III. THE REIGNS OF JUDEAN KINGS DURING THE DIVIDED MONARCHY (2CH 10:1–36:19)

OVERVIEW

Chapters 10–36 of 2 Chronicles constitute the final major section of the Chronicler’s work: the account of the kingdom of Judah following the division of the kingdom in the 930s BC. This division created two political states, with Jeroboam as king of a new dynasty consisting of the northern tribes and Rehoboam as king of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin. In subsequent biblical literature, the northern kingdom is typically called “Israel” whereas the southern kingdom is typically called “Judah,” after the most prominent tribe.

But note that biblical usage of “Israel” is varied and is used with some regularity in prophetic literature in anticipation of the eschatological restoration of the twelve tribes, and occasionally in narrative to refer to the southern kingdom (e.g., 21:2). Moreover, it is used of the southern kingdom following the fall of the northern kingdom. Biblical synonyms for the northern kingdom include variations of the most prominent tribe(s) of the north (e.g., house of Joseph, Ephraim, Manasseh) as well as the eventual capital city (Samaria).

In addition, some ancient Near Eastern texts refer to the northern kingdom as the land (or house) of Omri, the ninth-century military leader who inaugurated the Omride dynasty. Similarly, the “house of Ahab” is also used as a moniker for the northern kingdom (e.g., 21:6; 22:3). The primary synonym for the southern kingdom attested in the OT and ancient Near Eastern texts (such as the Tel Dan Stele) is the “house of David.”

The division of the Israelite kingdom also entailed a variety of social, religious, and economic repercussions. In the religious realm, Jeroboam established new religious shrines at Dan and Bethel (1Ki 12:26–33; 2Ch 11:15), while Jerusalem remained the religious capital of the southern kingdom. The golden calf shrines established by Jeroboam effectively nationalized covenantal unfaithfulness and pushed the northern tribes further from seeking God. Economically, both Israel and Judah were affected by a loss of tribute, trade revenue, and production in the aftermath of the division. These challenges were exacerbated by the frequent conflict between Israel and Judah, as noted at 12:15: “There was continual warfare between Rehoboam and Jeroboam” (cf. 1Ki 14:30; 15:6, 16).

While the capital of the Davidic dynasty remained at Jerusalem, the northern kingdom had several capital cities. The first administrative capital established by Jeroboam following the division of the kingdom was located at Shechem (Tell Balatah), located on the eastern side of the pass between Mount Ebal and Mount Gerizim (2Ch 10:1; 1Ki 12:25). The second northern kingdom capital was located at the Transjordanian town of Penuel, a move possibly connected with Shishak’s invasion of parts of Jeroboam’s territory a few years into his reign (cf. 2Ch 12:1–9; 1Ki 12:25). After Penuel, Jeroboam set up a capital at Tirzah (Tell el-Farah), located at the junction of important roads about six miles north of Shechem. Tirzah remained the capital city for subsequent northern kingdom rulers until the establishment of Samaria during the sixth year of Omri’s reign (ca. 879 BC; cf. 1Ki 16:23–24). Note that Omri ruled for five years from Tirzah while battling against Tibni for control of the northern kingdom. Samaria remained the capital of the northern kingdom until its fall in 722/721 BC at the hands of the Assyrian army. For charts and a discussion of the chronology of this period, see Kitchen, 26–31.

A. The Reign of Rehoboam (2Ch 10:1–12:16)

1. Division of the Israelite Kingdom (2Ch 10:1–11:4)

1Rehoboam went to Shechem, for all the Israelites had gone there to make him king. 2When Jeroboam son of Nebat heard this (he was in Egypt, where he had fled from King Solomon), he returned from Egypt. 3So they sent for Jeroboam, and he and all Israel went to Rehoboam and said to him: 4“Your father put a heavy yoke on us, but now lighten the harsh labor and the heavy yoke he put on us, and we will serve you.”

5Rehoboam answered, “Come back to me in three days.” So the people went away.

6Then King Rehoboam consulted the elders who had served his father Solomon during his lifetime. “How would you advise me to answer these people?” he asked.

7They replied, “If you will be kind to these people and please them and give them a favorable answer, they will always be your servants.”

8But Rehoboam rejected the advice the elders gave him and consulted the young men who had grown up with him and were serving him. 9He asked them, “What is your advice? How should we answer these people who say to me, ‘Lighten the yoke your father put on us’?”

