Advertising Photographs
People with Disabilities Selling Products
In an earlier chapter, we saw how disabled beggars finessed solicitation by offering begging cards and other petty items to would-be donors. In most cases, the goods were insignificant and provided merely the illusion of a real exchange. But in some transactions, such as those involving magazine subscriptions, what was transferred had real worth. Although the beggars were in one sense merchants, they exploited their disability to provoke sales via sympathy and were aided by photos that presented them as pitiful.
In this chapter, I explore another dimension of people with disabilities as merchants. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, national and regional manufacturing companies proliferated, and aggressive advertising flourished. Businesses sent salespeople on the road to cities, towns, and villages to push their products. Some efforts involved advertising gimmicks. In addition, the forerunners of present print advertising campaigns, company ad departments, and later advertising agencies created graphic designs, slogans, trademarks, and other symbols to facilitate product identification. With the development of half-tone printing, photographs were transformed into printed images that could be widely distributed in brochures, newspapers, and magazines. In addition, photo postcards were distributed locally as part of advertising campaigns.
I look at how companies employed photographs of people with disabilities to publicize and sell products. In some cases, the person with a disability made public appearances to lure the curious to venues where the product was sold. In others, the person with the disability was used as a product symbol, sometimes even as a trademark. I also look at images in which people with impairments are featured in ads selling products (i.e., prosthetic devices) or services (treatment or healing) designed specifically for people with disabilities.
It has not been common to use people with disabilities to sell products, but I have included this genre here because it demonstrates yet another dimension of picturing disability that needs further exploration.
PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES AS RETAILERS
The people featured in this section are people of short stature—also known as little people or dwarfs (illus. 7.1). All were self-sufficient and even prosperous. As in their work as sideshow attractions, they parlayed their difference into careers. According to official definitions, those people featured here would currently be considered to have a disability.11
Buster Brown Shoes is an interesting case of the merging of advertising and disability. The Brown Shoe Company was started in 1878 by George Brown in St. Louis, Missouri, long before the popular cartoon character Buster Brown was featured in newspapers. The company became a leading shoe manufacturer and presently has a global clientele.
The newspaper cartoon character Buster Brown was created by pioneer cartoonist Richard Outcault and was popular during the first third of the twentieth century. Outcault’s most famous character, five-year-old Buster, his friends, and his dog, Tiger, delighted newspaper readers with their mischievous adventures. Until 1904, the Brown Shoe Company and Buster Brown had nothing to do with one another. In that year, a Brown Shoe executive purchased the use of the cartoon character Buster Brown for advertising purposes. The company launched the Buster Brown brand of shoes with a Buster Brown logo, a trademark that is still used today.
What does all this have to do with disability? In addition to featuring Buster Brown and Tiger in its printed advertisements, the company made marketing history by launching a wildly popular advertising campaign. It sent troupes of actors, all dressed like Buster and his friends, on tour visiting towns across the country, and these actors were dwarfs, or midgets,22 as they were called then. Those who portrayed Buster wore short pants, a wide-brimmed child’s hat, and fancy shoes; they were accompanied by dogs resembling the one in the comic strip. These entourages toured the country from about 1904 until 1930 selling Buster Brown shoes. At the height of their activity, they visited more than three hundred communities a year. They performed skits, told jokes, and in other ways entertained the public in venues such as department stores, shoe stores, and local theaters.
The company did not produce its own line of photographs documenting Buster’s appearances. Photographers in the towns where they performed caught the occasions on photo postcards and sold them to spectators as mementos. A talented local photographer, H. Montgomery, snapped the action in Hartford, Wisconsin, when Buster came to town and sold postcard images to local people. In illustration 7.2, Buster is riding in the back of a touring car advertising his appearance at a local clothing store. The person acting the part of Buster Brown was William “Major” Ray.” Ray, who was purportedly forty-four inches tall, is shown riding through the town in a banner-strewn open car accompanied by a proud merchant and Tiger, Buster’s dog.
Another local photographer in Cherokee, Iowa, produced the studio portrait close-up of William Ray playing Buster Brown in illustration 7.3. Buster Brown is shown in full costume perched on an ornate chair lecturing “Tige,” who is standing attentively on his hind legs looking directly into his master’s face.
