wilderness” (Gibson, “Wyandotte Mission,” 140).
2. Here I borrow a term from an editorial in which the editors of the Hallaquah announced the death of their beloved fellow “Indian school-girl editor” Lucy Grey. I use the terms “Indian,” “Native American,” and “Native” throughout the introduction and annotations as well as in the author profiles, as these are the terms most often used by the writers themselves. I use the term “indigenous” to refer to a broader pan-tribal identity. I also identify writers by their tribal affiliation whenever possible.
3. Arizona Jackson (Wyandot) and Lula Walker (Wyandot) founded the Hallaquah with Ida Johnson (Wyandot?) and were associate editors for the first three issues; Jackson, Walker, and Johnson assumed the editorship in the March–April 1880 issue. Lula Walker was an older sister of Bertrand N. O. Walker, who later published poetry under his Wyandot name Hen-toh and animal stories in Tales of the Bark Lodges (1919).
4. See Batker, Reforming Fictions; Kilcup, Native American Women’s Writing; Washburn, “New Indians”; Littlefield and Parins, American Indian; and Peyer, American Indian Nonfiction. See also Hoxie’s edited collection Talking Back to Civilization, which contains several essays that appeared in the Quarterly Journal of the Society of American Indians (later renamed the American Indian Magazine).
5. See Stanciu, “‘That Is Why I Sent You,’” and Zink, “Carlisle’s Writing Circle.”
6. Gaul echoes Wyss’s view in her work on Catharine Brown’s letters. She writes, “Those critics who tend to see Brown as a passive tool of the missionaries neglect to recognize the ways that her simple act of writing was an assertion of agency, a way to create certain effects or acts” (Gaul, Cherokee Sister, 35). Those effects or acts, as Gaul further explains, were “geared toward making arguments that will change minds on politicized issues surrounding Cherokees’ status in the United States and lead to increased donations to missions, both of which would benefit the Cherokees in strategic ways” (35).
7. Bonnin’s final editorial appeared in the Winter 1919 issue of the American Indian Magazine. After she left the magazine it underwent a number of changes under the editorship of Thomas L. Sloan (Omaha). As Hazel W. Hertzberg explains, the new American Indian Magazine was a marked departure from its predecessor under the editorship of Parker and Bonnin: “None of the signed articles were written by Indians. It was not to be, like its predecessor, a magazine of Indian opinion written largely by Indians, but rather a magazine about Indians written mostly by whites, and yet at the same time the official publication of the Society” (Hertzberg, The Search, 190). Publication of the magazine ceased with the August 1920 issue.
8. As the scholarship of Brooks, Cohen, and Round shows, alphabetic literacy, writing, and print culture played constitutive roles in early indigenous communities. Networks of print were established in enough indigenous communities by the 1880s “to support a new generation of Native writers and alphabetically literate activists” (Round, Removable Type, 224). This new generation, which includes the boarding school students and prominent Native American public intellectuals featured in this collection, transformed the tools of the boarding school by engaging in literacy and print practices that were already being produced and consumed in indigenous communities. The work of Brooks, Cohen, and Round encourages us to see federal boarding schools as one key site within extensive networks of print culture that gave rise to a new generation of Native American writers, editors, and printers at the turn of the twentieth century.
9. For more on the pan-tribal networks that early twentieth-century Native American public intellectuals cultivated and maintained through their work in the Indian Service and the Society of American Indians, see Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, and Vigil, Indigenous Intellectuals.
10. See Francis Paul Prucha’s discussion of “the friends of the Indian” in Americanizing the American Indians. As Prucha explains, “the friends of the Indian” was a group of white reformers who dominated late nineteenth-century Indian policy and “with an ethnocentrism of frightening intensity, they resolved to do away with Indianness” (Prucha, Americanizing, 1).
11. For more on Pratt’s educational program for adult Indian prisoners at Fort Marion, see Fear-Segal, White Man’s Club.
12. For exemplary scholarship on the founding of Hampton Institute, see Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South, and Engs, Educating the Disfranchised and Disinherited.
13. It is worth noting that the founding of Carlisle marked a shift away from the heavy emphasis on Christian teachings at missionary schools to the federal government’s approach to Native American education. After the Civil War, missionary schools were phased out as the federal government gained more control over the education of Native Americans. Christianity was still important to Pratt’s model but was not its primary focus. Rather, his educational program focused on teaching Native American students English as well as the character-building habits of discipline, work, and cleanliness.