10The young men who had grown up with him replied, “Tell the people who have said to you, ‘Your father put a heavy yoke on us, but make our yoke lighter’—tell them, ‘My little finger is thicker than my father’s waist. 11My father laid on you a heavy yoke; I will make it even heavier. My father scourged you with whips; I will scourge you with scorpions.’”

12Three days later Jeroboam and all the people returned to Rehoboam, as the king had said, “Come back to me in three days.” 13The king answered them harshly. Rejecting the advice of the elders, 14he followed the advice of the young men and said, “My father made your yoke heavy; I will make it even heavier. My father scourged you with whips; I will scourge you with scorpions.” 15So the king did not listen to the people, for this turn of events was from God, to fulfill the word the LORD had spoken to Jeroboam son of Nebat through Ahijah the Shilonite.

16When all Israel saw that the king refused to listen to them, they answered the king:

“What share do we have in David,

what part in Jesse’s son?

To your tents, O Israel!

Look after your own house, O David!”

So all the Israelites went home. 17But as for the Israelites who were living in the towns of Judah, Rehoboam still ruled over them.

18King Rehoboam sent out Adoniram, who was in charge of forced labor, but the Israelites stoned him to death. King Rehoboam, however, managed to get into his chariot and escape to Jerusalem. 19So Israel has been in rebellion against the house of David to this day.

11:1When Rehoboam arrived in Jerusalem, he mustered the house of Judah and Benjamin—a hundred and eighty thousand fighting men—to make war against Israel and to regain the kingdom for Rehoboam.

2But this word of the LORD came to Shemaiah the man of God: 3“Say to Rehoboam son of Solomon king of Judah and to all the Israelites in Judah and Benjamin, 4‘This is what the LORD says: Do not go up to fight against your brothers. Go home, every one of you, for this is my doing.’” So they obeyed the words of the LORD and turned back from marching against Jeroboam.

COMMENTARY

1 Rehoboam’s journey to Shechem implies the importance of securing the support of the northern tribes—and that such support was not automatic (recall David’s efforts in 1Ch 11:1–3; cf. 2Sa 5:1–3). The city of Shechem (Tell Bâlatah) was strategically located in the territory of Manasseh on the eastern side of the pass between Mounts Ebal and Gerizim. The significance of Shechem in the history of Israel is connected with important moments in the lives of Abraham (cf. Ge 12:6–7) and Jacob (cf. Ge 33:18–20; 34) and was the location of the renewing the covenant during the time of Joshua (Jos 24:25–26).

2–3 After falling out favor with Solomon (cf. 1Ki 11:26–40), Jeroboam had fled to Egypt and was a guest of the Egyptian pharaoh until the death of Solomon. The specifics of Jeroboam’s time in Egypt are not detailed in the biblical text, but presumably the Egyptian pharaoh’s hospitality toward Jeroboam would have come with some strings attached once he returned to Israel. While admittedly speculative, Pharaoh Shishak’s attack of both the southern kingdom and the northern kingdom (cf. 2Ch 12:1–12) may have partly related to an agreement not fulfilled by Jeroboam (see P. Galpaz, “The Reign of Jeroboam and the Extent of Egyptian Influence,” BN 60 [1991]: 13–19). Lastly, the detail that the people sent for Jeroboam following the death of Solomon implies he was held in high regard despite his exile in Egypt. Similarly, recall the narrator’s remark on Jeroboam’s valor and his work ethic at 1Ki 11:28.

4 The request of those from the northern tribal areas for a reduction of their “heavy yoke” and “harsh labor” was a by-product of the significant national service and financial obligations (such as taxes) imposed by Solomon to aid his building and infrastructure projects. Of some irony, the phraseology of Jeroboam and “all Israel” used to describe their situation are the same expressions used to describe the conditions imposed on the Israelites during their time of bondage by the Egyptians (cf. Ex 6:6–9).

The request for this relief may have similarity to ancient Near Eastern decrees that were common at the outset of a king’s reign. Such decrees (e.g., Misharum and Andurarum decrees) were designed to facilitate loyalty to the new king and often included popular proposals such as freedom from forced labor, forgiveness of debts, reduction of taxes, and the like. It should be noted that the northern tribes were not necessarily planning to revolt, as their request ends with the statement “. . . and we will serve you,” which has the syntax of a result clause (e.g., “. . . so that we will serve you”). This syntax suggests that the initial intent of the northern tribes was to submit to the new Davidic king. On Solomon’s use of foreign and Israelite workers in differing degrees of national service, see the detailed discussion at 2:2.

5 Rehoboam’s initial response for the people to leave and report back in three days can be seen either positively (namely, that he was carefully considering the matter and planning to seek counsel on his decision) or negatively (namely, that he could have provided a gracious answer on the spot).

6–11 The two groups of counselors noted in this pivotal episode in ancient Israel’s history may suggest some variation of a bicameral political structure within early Israel. In such a structure the advice posed by the two political groups would align with their particular role within the ancient society, such as military commanders, religious leaders, political advisors, and the royal family. In the setting of 2 Chronicles 10, the “young men” may have consisted of the royal princes aligned with Rehoboam, while the older group of counselors were associated with Solomon’s administration.

The phraseology used with the first group (“young men”) conjures an image of youthfulness; however, these men were not as youthful as we might presume. Rehoboam is forty-one years old, and these individuals are described as growing up with Rehoboam (1Ki 12:8; 14:21). Instead, the phraseology of “young” should be understood vis-à-vis their wisdom and experience as well as in comparison to the elders who served Rehoboam’s father, Solomon. Unfortunately, Rehoboam rejected the advice of the elders before even hearing the advice of the younger men (v.8).

12–15 As the movement of vv.6–11 implies, Rehoboam opts for the harsher approach to the northern tribes and in so doing facilitates the division of the Israelite kingdom in approximately 930 BC. Yet the summary statement of this sobering moment in Israel’s history (“this turn of events was from God,” v.15) reminds us that even the actions of an unwise man fall under the sovereign will of God. Moreover, the Chronicler reminds the reader that God is careful to fulfill his Word, which was in turn delivered in the context of Solomon’s persistent apostasy (cf. the full context of 1Ki 11).

16–19 While the impetus for the division of the Israelite kingdom was divinely scripted (cf. v.15), the division itself played out through the common human tendencies of pride, foolishness, and rebellion. The phraseology used in v.19 underscores that the crisis is much bigger than Rehoboam’s folly (see comments at vv.12–15), as responsibility is also attached to “Israel” (the new nomenclature for the northern kingdom [see the Overview above]; v.19) as well as Solomon (implied in v.4 and the reference to the prophecy of Ahijah in v.15). The rallying call used by the northern tribal leaders (v.16) is reminiscent of the divisive words of Sheba in 2 Samuel 20:1–2 and (conversely) to the words of loyalty uttered to David in 1 Chronicles 12:18.

Rehoboam’s ill-fated decision to send out Adoniram (v.18) may have been part of his mandate to make the yoke on the northern tribes even heavier than it was during the time of Solomon (vv.5–15), as Adoniram was the overseer of forced labor reserved for non-Israelites rather than the standard national service expected of Israelites. See further comments on 2:2.

11:1 The beginning of separate dynasties in the south and north is accompanied by a long on-and-off civil war between the two sides. Much of the battleground of this civil war amounts to conflict in and over the tribal territory of Benjamin. In addition to the reference to 180,000 fighting men noted here, the Chronicler records a number of large armies counted by different kings, including 1,100,000 during the time of David (not counting those of Benjamin or Levi; 1Ch 21:5–6); the army of 580,000 men of Judah and Benjamin raised by Asa (2Ch 14:8); the 1,160,000 soldiers counted by Jehoshaphat (17:14–18); the 300,000 recorded during the days of Amaziah (not counting another 100,000 hired from the northern kingdom; 25:5–6); and the 307,500 counted by Uzziah (26:13).

The number of troops noted in these battles is considerably higher than the listings of armies recorded in ancient Near Eastern annals. For example, the twelve-nation anti-Assyrian coalition (which included 10,000 troops from the northern kingdom) that successfully stalled the advance of the Assyrian army in ca. 853 BC was numbered at about 53,000 and did battle against the 120,000 troops that Shalmaneser III claimed to have brought to battle (cf. COS, 2:113B). Because archaeologists tend to believe that such large numbers are out of place in terms of assumed population levels, some biblical scholars have embraced options that reduce these figures for one reason or another. Yet it should be stressed that adjusting portions of the Bible that seem unlikely can be a slippery slope that can cause revisions of other “improbable” aspects of biblical content, such as the incarnation and resurrection from the dead.