Notice how the caption states that this Buster is “THE ORIGINAL.” As the story goes, prior to his employment by the shoe company, William “Major” Ray owned a clothing store that sold Buster Brown shoes. It was Ray who had brought the idea of using midgets to the company. At the beginning of the campaign, the company had used children as Buster Brown look-a-likes, but it had become difficult to recruit kids to go on the road. Ray was the first dwarf to play the role. Interestingly, the employment of dwarfs started as a matter of convenience rather than as a ploy to use their drawing power as what were considered human oddities, which they soon became.
Although it was not the photographers’ or company’s intention, adult people of small stature playing Buster, a mischievous child, reinforced the dismissive, stereotype of dwarfs as childlike and silly people to be laughed at. The photographs capture the advertising ploy as well as how promoting a product could exacerbate stereotypes that are now considered degrading.33
The little people who played Buster Brown were stand-ins for or facsimiles of the trademark that appeared on labels and other graphics produced by the company. In other cases, the dwarfs became the actual trademark. A prominent and early example was Johnny Roventine, a dwarf who became “Johnny,” the symbol for Philip Morris, a major manufacturer of tobacco products. The company advertised extensively in national magazines and newspapers, on the radio, and later on television. Wearing a red bellboy uniform, Johnny Roventine was featured in all the company ads for forty years. He became one of the best known figures in American advertising.
How Roventine became the symbol of the Philip Morris company is one of the advertising world’s legends. In 1933, at age twenty-two, he was working as a hotel bellboy in New York City. He was a regular employee at the New Yorker hotel, but the management also played up his small statue, featuring him as the “World’s Smallest Bellboy.” An advertising man from the Phillip Morris Company went to the hotel to observe Johnny in action. In addition to his small, neat appearance, he had a distinctive paging voice. He was offered a position with the company, and that voice was used in the famous announcement, “Call for Phillip Morris.” He became a living trademark. Illustration 7.4 is one of hundreds of ads that featured him during his career. Unlike the Buster Brown dwarfs playing a comic-strip child, the Philip Morris Johnny was a more dignified adult, albeit deferential and of low status. He became a real-life celebrity using his personal and photo charm to launch a lucrative career.
Although none was as respected and central to an advertising campaign as Johnny, many other dwarfs played a role in company advertising. At the 1939 New York World’s Fair, a team of eight “midget” bakers promoted Sunshine Biscuits (illus. 7.1). A specially contrived exhibit included giant Crispy Cracker boxes and oversize crackers postcards that were distributed to visitors. The printed caption, written as if on a postcard sent to the exhibit by a visitor, stated: “We just saw the little Sunshine Bakers at the Loose Wiles Biscuit Co. Exhibit at the New York World’s Fair! They’re the cutest little midgets you ever saw, and they put on a grand show.”
Around the same time that the Sunshine Bakers appeared in ads, Meinhardt Raabe, a dwarf, launched his thirty-year career representing Oscar Mayer as “Little Oscar, the World’s Smallest Chef.” He was one of the dwarfs who traveled around the country in the “Wienermobile,” a hot dog on a bun-shaped novelty vehicle that the company used for advertising. They distributed advertising ephemera showing them dressed as butchers on their cross-country journeys. Unlike Johnny, the Little Oscars and the Sunshine Bakers played the rather demeaning role of cute little folks, much like those who played the Munchkins in the popular Wizard of Oz movie that opened in 1939, the same year that the Sunshine exhibit opened at the World’s Fair.
It was not just nationally known companies that used dwarfs to promote their products. A regional candy company in Council Bluffs, Iowa, Woodward’s Candy Company, had a longtime relationship with a dwarf couple, Mr. and Mrs. Bregant. Labeled the “Candy Kids,” they became icons for the company, traveling around Iowa and to neighboring states. The Bregants were pictured with Woodward Candy products and promoted as the “Lightest Weight and Best Proportioned Little Couple in the World.” Jean Bregant, the husband, was promoted as being forty-six inches tall, and his wife, Inez, as forty-two inches. Both had been vaudeville performers before working for the company. They retired to Council Bluffs and a home built to their proportions in 1912. The company produced an elaborately illustrated brochure featuring the couple and an advertising postcard that the couple gave out while making appearances (illus. 7.5).
The extensive use of little people in advertising photography was for the most part the result of companies’ embracing novelty to get a foot up in what was becoming the highly competitive world of marketing. They wanted product symbols that grabbed the attention of potential buyers. Unlike in the freak show, where a wide range of non-conforming bodies were featured, in advertising dwarfs were a singular attraction. And not just any dwarf would do. Those chosen were “midgets,” people whose dwarfism was the result of a pituitary dysfunction and who thus had well-proportioned bodies and were “cute,” not offensive, a pleasant novelty. They were perfect little ladies and gentlemen. Although some such as the Bregants and Johnny Roventine were treated with respect and photographed in enhanced poses, for the most part the dwarfs used for advertising were cast in roles that were either childlike as in the Buster Brown campaign or made a mockery of as in Little Oscar and the little Sunshine Bakers.
Although little people dominated the ranks of people with disability in advertising, not all promotional celebrities were of small statue. A few people were extremely tall—giants. Robert Wadlow is perhaps the most widely known. His unusual stature was the result of a hyperactive pituitary gland, which resulted in a man who by the age of twenty had reached the height of eight feet eleven inches and weighed 490 pounds (illus. 7.6).
Wadlow’s shoes were size 37. He had to special-order them from the International Shoe Company and thereby became personally known to the company executives. Their relationship was cordial, and the company eventually provided the shoes free of charge. When Robert turned twenty, he traveled for the company as a paid employee, visiting more than eight hundred towns in forty-one states to promote its products. He once appeared as the main attraction in the Ringling Bros. and Barnum & Bailey Circus, but he was a shy man and turned down lucrative offers to be in the circus sideshow. He preferred the lower-paid but, in his eyes, more respectful role of advertiser.
The traveling was hard on Wadlow. To make room for his long legs in the family car, his father removed the passenger side of the front seat so Robert could sit in the back seat and stretch out. His father drove his son more than three hundred thousand miles on their sales tours. In his biography, written by his father, Robert’s affiliation with the shoe company is not explained as being the result of his unusually physiology (Fadner 1944). He preferred to think of himself as a businessman rather than a spectacle. Wadlow died in 1939, the victim of a foot infection; he was in his early twenties.
With the exception of people of small stature and unusually tall people, people with other types of disabilities have until recently been missing from advertisements produced for the general public. Advertisers developed the image of the average American to promote their products, and people with disabilities did not fit that prototype. With the urging of disability advocacy groups, however, this situation has significantly changed over the past few decades.
SELLING DISABILITY PRODUCTS
Another area of advertising where photographic images of people with disabilities turned up in my research was in advertisements for products for this particular group. Such merchandise as prosthetic devises, wheelchairs, patent medicines, and other forms of cure or aid began being widely marketed toward the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth.
Of all the products that were marketed to people with disabilities, artificial limbs and other prosthetic devices were the ones I found to be advertised the most. In the United States, the first large-scale manufacturers of artificial limbs were established in the middle of the nineteenth century. Prior to the 1850s, most devices were fashioned by local craftspersons whose products were often primitive—peg legs and the like. A. A. Marks, a New York firm established in 1853, was one of the leaders in producing a wide range of artificial limbs for both amputees and people with congenital deformities. Although the firm produced in quantity, it, like other manufacturers, maintained a tradition of craftsmanship in its work.
Before the Civil War, the loss of limbs was largely the result of work-related accidents. Many US patents for leg and foot designs were awarded immediately following the war. Starting in 1862, the US government was required by law to provide funds to veterans who lost limbs in war service so that they could purchase artificial ones (Marks 1906).44 That requirement led to more manufacturers getting into the business and thus to more advertising for the products produced (Mihm 2002). By 1918, there were approximately two hundred artificial limb manufacturers in the United States (Linker 2011, 98). The range and complexity of devices increased as companies began producing and marketing wood, metal, and leather artificial devices.
Illustration 7.7 is an advertising cabinet card from around 1891 for A. Niehans, a Chicago firm that specialized in the production of artificial limbs. The image was taken by a talented photographer who had both technical skills and an eye for composition. In the caption, the company brags of producing an artificial leg with “rubber feet” and an “ankle joint.” The advertisement features a photograph of a happy, young, middle-class man who appears pleased with his purchase. By 1891, although Civil War veterans were still eligible for new artificial limb replacements, marketing seemed directed to a younger audience.55
Illustration 7.8 is a photo postcard advertising Forester Artificial Limb Company of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. Although this photo was taken twenty years after the A. Niehans photo, the presentation is similar—two satisfied, relatively young, middle-class costumers displaying their purchases. The caption reads: “The above is an actual photograph of two of our patrons for whom we have recently constructed Artificial Limbs.” The declaration that the advertising image is an “actual photograph” is interesting in that photographs were at the time believed to tell the truth. There was a growing confidence in scientific fact and the ability of photographs to convey it. In this photo, as in earlier examples, the people with disabilities are posed as respectably dressed, discerning consumers, a depiction that does not stray from how a nondisabled consumer of different products would be portrayed.
The “before-and-after” visual trope discussed in the chapter on charity was used in advertising campaigns for prostatic devices and other disability products. As in the charity campaigns, there were typically two photographs, the first showing the person before the intervention or treatment and the second showing the same person after it. On the left side of the picture in illustration 7.9, an unnamed man sits in a fancy studio chair displaying the stump that once was his leg. Beside him is a mechanical device supplied by the manufacturer. In the image on the right, the same man has installed his artificial leg and is standing straight and tall.
The image in illustration 7.10 does not follow the pattern of the other images I have discussed. Rather than showing a dressed, middle-class person, the before image displays a scantily dressed young man. He is legless, and only the frame of a prosthetic is shown. In the photo on the right, however, he is still almost nude but has put on his appliances. The use of his seminude appearance in both shots resembles the approach taken in medical photography rather than the usual approach of photography advertising disability products directly to the consumer. The subject’s appearance leads me to believe that this before-and-after sequence was directed at medical professionals who might prescribe the artificial legs pictured rather than at persons with this same disability.
The man holding the miniature demonstration model of a prosthetic leg in illustration 7.11 was clearly a sales representative for a supplier of medical products. He most likely used the photo postcard to announce his visiting schedule to medical personnel and retailers or to leave as a calling card when he visited new clients.
By the turn of the twentieth century, national firms were marketing medical supplies to physicians and hospitals. They had their own sales forces that traveled extensively. The man in illustration 7.11 was one such salesperson. The companies also produced elaborate catalogs that their sales staff used to take orders and to leave with customers for future reference. These catalogs typically devoted pages to products directed at people with disabilities. In 1904, one firm, the Chicago-based Truax-Greene and Company, produced an 894-page, elaborately illustrated catalog of medical supplies, with 50 of these pages devoted to products for people with disabilities, including prosthetic devices. In addition to drawings of the various products, the catalog included before-and-after pictures of satisfied customers. Testimonials were also offered.66 The endorsement from Andrew McIlquham, who was fitted with a pair of artificial legs, is shown in illustration 7.12. Mr. McIlquham is shown in printed pictures derived from photographs without his artificial legs, sitting in a chair and showing his stumps. The next two images show him selling newspapers and riding a bicycle. The caption at the bottom of the ad tells us that since getting his legs, he has worked as a newsboy on the railroad and presently holds a position as a salesman for a chemical company. He testified that he can now ride a bicycle, dance, skate, and, as he expressed it, do “anything anyone else can.”
With the US entry into World War I, the Council of National Defense and the Army Office of the Surgeon General established the Artificial Limb Laboratory. This agency pushed for the standardization and mass production of artificial limbs. Most companies resisted government pressure to modernize their manufacturing techniques and their products. One firm, E-Z-Leg, did cooperate, however, and so became the main provider of government-issued artificial limbs to wounded soldiers (Linker 2011, chap. 5).77 Veterans of World War I were not provided with a limb allowance; rather, their prosthetic device was given to them before they were discharged. Because of government involvement in providing and influencing artificial limb development during the war and after, design, fitting, and manufacturing of prosthetic devices fell under the control of the medical profession.88
Artificial limbs were not the only disability-directed merchandise sold with the help of photographs. As with prosthetic devices, the first large-scale commercial production of wheelchairs in the United States occurred during the later part of the nineteenth century. In 1869, a patent was granted for a wheelchair with rear push wheels that had small casters in front. The 1870s saw the addition of rubber, bicyclelike wheels on metal rims. In 1881, push rims were added.
Competition among manufacturers led to innovation and produced many styles of wheelchairs. Illustration 7.13 is a photographic postcard advertisement from 1904 for a model with a cane chair, hand-crank wheels, rubber tires, and a mostly metal frame. The pleasant person sitting in the chair is the epitome of the well-dressed, middle-class young man.
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, people were more trusting of photographic information than they were as the twentieth century moved on. A photograph was seen to convey a real truth. After all, if it could be shown in a photograph, it had to be true. The happy customer was the mantra of advertising for all products, not just products for the disabled. And those pushing fraudulent products to disabled consumers took advantage of this approach.
PRODUCTS OF DUBIOUS VALUE
Although prosthetic devices, wheelchairs, and other products designed for people with disabilities were functional and did aid people, I also came across a number of ads for products that appeared to be ill conceived or even outright fraudulent. One of the earliest photo advertisements (1878) of this kind that I found was for Dr. Clark’s Spinal Apparatus (illus. 7.14). The picture shows a well-dressed girl with no apparent disability using the unwieldy and complex equipment. The paraphernalia consists of a heavy, wheeled, wooden frame and a heavy metal spring hanging above the user. Attached to the spring is a set of supports, one for the chin, the others for under the arms. On the back of the card, Dr. Clark declares that the apparatus can be used in the house and out of doors, for sitting, standing, or walking for a few minutes or hours at a time.
The script on the back states that the device is intended for use by people with a wide variety of conditions, including “curvature of the spine,” “weakness and paralysis of the legs,” and the “inability to walk, or to control the use of the limbs.” It goes on to assert that in addition to allowing mobility, Clark’s Spinal Apparatus will lead to “better circulation and purification of the blood, resulting in renewed appetite, improved digestion and increased strength.” In addition, “it makes braces unnecessary and applies mechanical treatment directly to the seat of the difficulty without burdening, binding, bruising[,] [c]ompressing, or in any way hampering any portion of the body, but inviting it rather to healthful activity in every part.” These are only a few of the claims. Upon inspection of the photo, one can see how unlikely it is that the apparatus lived up to the manufacturer’s claims.
Another photo advertisement that appears to be pushing a fraudulent intervention for people with disabilities offers a treatment of eye dysfunctions (illus. 7.15). We do not know whether Dr. Brown was a legitimate doctor or a quack, but he used a photo postcard to claim to be able to straighten crossed eyes and restore sight without using eyeglasses. The advertisement includes not only photos and text, but a calendar for the year 1909 to make the advertisement a gift, an object that might be useful to the recipient. Examining the inserted pictures, we can see that the largest is a portrait of Dr. Brown himself. The two on the bottom show Brown with patients. The left and right sides of the advertisement show patients who had been treated by Brown—the before treatment portrait on the left and the after treatment portrait on the right.
HEALERS
At the turn of the nineteenth century, the distinction between quack and legitimate medical practitioner was even less clear than it is today. Some healers we would now consider hucksters were famous and highly respected among their patients, at least those who considered themselves to have been successfully treated. Some practitioners claimed to cure disabling conditions and used photographs to promote their products and services.
In an ad in the widely read progressive monthly family magazine Review of Reviews, a healthy girl standing on her own is described as one of the success stories of the L. C. McLain Sanatarium in St. Louis, Missouri (illus. 7.16). In addition to the picture, there is a statement allegedly from her father testifying that the sanitarium cured her. The ad harkens back to the charity fund-raising images shown in chapter 4, but here McLain is not soliciting donations; he is advertising for patients.
One healer whose practice was extensively documented in photographs and who was an out-and-out fraud was John Till, “the Famous Plaster Healer” of northern Wisconsin. Photographers from his region came to his clinic, snapped pictures, and sold photo cards to Till’s clients and neighbors. Till also ordered a series that he used as advertisements. Both types were sent through the mail to promote Till and his practice.
In illustration 7.17, an example of one such photo postcard, the healer’s portrait is in the center of a montage, with three other pictures showing his home, the town he practiced in, and the carriages waiting at the railroad station to take patients arriving by train out to Till’s home, where he practiced his trade. And illustration 7.18 shows some of Till’s patients outside one of the hotels they inhabited while waiting their turn to go to Till’s residence/clinic for the cure. Note their crutches and canes.
John Till was an Austrian immigrant. In the early part of the twentieth century, his healing powers became known in the logging camps of northern Wisconsin. As word spread, Till left the woods to devote full time to being the “Wonder Healer.” Hundreds of patients were soon arriving each day. He was so popular that the economy of the area depended on him.
Patients who stood in crowds outside the clinic were called in twelve at a time. Till quickly diagnosed each by momentarily placing his fingers on their jugular veins. From that, he claimed, he could spot the problem and prescribe a treatment. The list of diseases and disabilities that Till claimed to be able to cure was as long as the lines of sufferers who came to see him. Till’s assistants applied one of two magic formulas, his home-made healing “plaster salves,” to their bare backs and wrapped their torso with cloth. One of the ointments contained an ingredient Till called “4X.” It was reserved for the most difficult cases. Most got the rub with what was called “burning plaster.” It was made with Croton oil and kerosene, a mixture that caused chemical burns and left lesions. During Till’s first year in business, his manager deposited eighty thousand dollars in the near-by bank. Needless to say, Till became rich.
Illustration 7.19 shows the crowd outside of Till’s practice in 1909. Such photo postcards were widely distributed to document and advertise the popularity of his treatment and to promote his clinic.
Till’s personal appearance, hygiene, and strange behaviors—he did not wear shoes; his clothes were caked with salve and dirt; he seldom washed or brushed his teeth; he wore small gold earrings and talked to himself during treatment—did not keep visitors away, nor apparently did the burns caused by the treatment or the fact that it was not effective. People came from all over the Midwest. Hotels in the area expanded and were always filled. Sixteen carriages owned by Till’s transport company, each one carrying six passengers, transported people to and from the farmhouse and railroad station.
Till was arrested several times and charged with practicing medicine without a license. At first, no jury would convict him, and he would return after the trial to the farm, where hoards of patients and well-wishers would celebrate. In 1916, after a number of people had sued him on various counts, he was found guilty of practicing without a license. He served ten months before protests and lobbying on the part of supporters resulted in a pardon. In return for his freedom, he agreed to return to Austria. Twenty-four years after his departure, in 1946, he returned to Wisconsin, where he died.
CONCLUSION
Although it is asserted today that people with disabilities were absent from advertising photography until recently, this chapter demonstrates that they were very much in evidence. Of course, the way they were presented in some ads was not in line with current sensibilities. As in early advertising that included women and blacks, stereotypic portrayals dominated. Rather than normalizing people with disabilities into the mainstream of American life, advertisers exploited period ideas about disability to capitalize on the novelty of disability. However, whereas advertisements to sell products to the general public used people with disabilities as attention getters—freaks of sorts—advertisements designed to sell products to people with disabilities did not stray far from typical product advertisements.
1. The generally accepted definition of the term dwarf is an adult who is less than four feet ten inches tall. Some might dispute the inclusion of little people in the disabled category. Disabled, handicapped, and other such designations are not objective categories that exist outside of human definitions and political wrangling. What conditions led someone to be labeled “disabled” vary from time to time and location to location. The use of the word disability to describe certain conditions is contentious. The American with Disabilities Act of 1990 states that dwarfism is a disability.
2. Although midget was a widely used term, people of short stature have rejected it as offensive. In the show world, it referred to dwarfs whose condition was the result of hormone imbalance and whose body parts were in the same proportion as typical adults.
3. Ray was the first of more than twenty “midgets” hired by the shoe company over the years to portray the five-year-old comics character. A number of those who played Buster went on to be Munchkins in the film The Wizard of Oz, including William Ansley, who worked as Buster Brown for twenty-seven years. Buster Brown dwarfs went on to work for other companies as well.
4. For discussion of the manufacturing of artificial limbs and US government involvement in the industry, see Linker 2011, chap. 5. Also see McDaid 2002 for a discussion of James Hanger, a Confederate Civil War soldier who lost a leg in the war and went on to become a successful manufacturer of artificial limbs. For other writings on the development of prosthetic devices, see Ott, Serlin, and Mihum 2002.
5. In 1891, Congress enacted a change in the artificial-limb law. The old law was amended so that veterans could receive a replacement for a prosthetic device every three years. Prior to the amendment, the schedule allowed replacement every five years.
6. Although some pictures in the catalog were drawn by hand, those like the one in illustration 7.12 were derived from photographs. Note the statement in the caption. Those derived from photos were not half-tones, images directly generated from photographs, but instead were created by an earlier method of converting photographic images into printed pictures.
7. E-Z-Leg’s product was known as the “Liberty Leg.”
8. For a discussion of the development of prosthetic devices during and after World War II, see Serlin 2004.