14. According to Littlefield and Parins (American Indian, 320): “The apprentice printers received a full course in composition and as much experience as possible in the job, stone, and press work. They were taught layout, operation and management of the equipment, as well as management of the steam engine and boiler that drove the machinery.” This training prepared many apprentice printers to enter the printing trade and the publishing industry.
15. Letters served multiple and often competing purposes in federal boarding schools as well as early missionary-run boarding schools, as demonstrated in the scholarship of Wyss, English Letters; Gaul, Cherokee Sister; and Child, Boarding School Seasons. For boarding school students and their families, letters were important communication and community-building tools. Parents of federal boarding school students who were not able to write in English would often write letters to their children with the aid of the agent or missionary (Adams, Education for Extinction, 251).
16. In Individuality Incorporated, Joel Pfister explains the shift that occurred after Pratt was forced to resign from Carlisle. Assuming the position of Indian commissioner in 1905, Francis Leupp defined himself against Pratt’s intent to eradicate Indian cultures: “I like the Indian for what is Indian in him. . . . Let us not make the mistake, in the process of absorbing them, of washing out whatever is distinctly Indian” (qtd. in Pfister, Individuality Incorporated, 23). From the moment Pratt left Carlisle until it closed in 1918, the school reflected the government’s shift toward pluralism and exhibited an increased acceptance of Indianness, especially through its encouragement of the study of Native artistic traditions.
17. As Littlefield and Parins explain, the Red Man “was first published as Eadle Keahtah Toh, meaning ‘big morning star,’ which appeared in March 1880 as a four-page, three column monthly” printed at Carlisle. In 1888 the name of the school newspaper was changed to the Red Man. It was merged with the Indian Helper in 1900 to form the Red Man and Helper (Littlefield and Parins, American Indian, 318–19).
18. Due to the poor condition of the June 1907 issue of Talks and Thoughts, I could not transcribe and reprint Bender’s essay in full.
19. For more on the myth of the vanishing Indian, see Dippie, The Vanishing American.
20. In her well-known preface to Old Indian Legends (1901), Zitkala-Ša asserts that the oral tradition “strongly suggests our near kinship with the rest of humanity and points a steady finger toward the great brotherhood of mankind” (Zitkala-Ša, American Indian Stories, 5–6).
21. Advertised as “a magazine not only about Indians, but mainly by Indians,” the Indian Craftsman (later known as the Red Man) was established in February 1909 to serve as an outlet for a developing art-craft printing department at Carlisle. As Littlefield and Parins explain, Angel De Cora, a Winnebago, and William Deitz (Lone Star), a Sioux, both of whom taught in the school’s native arts department, directed the magazine’s art work, while Edgar K. Miller, formerly an instructor of printing at the Chilocco Indian School, directed the new printing shop. The Indian Craftsman was modeled after Gustav Stickley’s illustrated magazine, the Craftsman, and contained articles about Indian affairs and news related to the school as well as student writings. Many of the stories and legends written by students and published in the Indian Craftsman (and later the Red Man) were reprinted by newspapers and magazines in the East. It also contained photographs and illustrations by De Cora, Deitz, and their students. Their artwork contributed considerably to making the magazine “a showpiece of Indian printing” (Littlefield and Parins, American Indian, 315). In fact, as Littlefield and Parins note, the magazine became so popular that the publishers of Stickley’s magazine demanded that Carlisle change the name of its newspaper, which it did in February 1910, to the Red Man. Much of the magazine remained the same, although over time more emphasis was placed in the content on the possibilities of Indian citizenship, farming and agricultural “progress” of the Indian, and vocational training. In 1917 the Red Man ceased publication and then merged with the Carlisle Arrow to form the Carlisle Arrow and Red Man (Littlefield and Parins, American Indian, 314–15).
1. Hallaquah, January 1880, n. pag.
2. Hallaquah, January 1881, n. pag. Jackson was a student at Earlham College in Indiana at this time. According to Earlham College Libraries Friends Collections and College Archives, Jackson was the first Native American to attend the college. It is worth noting that Gertrude Bonnin (Yankton Sioux), also known as Zitkala-Ša, attended Earlham College from 1895 to 1897.