This caveat noted, the issue of the authorial intent of the Spirit of God working through the human writer is the fundamental issue in any biblical passage. Such sensitivity to authorial intent involves exegetical thoroughness that includes engaging the characteristics of the type of literature of a given passage (genre). In Christian circles the word “genre” is sometimes cause for alarm, but it simply refers to the different types of literature found in the Bible, such as the different literary styles and expressions we encounter when reading a psalm, a proverb, a story in Samuel, priestly instruction in Leviticus, or a letter sent by the apostle Paul to an ancient congregation in the area of modern-day Turkey.

Similarly, biblical passages may use a wide variety of literary stylistics and idiom. By way of example, the various images used to describe the seed (descendants) God would give Abraham (e.g., numbered like the stars of the sky, the sand of the seashore, and the dust of the earth) are not intending to conjure up a specific number, but rather to facilitate the imagery of vastness. Any attempt to determine the promised number of Abrahamic descendants vis-à-vis the exact number of the images of stars, sand, and dust would be inconsistent with the authorial intent of these passages.

When considering the meaning (authorial intent) of the large numbers used in the descriptions of armies in the OT, the interpreter has two main options: taking the numbers as they stand, or understanding the numbers in the light of some combination of genre, idiom, and lexical factors that would change the nuance of these numbers. From the angle of genre, some propose that the large numbers reflect intentional hyperbole (overstatement). While the notion of intentional exaggeration sounds out of place in discussing biblical material, there are ample examples in the Bible of intentional overstatement. For example, in David’s lament after the death of Saul and Jonathan he praises them as being “swifter than eagles” and “stronger than lions” (2Sa 1:23). In interpreting these statements it is clear that David’s words underscore his desire to show honor and respect to Saul and Jonathan rather than to claim that Saul and Jonathan were able to run 75 to 100 mph (the speed of a dive of the golden eagle found in Israel) or embodied the literal strength of a lion. In such a view, large numbers were a normative means of expression in military battle summaries in the biblical world intended to convey a degree of shock and awe in the battle story. For more on this approach, see D. M. Fouts, “A Defense of the Hyperbolic Interpretation of Large Numbers in the Old Testament,” JETS 40 (1997): 377–87.

In addition to the genre/literary convention approach, the use of “1,000” in these passages may be intended as an idiom of abundance rather than a specific numerical quantity. This idiomatic usage of the term translated “thousand” is seen in various instances. For example, in the oracle of hope directed to God’s people in Isaiah 60:22, Yahweh’s encouragement includes the statement that “the least of you will become a thousand, the smallest a mighty nation,” which expresses the effect of divine enablement rather than numerical expansion. Similarly, since Hebrew has no word for “million,” texts that refer to “a thousand thousands” could be intended to express an innumerable force. Nevertheless, while this idiomatic usage transcends a literal numerical quantity, it nevertheless creates the literal image of abundance.

Beyond the genre and idiom possibilities, another approach to this issue understands the lexical nuance intended by the term translated “thousand” (ʾelep; GK 547) as that of a military fighting unit or military chiefs/tribal leaders rather than 1,000 soldiers. That is to say, an expression currently translated as “580 thousand” (580,000) could actually be intended as “580 [military] units/tribal leaders/officers.” Estimates for these military units range from ten to thirty soldiers each, perhaps in analogy to the units of the “three” and the “thirty” used to describe David’s core military leadership (cf. 1Ch 11:10–47). Using this approach, a figure currently translated “580,000” (580 thousand) would instead be translated as 580 units, which would actually amount from 5,800 to 17,400 soldiers, depending on the estimate of the unit size. These lower numbers would fit better into assumed Iron Age population and military levels.

It is clear that the term translated “thousand” has a semantic domain beyond that of the numeral 1,000. This raises the distinct possibility that the intent of the Spirit of God was to communicate something other than a literal 1,000 soldiers. Of the alternative options noted above, the understanding of ʾelep as a military unit has the most merit.

2–4 Note that from the perspective of Yahweh, the divided tribes were still ultimately “brothers”—brothers of covenant. The final verse underscores what had been noted earlier (cf. 10:15)—that divine agency had been shaping the events at hand (“this is my doing”). Although Israel was in rebellion against the divinely established house of David (see 10:19), God’s sovereignty was nonetheless in play in the division of the Israelite kingdom. The initial obedience of Rehoboam and the southern kingdom to God’s will eventually gives way to disobedience and unfaithfulness (cf. 12:14).

NOTES

10:6–11 The advice of the elder advisors summarized in 1 Kings 12:7 expands the idea of Rehoboam’s agreeing to the request for relief in national service by advising Rehoboam to “be a servant to these people and serve them”—a line of advice that resonates with the broader message of Scripture (cf. Mt 20:28; Mk 9:34–35; Jn 13:1–17).

11:1 Examples of the usage of (ʾelep) as a tribal leader or chief include Numbers 10:4; Joshua 22:13–14, 21, 30 (cf. also Zec 9:7; 12:5–6). Similarly, several passages imply that ʾelep is a unit that is smaller than a tribe (cf. 1Sa 10:19; 23:23; Mic 5:2) and larger than a family (cf. Jdg 6:15). Such an understanding of ʾelep might shed some light on the “rout” that takes place at Ai (Jos 7:3–5). This defeat of the Israelites takes the lives of “about 36 men,” a number that does not seem like much of a rout if they began with two or three thousand soldiers, but is much more understandable if they sent out two or three units totaling forty to sixty men. On this approach, see G. E. Mendenhall, “The Census Lists of Numbers 1 and 26,” JBL 77(1958): 52–66. Similar approaches are proposed by J. W. Wenham, “Large Numbers in the Old Testament,” TynBul 18 (1967): 19–53; J. B. Payne, “The Validity of Numbers in Chronicles,” BSac 136 (1979): 109–28, 206–20. Also cf. NIDOTTE (1: 416–18), and C. J. Humphreys, “The Number of People in the Exodus from Egypt: Decoding Mathematically the Very Large Numbers in Numbers I and XXVI,” VT 48 (1998): 196–211.

2. Rehoboam’s Fortifications and Administration (2Ch 11:5–23)

5Rehoboam lived in Jerusalem and built up towns for defense in Judah: 6Bethlehem, Etam, Tekoa, 7Beth Zur, Soco, Adullam, 8Gath, Mareshah, Ziph, 9Adoraim, Lachish, Azekah, 10Zorah, Aijalon and Hebron. These were fortified cities in Judah and Benjamin. 11He strengthened their defenses and put commanders in them, with supplies of food, olive oil and wine. 12He put shields and spears in all the cities, and made them very strong. So Judah and Benjamin were his.

13The priests and Levites from all their districts throughout Israel sided with him. 14The Levites even abandoned their pasturelands and property, and came to Judah and Jerusalem because Jeroboam and his sons had rejected them as priests of the LORD. 15And he appointed his own priests for the high places and for the goat and calf idols he had made.16Those from every tribe of Israel who set their hearts on seeking the LORD, the God of Israel, followed the Levites to Jerusalem to offer sacrifices to the LORD, the God of their fathers. 17They strengthened the kingdom of Judah and supported Rehoboam son of Solomon three years, walking in the ways of David and Solomon during this time.

18Rehoboam married Mahalath, who was the daughter of David’s son Jerimoth and of Abihail, the daughter of Jesse’s son Eliab. 19She bore him sons: Jeush, Shemariah and Zaham. 20Then he married Maacah daughter of Absalom, who bore him Abijah, Attai, Ziza and Shelomith. 21Rehoboam loved Maacah daughter of Absalom more than any of his other wives and concubines. In all, he had eighteen wives and sixty concubines, twenty-eight sons and sixty daughters.

22Rehoboam appointed Abijah son of Maacah to be the chief prince among his brothers, in order to make him king. 23He acted wisely, dispersing some of his sons throughout the districts of Judah and Benjamin, and to all the fortified cities. He gave them abundant provisions and took many wives for them.

COMMENTARY

5–12 Rehoboam’s fortified cities address the strategic threats to the southern kingdom from not only the northern kingdom but also foes to the east (e.g., Moab, Ammon), west (e.g., Philistines), and south (e.g., Egypt). The list of fifteen towns (vv.6–10) focuses on three main lines of fortification that are for the most part grouped accordingly: along the east/southeastern edge of the Judean hill country (e.g., Bethlehem); along the western edge of the Shephelah (e.g., Lachish); and along the southwestern edge of the Judean hill country (e.g., Hebron). In addition, Aijalon would protect from threats to the north via the Beth Horon Ridge (northern kingdom, Aram). All told, the focal point of Rehoboam’s fortifications is the defense of access points to the capital city of Jerusalem. Excavations from several of these cities have uncovered fortifications that may date to Rehoboam’s fortification efforts.

13–14 In the aftermath of the division, priests and Levites found themselves separated from the Jerusalem temple and rejected by the new northern dynasty (cf. comments on v.15). Some even opted to sacrifice personal security of land and possessions in order to gain proximity to the place where God caused his Name to dwell and show their allegiance to the Davidic dynasty that God had established.

15 In the northern kingdom, the division of the kingdom necessitated the development of political centers for the north (Shechem and Penuel) and alternative religious centers. Jeroboam’s concern for the fidelity of his new subjects leads to his establishment of the infamous golden calf shrines in the northern region of the northern kingdom (the city of Dan) and at the southern region of the northern kingdom (the city of Bethel), as discussed in greater detail in the parallel passage of 1 Kings 12:26–33.

Jeroboam’s choice of calf (bull) idols reflects the fact that bovines were commonly associated with divinity across the ancient Near East, given the bull’s association with strength, power, and fertility. Thus Jeroboam’s calves (like those of Aaron in Ex 32) may reflect syncretism with prevailing notions of expressing deity (namely, via bovines) in neighboring cultures. In any case, Jeroboam’s idols may be primarily a violation of the second commandment (attempting to make an image of God).

Note that in the case of Aaron’s golden calf in Exodus 32, the whole affair intersects the goal of readying a feast to Yahweh (cf. Ex 32:5) rather than to another god. It seems clear that the parallels drawn between these incidents are intended to catch the attention of the careful hearer/reader of God’s Word. Thus, note the similarity between Jeroboam’s words in 1 Kings 12:28 and the phraseology used by Aaron and the people in Exodus 32:4 in presenting the calf/calves to the people:

“Here are your gods, O Israel, who brought you up out of Egypt.” (1Ki 12:28)

“These are your gods, O Israel, who brought you up out of Egypt.” (Ex 32:4)

The intertextuality exhibited here implies that the writer of Kings wants his reader to understand the current crisis in the light of the earlier crisis during the time of Moses. In both cases, God’s divinely chosen leadership was rejected and replaced, and the people at large opted to attempt to worship God on their terms rather than on his terms. The significance of goat idols noted in v.15 is uncertain, but they may represent satyr-like demons understood to traverse deserted wastelands.

16 Like the priests and Levites who left all they had to relocate to the southern kingdom (see vv.13–14), Godward individuals from the ten northern tribes opted to follow the example of the priests and Levites and migrate to the southern kingdom. Like the priests and Levites, these immigrants would have left farms, families, businesses, tribal allotments, and the like for the greater good of being in community with God’s people pursuing his will. Also see the Reflection in ch. 12, below.

17 In comparison with the apostasy and syncretism of Jeroboam in the northern kingdom (see 11:13–15 above), the influx of the God-seeking people, priests, and Levites seems to stimulate a time of political strength and spiritual fervor in the southern kingdom. Unfortunately, this time of righteousness lasts only three years. The comments on 12:1 and 12:14 imply that the political strength attained in the southern kingdom facilitated the perilous step away from complete dependency on God and obedience to his ways (cf. 1Co 10:12).

18–23 In the context of the biblical world, Rehoboam’s multiple wives and concubines tangibly displayed his power and wealth. Marriages were also a common component in political treaties, under the notion that the interweaving of family would increase loyalty and decrease the possibility of betrayal. Such “practical” reasons aside, the multiplying of wives was in direct contradiction to Deuteronomic warnings directed at kings (see Dt 17:17). Rehoboam’s multiple wives are reminiscent of both his grandfather David’s wives (cf. 2Sa 5:13; 1Ch 14:3) and those of his father, Solomon (1Ki 11:1–3). