In recent years, the production and consumption of halal food has been portrayed as a necessity for the Islamic market and serves as a good example for showing the changing perception of religion in capitalist societies. Halal food, which is promoted for its being used in all aspects of everyday life, is defined as: “a product that does not include anything against Islamic rules, which is prepared–processed–transported via proper devices and means in accordance with Islamic rules, and which is not directly in touch with anything except for the proper conditions through preparation–procession–transportation and storing” (CODEX Alimentarius, International Food Standards 1997: 1). The ‘halal’ field is not be limited to the food industry and ranges in all fields from food to cosmetics and health to cleaning products in terms of its preparation–procession–storing rules. The production or the consumption of halal food, which can be alternatively framed in terms of daily life or the political–economical field or belief, brings with it a meaningful discussion that reveals the broader functions of religion under the guise of belief. The size of the halal food and beverage market was estimated by Thomson Reuters and DinarStandard (2016) in the State of the Global Islamic Economy Report 2016/17, as totalling $1.17 trillion and it is expected that the market will reach $1.9 trillion by 2021. According to the report, the halal food market accounts for 16.6 per cent of the global Muslim market (Thomson Reuters & DinarStandard 2016: 30). In addition, Turkey has become a significant actor in this sector after the Turkish Standards Institution entered the world halal food market in 2011.
In a relatively short period, halal food, whose source is a religious commitment, became a commodity in the food market. This example shows us that the sacred is not necessarily attributed just to the religious anymore, and the sacred actually wraps itself in new forms. Indeed, it is necessary to manifest the political–economical motives behind this transformation of religion. In this context, this chapter aims to examine how ‘halal’ has been commodified in today’s modern world, although it has had a religious meaning for 1,400 years. It is also presumed that both the certification organisations which debate about religious and secular approaches to the halal food industry, along with the companies which have already had halal certification, have used the functions of halal food to raise capital in Turkey and develop a branding process around halal. To support these arguments, this chapter will briefly discuss how ‘halal’ has been turned into a brand and a market and the implications of this change of meaning of ‘halal’ in this Muslim economy. In terms of methodology, this study is based on in-depth interviews undertaken with two large certification institutes and 25 companies which have already received the halal certificate from the certification institutes of Turkey. These companies were selected because of their dominant positions in Turkey’s halal food market. Fieldwork was carried out in Istanbul and Ankara. The first phase consisted of in-depth interviews with all large certification institutes and some managers. The second phase was completed with complementary interviews with all relevant institutions and companies. Overall, this chapter aims to contribute to our understanding of commodification of halal food through the Turkish experience.
Religion, which is in a symbiotic relationship with capitalism, has taken on new forms while building capital in its ambition to make money. The religion which turned out to be ‘meta’ in the capitalist world is ‘halal food,’ which is now valued at $2 trillion depending on the level of consumption of the Muslim population. If the ‘halal’ that is written on the products of the food, cosmetics, and industrial cleaning sector is interpreted as something solely in terms of being a ‘sacred’ concept or as a ‘religious duty,’ it could only be thought of as naive.
The halal food which is borne out of the global market exists as a result of the Islamist manner of “being away from the prohibited” which has taken over as a duty. As in other religions, prohibited foods are also presented in Islam. While in Judaism prohibitions on the intermingling of meat with milk exist, in Islam, foods like pork and alcohol are completely prohibited. In Islam, these kinds of prohibitions are mentioned in the Qur’an, and they are extended with the sayings of the Prophet Mohammed. Concordantly, the emphasis on ‘halal’ in verses and hadiths of the Qur’an is considered to be the origin of ‘halal food.’
The word ‘halal’ is an Arabic word which means ‘lawful’ or ‘permissible.’ In the terminology of religion, ‘halal’ refers to religiously permitted and ‘haram’ refers to religiously prohibited. Drawing the legitimate fields of ‘halal’ and ‘haram’ is attributed to God. Only God and His Prophet can define what is halal and what is haram. The Qur’an includes many detailed explanations about halal and haram. It is possible to say that halal is not only related to the food itself but is also related to the products which have been in touch with something ‘haram.’ Thus, the halal certificate covers many products of different industries, such as the food, cosmetics, pharmaceutical, and cleaning sectors (Fischer 2005). Halal food can be similar to other foods, but its form, production process, content, and manner of production are defined by and must conform to Islamic rules (Abdul, Ismail, Hashim & Johari 2009). Hence, the food additives are classified not only as ‘haram’ and ‘halal’ but also as ‘healthy’ and ‘unhealthy.’
The concept of halal, which is considered to be a religious obligation, is a multidimensional concept. The insufficiency of the religious knowledge that is entirely open to interpretation is increasing due to improvements in new technology. The ‘halal label’ originating in the verses of the Qur’an on the exported products that are transported from one Muslim location to another is proof of the rise of the worldliness of this halal concept once again. The halal, which has lost the sacred, is becoming a symbol of the commodities of specific brands. The certification of halal products, which have a significant market share, bears witness to the competition of companies trying to obtain certifications and also to competition between the companies that have received certifications for raising their export share. Furthermore, such a loss of sacredness is also contributed to by the many publications about halal food and its certification. All this attests to the fact that halal food is being seen as just another part of branding.
The main reason why halal food is being given more attention is the increasing population rate of Muslims. It is reported that there were 1.6 billion cultural and religious believers of Islam according to the data of the Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion and Public Life in 2011. This number is equal to 23 per cent of the world population (Pew Research Center 2011). The current Muslim population density and the predictions that this population will increase in the near future pave the way for the growth of a halal market which can satisfy the demands for halal food by Muslim society. There are several reasons which affect the emergence of the demands for halal food that are seen as a religious duty for believers. But, why now? Why are Muslim people demanding to consume halal products nowadays in spite of the fact that halal is the religious obligation which has been known for centuries? The production of halal food has taken place as part of the new market-seeking behaviour of the global neoliberal economy. In the context of neoliberalism, capitalist ‘modern’ societies have followed more expansionist policies and these policies have overlapped with globalisation. The development of halal food products can therefore be correlated with the rise of such concepts as globalisation, multiculturalism, the emphasis on religious and cultural identities, migrations, ethno-cultural practices, and the spread of international norms besides the broad impact of tourism and its impact upon cultural commodification in local economies (Adams 2011). Hence, the rise of halal food’s production depends on the penetration of new capitalist markets.
If we think of the 1.6 billion population of Muslim people as potential consumers of halal food, it is not difficult to assume that the halal food market is one of the most significant ethnic food market in the world (Adams 2011). Consequently, halal food has come to be increasingly framed as a profitable element in a capitalist world rather than being a sacred element. Therefore, it was inevitable that the halal food sector became a battlefield for those who want a share in this market. JWT, a global advertising company, defined the halal food market as “young, large and becoming bigger,” implying precisely this battlefield (Power & Shadiah 2009).
The ‘Islamic Market,’ which was created to help construct the new industry in the fields of media, advertising, management and consumption, became increasingly popular within the context of commodified cultural forms and fields. “The identity of Muslims is structured in the fields of memories, novels, daily journals, newspapers, television channels and also in the religious training centers, halal markets, restaurants, holiday centers, and exurbs by means of the practices of trading and consumption” (Gökarıksel & McLarney 2010: 1–2). Halal food, which has increased in significance so much in past 20 years, is considered to be under this effect too. Hence, halal food is a unique invention of late neoliberal capitalism.
As halal also means healthy, besides its religious dimension, it encourages non-Muslim religious consumers who notice hygiene and food safety to also buy the products with the halal certificate. Many of the company executives in the halal market indicate that there are non-Muslim people in their customer profile. The Dutch company Marhaba, which produces chocolate and cookies, declares that 25 per cent of their customers are non-Muslims and most of the people who are interested in their products are moved not only by religious ethics but also food safety (Power & Shadiah 2009). According to Alserhan (2010), “as the awareness of halal labels among Christian and Jewish consumers increased, the demands for them also increased.” In parallel with this view, the manager of the brand Al Islami Foods, which took the best halal food prize of The Superbrands Council of United Arab Emirates, in 2010 stated that “halal is a philosophy for our company. The wellbeing and health of our customers are our priority, and we never classify our customers as halal entrepreneurs” (Mansoor 2010).
What we therefore now see is that people buy halal food not because it is sacred but instead because it is related to such concepts as ‘pure,’ ‘clean,’ ‘hygienic,’ ‘proper,’ and ‘healthy.’ Concerns over food poisoning and food security have resulted in the creation of food security and quality systems (Rahman, Ahmad, Mohamad & Ismail 2011). Such systems and concerns are therefore both a contributor to the high demand for halal food as well as a consequence. Thus, there is a cause and effect relationship between halal food and consumption habits.
Halal food, which is a focus of the Muslim population in 112 countries, is also an important issue for Turkey, where most of the population is Muslim. In Turkey, since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to government in 2002, the desire to be involved in the halal food market has increased. During this period, Islam has infiltrated firstly local administration, then national governing bodies, and, finally, the Turkish economy. It is true to say that Islamic thought, which was restrained in the period of modernisation, has now made its presence felt in all fields of life, and therefore religion has become intertwined with capitalism. While Islamists were “rejecting modernism, they were [becoming] modern” and likewise while “Islamists were rejecting capitalism they [became] capitalist.” That is to say that homo economicus became homo islamicus economicus (Yıldız 1995). Nonetheless, this development certainly is not one-dimensional. One field of society which cannot be thought of as separate from another is economics, as it is an incontrovertible truth that it is always concerning itself with other fields. It is not possible to expect that there is no visible change in the lifestyles of the Islamists who were acquainted with money and power. When Islamist societies embraced capitalism and modernism, they became acquainted with ‘the sacred’ concepts of consumption, fashion, and profit. As they benefited from being a newly emerging bourgeoisie, capitalism itself is now considered as a belief.
The AKP, which existed in the political arena on its own for 15 years, changed the religious perception into a ‘modern’ perspective, and this caused the social structure to be re-coded. This process, which is constructed by cultural and religious codes, is borne within class conflicts. In this period, as the integration into a capitalist economy gained speed, the halal food market became a relevant field for Turkey as well. However, there is one element which distinguishes it from other countries and makes it unique. In Turkey the Muslim population is quite dense, but Turkey also wishes to be a kind of representative of the whole industry towards the West that is already the leader in the halal industry. In addition, Turkey wishes to be president of a certification institution that covers other Muslim countries and to be a part of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (known as Organisation of the Islamic Conference until June 2011) (OIC) integrated with other Islamic countries. Turkey would therefore like to have one hand in Islamic countries and have the other in the West, which has most of the share in the market, as part of Turkey’s attempt to be the owner of the industry.
The halal food certification process started in Turkey in 2005 with the foundation of the Association for the Inspection and Certification of Food and Supplies (GIMDES) which is religiously oriented and also considers halal as a religious theme. But the profit of the halal market shows that GIMDES has a structure that cannot be left alone as is the case for other countries. One should not think that GIMDES does not make a profit because it has religious emphasis. However, after 2011, the Turkish Standards Institution (TSE) also started certifying and in this way halal became ‘national.’ This is because the TSE is a public institute dependent on the Ministry of Industry and Commerce which standardises all kind of goods and manufacturing and also standardises systems and services. Many foundations large and small have now started becoming involved in the certification process. In addition to certification institutions, the number of institutions and organisations that await certification is also quickly increasing. The number of companies that are certified by GIMDES is approaching 325 in 12 years, and in six years the number of the companies who applied to TSE was 385.
In 12 years GIMDES has given Halal Food Certificates to almost 325 companies and has organised various international conferences since it was founded. The institution defines itself as: “a non-governmental organization that is founded to conduct research and certify halal and healthy products which are the main elements of healthy living in our country” (GIMDES n.d. 14). Although halal food is defined as “the main element of healthy living,” it is actually defined more like a religious duty. The emphasis made by the head of the institution Hüseyin Kâmi Büyüközer while he was explaining the halal food system makes this fact clear:
The halal food system must rely on a religious source above all. It is not an artefact. The Qur’an or the Hadiths must be our guides. A halal product should not be defined as haram in the verses and hadiths. Besides religious knowledge, “halal” also means hygiene and health but it must not be unhealthy. For example, alcohol is haram, even if it is hygienic because it is unhealthy. For instance, if there is a wine stain on our hand, we cannot perform the ritual prayers of Islam. We have to refer to the religious sources to call something halal. If it the criterion of what is haram is made by mortals, it cannot be a halal system. It has to be wholly religious. (Büyüközer, personal communication)
Turner (1994) established two tendencies which belong to Islam in the modern world. First is a tendency to form a global Islamic system, and the second is the reaction of consumerism against the birth of the West and Islamic fundamentalism. Büyüközer emphasises that GIMDES was founded to stop European dominance of halal, which is seen as exploiting religion and as being responsible for social pollution. He further claims that “it is necessary to live our religion as it is,” thereby supporting the validity of Turner’s (1994) argument. At the same time, Büyüközer says in one of his interviews that their entering into the halal food industry is a reaction to the condition that the industry, which is controlled by non-Muslims and makes human beings ‘prisoners,’ is developing extremely fast and modifying our food (The Brandage 2011).
Religion, which pulled away from the otherworldly realm and had a new appearance, has offered a place in the market, and it has become commercialised. Turkey’s position in this market aims at the same economic goals, as illustrated by the claims of the president of GIMDES, who explains that they are in the market for religious purposes.
The Halal market has 2 to 2.5 trillion worth of market share. Our association is studying this. Only the food part of halal products has around 900 billion to 1 trillion dollars in market share. Turkey should get a significant share in this market. Turkey’s share in the market is potentially around 40 to 50 billion dollars. The companies, which are certified by GIMDES, imported products and they earned more than 4 billion dollars in 2011. It is religiously mistaken if we leave this profit to the West, which is exploiting our religion. Up to now, non-Muslim capitalists took advantage of it. Western civilisation does not want us to become conscious. (Büyüközer, personal communication)
After defining that the halal market is profitable, it was necessary to attribute the entrepreneur to a religious ground in order to benefit from this profit. Furthermore, Western involvement in halal was necessarily attributed to a “religious mistake” rather than being attributed to capital loss, showing that there is a necessity for basing the existence of the entrepreneur on religious grounds. This language, which is an expression of Islamic bourgeoisie, is actually a tool to imply that the capital is obtained with a religious responsibility. Despite entirely Islamic expressions, GIMDES sees the newly joined actors of the halal market as being institutions that are trying to obtain a share in the market rather than as being non-governmental organisations that are trying to fulfil their religious duties and responsibilities. Büyüközer says that he is surprised when observing that halal food is suddenly a focus of interest now with many associations that emerged after GIMDES.
When the Turkish Standards Institution entered the halal product industry as a national element, it was a religious entity that became governmental. TSE, as the only authorised body on the national level in the worldly religious domain, became quite powerful. Above all, within the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, two groups were founded under the presidency of TSE: “The Group of Islamic Countries Standardization Specialists” and “The Comity of Coordination.” These groups conducted studies and founded The Standards and Metrology Institute for the Islamic Countries (SMIIC) (Tuğ & Özdemir 2009). The institute prepared the rough draft for the standards in the light of their studies; however, as there was a condition stating that the halal standard would become operative only if it is issued in a directive by the assemblies of the member states, it was not until 2011 that this standard became operational. However, TSE is the only national institution that has accepted SMIIC’s OIC SMIIC-1 standard, in order for it to become functional in the market and secure its position.
The interview with Necla Solak, TSE Food Industry Information Manager, showed that there is a clear difference between the points of view of GIMDES and TSE about the process.
It is not possible to say that there was a direct reason to enter the standardisation process … Factors like the internet, mass communication, and the media gave information to people about consumption, and so these people want to see “halal standard” on the products. It is also addressed to a particular type of consumer. The halal food label is essential for trade because this certification makes things easier. Exporting companies convey this demand to us. Besides other factors, customers push these firms to obtain the certification. (Solak, personal communication)
These statements support the notion that halal food is being constructed as a trade bloc and that the reason why companies apply for a halal certificate is to make trade easier. Therefore, a national organisation that serves a domain which is traditionally ‘unworldly’ shows us that religion has become worldly and commercialised by means of halal food and not unworldly anymore.
The most important stated reason for halal food is the increase in demand for food safety. The Information Manager laid stress on food safety, saying that “OIC-SMIIC 1 is based not only on religious knowledge but also on technical expertise.’ Therefore, food safety is also standardised according to ‘halal’ criteria. The basis is actually ‘food safety.’ She says that the main aim why they obtained this certificate is to certify themselves for food safety and hygiene even though they do not export their products. She adds that the Halal Food Certificate is not so different from the ISO 22000 food safety certificate, which is not focused on halal criteria but rather on objective criteria.
The argument that the global market ‘needs’ halal food is also supported by what Food Industry Information Manager Necla Solak has to say. Solak explains:
If there is a demand for halal food, then we need to satisfy this demand because we export in the end. The Ministry of Agriculture was specifying the products from non-Muslim countries with signs like “no pork included”. However, these countries now ask how they can contribute to the halal food industry. For, the market is gradually growing, and countries would like to remove obstacles which can decrease their commerce. If a country’s export is decreasing, then they need to get certified. Actually, it is necessary for making trade easier. (Solak, personal communication)
The element which stirred the competition in the commercial halal food market is the fact that there is no single worldwide standard, and there are religious issues which are open to discussion (see also Chapter 2, this volume). Therefore, both the institutions that can certify and the companies that obtained the certificate give voice to a worldwide standard. Consequently, SMIIC’s remarks about the process gained importance on account of its cooperation with the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in forming the OIC-SMIIC 1 standard.
The concept of halal, which has left the unworldly realm and become a product logo has now also become a standardising certification. What makes the competitive field unequal is the worldwide equivocal nature of the standard on halal food. The companies that want to obtain the certificate must fulfil the requirements of the country they are applying for, and this promotes the ambiguity of the Islamic rules. Countries can certify using whatever criteria they want, and so what one country requires another might prohibit. As of 2018 the OIC-SMIIC 1 standard, had been approved by 31 member countries out of 57 in OIC. Two specialists of the SMIIC unit, Yasin Zülfikaroğlu and Çağrı Cankurtaran, highlight the trade dimension.
We—as SMIIC—made an effort to make it as a standard, and we are still making an effort. The concept is a standard, and we aim to remove obstacles in between countries. … The origin of halal food is a commercial concern and necessity. For example, when Jagler was exporting to Iran, it faced obstacles, and so it obtained the halal certificate from Iran. Therefore, we move according to the logic of the standard. (Zülfükaroğlu & Cankurtaran, personal communication)
To put halal products under standards reinforces the notion that it is a symbolic form of food management in a neoliberal age. Interestingly, the specialists of SMIIC are concerned with the fact that if this standard is not completed soon, the Europeans will become more active in the process.
CEN—Comité Européen de Normalisation—is a big standard organisation in Europe, and this organisation has just begun working on the halal food standard. They are better than us and more organised, so if we do not hurry up, they will extend their standard to the whole world, and we will end up buying their standards as we do for other standards as well. Someone in the 57 Islamic countries will go and buy their standard. (Zülfükaroğlu & Cankurtaran, personal communication)
The concerns of SMIIC specialists with respect to standardisation issues are widely recognised. For example, in the Ideal Ratings Socially Acceptable Market Investments (SAMI) Halal Food Index Series, it was pointed out that the domination of non-Muslim countries of the halal food market is tied in with the fact that Islamic countries cannot come up with a universal standard (Ideal Ratings 2011). This deficiency is depicted in the internal Islamic market too. The general manager of Aytaç Gıda Yatırım San. ve Tic. A.Ş., which certifies companies by TSE, indicates that there is a demand in the internal market to solve this common problem by determining a single standard:
What we want most is a common halal standard on which all of the Islamic countries agree on. This standard should be inspected by all of the countries’ religious institutions and also by institutions similar to TSE. The one common valid standard in the world will remove all of the questions in customers’ minds. In [non-Muslim] foreign countries, institutions can certify according to this standard, or they can ask a company from a Muslim country to do it. (Demirhan, personal communication)
While consumers in Turkey still ignore the concept of halal food, there is an ambiguity originating in the problem of a common standard worldwide for the entrepreneurs. In spite of this uncertainty, determining the reasons why companies remain in this market will help us to define the problem. Besides the competition created between certification institutes on account of the halal food system, the issues originating in the diversity of standards affect the companies that obtained the certificate. Almost all of the company executives in the interviews that were undertaken spoke about this problem. When we look primarily at the problem at the level of the companies that export their products, it is apparent that the halal food certificate is a necessity for the opening to the international market so that they can increase their sales.
Serhat Demirhan, the general manager of Aytaç R&D, which was founded in 1995 and considered to be the second biggest company in meat and meat products in Turkey, thinks that it is necessary to obtain this certificate, because their factory in Belgium has important exporting sources, and they do not want to face a problem with importing their products unless they have the certificate. The quality control manager of Sultan Et, which was certificated by TSE, Yurdaer Şahin, explained that even though they are smaller than Aytaç, the certificate became a necessary condition for them to remain competitive. The export manager of Seyidoğlu Gıda, which is certified by GIMDES, pointed out that getting certified is essential both for increasing brand value and for increasing international trade. Zeynep İlkbahar, the then Director of Technical Operations of Aromsa, which is also certified by GIMDES, stated that they entered into the halal food system because of customer demands in the Middle East (İlkbahar, personal communication; Şahin, personal communication; The Brandage 2011).
The company’s differences in import/export activities, along with the size of their market share, are factors that affect their reasons for being in the halal food market. On the one hand, the ones that export and have relatively more significant market share pay more attention to the international market rather than to domestic market. On the other hand, the ones who produce for local markets define their primary motivation as being consumer safety. Aytaç, whose market share is 10 per cent, explains that the reason why they are in the market is the demand of customers abroad. However, Özlem Et, which was certificated by TSE, and whose market share is 4 per cent and is only active within the domestic market, explains that they are in the market because they would like to be one of the safe companies in the market; especially given that meat is imported from other countries. Demir, who is a quality control manager, stated that importance is given to customer satisfaction and to being a certified company in terms of food safety (Demir, personal communication).
The quality assurance officer of Sultan Et, Yurdaer Şahin, said that while they were obtaining the certificate, their target group was conservative customers who are sensitive about halal food (Şahin, personal communication). However, the interviewed officer of Doygun Gıda, certified by TSE, Handan Dönmez, defines their target group as everyone who has consumer awareness (Dönmez, personal communication). Similar to Doygun Gıda, Ender Abalıoğlu, the food sales marketing group leader of Lezita, which is certified by GIMDES, and has been in the market since 1969, states that “they target large masses who care about food safety, quality, and healthy consumption” (Yılmaz, personal communication).
The impression we got from all the representatives of the companies was that there is a widespread lack of consumer awareness on halal certification. The general opinion about its cause is that there is so much information out there that people cease to pay attention to it, and also that consumers were not encouraged to buy halal food. The fact that there is not a well-formed consumer mass towards halal food disturbs the companies. The officer of Seyidoğlu, certified by GIMDES, thinks that 80 per cent of customers are not aware of halal food. Similarly, the chemical engineer of Nafia Gida, certified by GIMDES, Emre Peköz, complains about the fact that halal food is only known roughly as a product which does not contain pork or alcohol. The general manager of Lamis Organic, also certified by GIMDES, Leyla Abu Ahmad, thinks similarly to the other representatives and also states that consumers do not have an optimal awareness (The Brandage 2011). In the interview with Aytaç, Serhat Demirhan says that in Turkey there is no established customer awareness. Furthermore, he noted that in some of the religious sects, this kind of awareness is established, and he thinks that these religious sects’ sensitivity influences the halal food system.
The halal food industry showed us that religion is in touch with capitalism in every structure. Although superficially the main concern with halal food is religious, it turned out to be a market and economic concern, because companies would like to have an increased market share of the volume of the global halal food industry. This study’s area of investigation was Turkey, and we see that Turkey is trying to find a place for itself in the world, and in regard of its current foreign policy, it seems that Turkey is trying to be the centre of the Middle East. It seems inevitable that Turkey wants to be the lead actor in the halal food market whose volume is so great. We also identified the close contact between Islam and capitalism nowadays in Turkey under AKP’s governance, and there are several changes in practices that have occurred in parallel to this relationship. The construction of ‘halal food’ is therefore a reflected image of this period in the economy. Although TSE, GIMDES, SMIIC, and the companies separate their approaches on halal food as being religious or secular, their common point is that halal food represents commercial profit.
Consequently, halal food is an example of a commodity like all others in the world. Halal came out of personal prerogative and became a representative of an area where the religious person comes to life in a food industry. The concept of halal, which is immanent to the unworldly realm, has altered so much that it is perceived to be only a label on products, as if it does not have another meaning anymore. Halal, which is taken from an individual’s personal choice, is now considered to be an object of consumption. This study is conducted on the grounds of this change, and we see that the legitimacy of modernisation making religion more worldly and the legitimacy of the ambition to make more profit have become materialised in halal food.
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