3. Susan Longstreth was a Quaker from Philadelphia and devoted benefactor of federal boarding schools, including the Seneca Indian School. Although letters to benefactors were commonplace in boarding school newspapers, this letter is particularly noteworthy because Longstreth had supplied funding and materials so that Jackson and her two female classmates, Ida Johnson and Lula Walker, could found the Hallaquah in December 1879. There is no way of determining just how the letter came to be published in Carlisle’s Eadle Keahtah Toh, which was edited by Pratt and Marianna Burgess, who oversaw all the publications in the Carlisle Printing Office. It is possible that Jackson herself submitted the letter for publication or Longstreth did (Carlisle’s literary society was named after Longstreth, which suggests her close affiliation with the school).
4. Jackson opens her letter by explaining that she had completed her examinations at Earlham College, earning grades in the mid-80s and 90s. By representing herself as a successful college student, Jackson’s letter supported school authorities’ practice of publishing letters by “model students” for other students to emulate and to demonstrate the success of their educational programs. Indeed, in her letter Jackson authorizes herself as what school authorities deemed an exemplary educated Indian girl—civilized and adept at writing in English.
5. A review of John B. Gough’s lecture on temperance appeared in the January 1881 edition of the Hallaquah.
6. Huldah Bonwill was also a benefactor of federal boarding schools.
7. Eadle Keahtah Toh, April 1881, n. pag.
8. School News, June 1880, n. pag.
9. Editorial comment.
10. School News, February 1881, n. pag.
11. Luther Standing Bear (Land of the Spotted Eagle, 234) recounts a conversation he had with his father, Chief Standing Bear, when his father visited him for the first time at Carlisle. Standing Bear credits his father, “the man who had been the greatest influence” in his life, with inspiring him “to learn all I could of the white man’s ways.”
12. Years later, when reflecting back on his experiences at Carlisle, Standing Bear underscored the ultimate destructiveness of the school’s efforts to transform Native American children: “But the change in clothing, housing, food, and confinement combined with lonesomeness was too much, and in three years nearly one half of the children from the Plains were dead and through with all earthly schools. In the graveyard at Carlisle most of the graves are those of little ones” (Standing Bear, Land of the Spotted Eagle, 234). Illness and death were common at federal boarding schools; see Trafzer et al., Boarding School Blues, 20–21.
13. An English-only policy was strictly imposed on students at federal boarding schools from the 1880s until the 1930s. Students were often severely punished for speaking Indian languages. At Carlisle, Pratt and other school authorities sought to enforce the English-only policy by praising students who conformed to it and representing those students as role models in the pages of the school’s newspapers. Carlisle’s School News contains numerous letters like Standing Bear’s and short compositions that stress the importance of speaking only English at school. For more on the English-only policy, see Adams, Education for Extinction; Spack, America’s Second Tongue; and Trafzer et al., Boarding School Blues.
14. School News, April 1882, n. pag.
1. Walker was the first and only male editor of the Hallaquah. The Oklahoma Historical Society maintains the most comprehensive run of the Hallaquah, December 1879–May 1880 and January 1881–November 1881.
2. Due to insufficient federal funding, the Seneca Indian School failed “to provide the children with healthy living conditions” and was prone to outbreaks of highly contagious diseases like scarlet fever, measles, typhoid fever, and malaria (Bieloh, “Bad Water,” 58, 60).
3. According to the tribute written by the matron, Lucy Grey was seventeen years old when she died. She moved to Indian Territory from Kansas two years before her death. When she was twelve years old she converted to Christianity (Hallaquah, August–November, 1881).
4. The Cumberland County Historical Society in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, houses an extensive collection of Carlisle Indian Industrial School publications, including the School News.
5. The former motto was “Tahenan upi qa ounkiya biye,—Come over and help us.” As Phillip H. Round explains, “Come over and help us” was the motto of the Massachusetts Bay Colony seal, which depicted a Native American calling to Europe for help (Round, Removable Type, 66).
6. The first issue of Talks and Thoughts appeared in March 1886. Its twenty-one-year run ceased with the July 1907 issue. Students wrote all the content. Unlike the editors of the Hallaquah and the School News, the editors of Talks and Thoughts did not write recurring editorials that appeared on an editorial page, but they did contribute their own content to the paper and were responsible for editing and printing it.
The February 1891 issue of Talks and Thoughts is the earliest issue that I have been able to locate, and it is available online through the UC San Diego Library, Special Collections and Archives Online Journals, http://roger.ucsd.edu/record=b2425214~s9. To my knowledge, no complete run of Talks and Thoughts exists. Only five libraries maintain issues of Talks and Thoughts. The New York Public Library houses the most comprehensive but incomplete collection of the paper; it is available in print form, from June 1891 through 1907.
7. Talks and Thoughts, January 1892, 1.
1. School News, June 1880, n. pag.
2. School News, September 1880, n. pag.
3. School News, October 1880, n. pag.
4. Pratt’s “Florida Boys” were a group of fifteen men in their twenties who accompanied Pratt from Fort Marion to Hampton and then to Carlisle. Their names, according to Fear-Segal, were the first listed in Carlisle’s student record files, and Pratt relied heavily on these students for vital support during the school’s first year (Pratt, Battlefield and Classroom, 25). Roman Nose traveled to reservations to recruit students, as he recounts in his autobiographical essay “Roman Nose Goes to Indian Territory,” which appeared in the October 1880 issue of the School News.
5. For more on the experiences of and ledger book drawings by the Fort Marion prisoners, see Glancy, Fort Marion Prisoners.
6. School News, December 1880, n. pag.
7. School News, January 1881, n. pag.
8. School News, February 1881, n. pag.
9. Roman Nose’s disparaging remarks about the Native American children’s traditional dress suggest he has been influenced by school authorities like Pratt into denigrating Native cultures. His remarks parallel how he was represented by school authorities in other Carlisle newspapers. For example, commentary about him in the June 1890 issue of the Red Man (3) reads: “Henry C. Roman Nose, one of the Florida prisoners, from Cheyenne Agency, who came to Carlisle when the school first opened in 1879, and remained two years, says he lives in a square tent covered with duck. It is his own. He has never worn Indian dress since he went back, and is now serving the Government as tinner, the trade he learned at Carlisle. He receives $20 a month.” As this commentary suggests, Roman Nose continued to practice the lessons of Carlisle even after he returned to the reservation. This was an especially important message to send other students and parents, as school authorities were highly concerned about the number of students who would “return to the blanket” and resort to their Indian way of life after leaving school. Roman Nose continued to wear the clothes of civilization and practiced civilization’s two major teachings: self-sufficiency and hard work. He also lived in a tent—not a tepee—and owned it during the Dawes era, when the government aimed to break up reservations and tribal communities by making Indians into farmers, Christians, and individuals.
10. School News, March 1881, n. pag.
11. School News, August 1880, n. pag.
12. Talks and Thoughts, June 1891, 1, 4.
13. Talks and Thoughts, April 1892, 4.
14. Talks and Thoughts, November 1893, 1.
15. Talks and Thoughts, January 1895, 6.
16. Talks and Thoughts, May 1896, 3.
17. Lee entered Hampton in 1894, not 1893. See his essay “Transition Scenes,” this volume, where he notes that he came to Hampton in 1894.
18. Talks and Thoughts, April 1896, 7.
19. Talks and Thoughts, November 1896, 4.
20. Talks and Thoughts, February 1897, 2–3.
21. Talks and Thoughts, March 1899, 3.
22. Talks and Thoughts, May 1904, 4.
23. Talks and Thoughts, December 1904, 4.
24. Talks and Thoughts, February 1905, 3.
25. Carlisle Arrow, May 7, 1909, n. pag.
26. Red Man, February 1911, 252–54.
27. Use of “cooler” may have been an error.
28. Red Man, September 1911, 15–16.
1. Talks and Thoughts, September 1892, 1.
2. Talks and Thoughts, March 1892, 4.
3. Talks and Thoughts, April 1892, 1, 4.
4. Talks and Thoughts, March 1893, 1. This story is unsigned but is attributed to Hand in Fear-Segal, White Man’s Club, 131.
5. Talks and Thoughts, April 1893, 1, 7.
6. Talks and Thoughts, February 1893, 1.
7. Talks and Thoughts, March 1893, 2.
8. Talks and Thoughts, July 1895, 3, 7. What incidents at Sleepy Hollow are meant is not known.
9. Talks and Thoughts, September 1895, 1.
10. Talks and Thoughts, April 1903, 4. This story is unsigned but is attributed to Bear in Littlefield and Parins, Biobibliography: Supplement, 7.
11. Talks and Thoughts, May 1903, 4. This retold tale is unsigned but is attributed to Bear in Littlefield and Parins, Biobibliography: Supplement, 7.
12. Talks and Thoughts, February 1905, 1. This story is unsigned but is attributed to Bear in Littlefield and Parins, Biobibliography: Supplement, 8.
13. Indian Craftsman, January 1910, 24–25.
14. Red Man, April 1910, 47–48.
15. Talks and Thoughts, January 1904, 4. This story is unsigned but is attributed to Bender in several sources, including Littlefield and Parins, Biobibliography: Supplement, 10.
16. Talks and Thoughts, April 1904, 1, 4. This legend was told by Bertha Mountain Sheep and written by Anna Bender. Mountain Sheep (Crow) attended Hampton from 1903 to 1908 (Brudvig, Hampton).
17. Talks and Thoughts, November 1904, 1, 4. This legend was told by Bertha Mountain Sheep and written by Anna Bender.
18. Red Man, November 1910, 131–32.
19. Carlisle Arrow, June 7, 1912.
20. Red Man, October 1910, 78–79.
21. Red Man, January 1911, 204.
22. Red Man, January 1911, 206–7.
23. Red Man, January 1913, 208.
24. Red Man, June 1913, 467–68.
1. Morning Star, May 1886, 3.
2. Originally in the Southern Workman, October 1900, 554–56. Reprinted in La Flesche, Ke-ma-ha: The Omaha Stories, 3–8. This story was included in a collection of stories La Flesche wrote for young adult readers. The collection Ke-ma-ha was not published until 1995 (Peyer, American Indian Nonfiction, 293).
3. Southern Workman, November 1905, 587–94.
4. Southern Workman, August 1913, 427–28.
1. Although linguistically distinct, the Apaches and Yavapais were close neighbors and were often regarded as a combined tribal entity.
2. Indian Helper, October 14, 1887.
3. Red Man, February 1898, 1–2.
4. Red Man and Helper, May 16, 1902.
5. Red Man and Helper, September 19, 1902.
6. Red Man and Helper, November 14, 1902.
7. Red Man and Helper, October 16, 1903.
1. Southern Workman, December 1888, 128.
2. Red Man, February–March 1899, 9.
3. Red Man, December 1899, 2.
4. Red Man, May 1900, 4.
5. Red Man, June 1900, 2.
6. Red Man, June 1900, 8
7. Southern Workman, April 1903, 225–27.
8. Reader: An Illustrated Monthly Magazine, May 1903, 539–42. A similar version of this essay, “The Indian in Literature,” appeared in Oglala Light, May 1903. That version was unavailable to reprint here.
9. Southern Workman, May 1911, 273–78.
10. Red Man, December 1914, 133–40.
1. Southern Workman, June 1897, 115–16.
2. Editorial note reads: “Paper read by Miss Angel De Cora, instructor in native Indian art, Carlisle School, Pennsylvania, before the Department of Indian Education at the annual convention of the National Educational Association, held at Los Angeles, Cal., July 8–12, 1907.”
3. Southern Workman, October 1907, 527–28. In contrast to Pratt, Commissioner of Indian Affairs Francis E. Leupp and other reformers encouraged the study of Native arts and crafts because they saw it as “an effective means of ‘industrializing’ their charges and thereby speeding up the process of adaptation” (Peyer, American Indian Nonfiction, 325).
4. Red Man, March 1911, 279–85.
1. Originally in the Red Man, February 1900, 8. Full text of “The School Days of an Indian Girl” is reproduced in Zitkala-Ša, American Indian Stories, 87–103. Although the editorial comment is unsigned, it was likely written by Richard Henry Pratt, as he maintained strict editorial control over the white-run publications printed at Carlisle and the representations of Native Americans contained within them. Pratt attempts to take credit for Zitkala-Ša’s literary success by reminding her of “the friends” who helped her become who she is. Pratt also sought to cast doubt over the veracity of Zitkala-Ša’s account of her boarding school experience by stating, “Her pictures are not, perhaps, untrue in themselves, but, taken by themselves, they are sadly misleading.” It is worth noting that Pratt censored the version of the essay he reprinted in the Red Man without providing any indication that the original text had been altered in any way. As literary scholar Amelia V. Katanski observes, there are no ellipses, for instance, to signal that content has been excised (Learning to Write “Indian,” 121). Two chapters from the original essay have been omitted—“The Snow Episode,” during which a schoolteacher spanks one of Zitkala-Ša’s classmates several times with a slipper, and “The Devil,” in which Zitkala-Ša takes revenge upon the image of the devil in the Bible by “scratching out his wicked eyes” with a pencil (American Indian Stories, 95). Both moments are commonly interpreted by scholars as “incidents of rebellion,” so it is unsurprising that they have been expunged (Lukens, “American Indian Story,” 148). Pratt further eliminates the paragraph in which Zitkala-Ša recounts the death of her “dear classmate” (American Indian Stories, 96). That paragraph, according to literary scholar Margaret Lukens, offers “the most damning charge against the white missionaries” for their “inattention to the Indian children’s physical ailments” (Lukens, “American Indian Story,” 149). It is telling that Pratt chose to omit mention of the incident in the pages of the Red Man.
2. Red Man, April 1900, 8.
3. Originally in the Red Man and Helper, 22 August 1902. Reproduced in Zitkala-Ša, American Indian Stories, 235–38. Editorial comment characterizes the Indian dance as “savage,” “unwholesome,” and a “hindrance to Indian progress.” At the same time it seeks to discredit Bonnin’s defense of the dance.
1. Zitkala-Ša’s “A Protest Against the Abolition of the Indian Dance” and Carlos Montezuma’s “The Indian Dance” are reprinted in this volume.
2. Red Man and Helper, 10 October 1902. This essay appears with Kellogg’s book, short stories, essays, public speeches and congressional testimonies, and poem in Laura Cornelius Kellogg, edited by Kristina Ackley and Cristina Stanciu. I thank Cristina Stanciu for sharing her copy of the 10 October 1902 issue of the Red Man and Helper with me.
1. All the writings reprinted here, with the exception of “An Indian Animal Story,” are reprinted in Larré, ed., John Milton Oskison: Talks of the Old Indian Territory and Essays on the Indian Condition (2012).
2. The Sherman Institute was an off-reservation boarding school that opened in 1902.
3. Southern Workman, June 1903, 270–72.
4. Reprinted in Peyer, Singing Spirit, 128–35; in Allen, Voice of the Turtle, 136–44; in Littlefield and Parins, Native American Writing, 80–86; and Larré, John Milton Oskison, 248–54.
5. According to Larré, the “certain statesman” Oskison refers to is Reed Smoot, and the “wagonload of protests that the Senate had been asked to read” refers to the Reed Smoot case. Smoot, an apostle of the Mormon Church and accused polygamist, was elected senator of Utah in 1903, and many petitions were subsequently filed for his expulsion from the Senate (Larré, John Milton Oskison, 559–61).
6. Southern Workman, April 1907, 235–41.
7. Charles D. Carter (Chickasaw) was a congressman from Oklahoma and a member of the Society of American Indians. Charles Curtis, of Kaw ancestry, was a senator from Kansas. He was elected vice-president of the United States in the Hoover administration in 1929.
8. Elizabeth Bender (White Earth Chippewa) was a Hampton graduate and member of the SAI. Select essays by Bender are reprinted in this book. Eli Beardsley (Pueblo) attended Hampton on and off from 1906 to 1910. Jacob Morgan graduated from Hampton in 1900 and then completed post-graduate work there in 1903. He later became president of the Navajo Progressive Association, Navajo tribal chairman (1938–42), and vice-chairman of the American Indian Federation (Brudvig, Hampton).
9. Dennis Wolfe Bushyhead was a principal chief of the Cherokees from 1879 to 1887.
10. Red Man, January 1912, 201–4.
11. Red Man, May 1912, 396–98.
12. Indian School Journal, January 1914, 213.
1. Word Carrier of Santee Normal Training School, September–October 1911, 20.
2. Southern Workman, November 1912, 628–35.
3. Word Carrier of Santee Normal Training School, November–December 1912, 22.
1. As an undergraduate at Yale, Roe Cloud befriended Walter and Mary Roe and assisted the couple in their missionary efforts among the Southern Cheyennes and Arapahos in Oklahoma. He took “Roe” as his middle name as a sign of respect for them. For more on Roe Cloud’s relationship with Walter and Mary Roe, see Pfister, Yale Indian.
2. Southern Workman, January 1915, 12–16. Roe Cloud published essays on his missionary experiences and on Indian education in the Word Carrier and Word Carrier of Santee Normal Training School, which are available online through the Minnesota Digital Library’s Minnesota Newspapers Collection at mndigital.org.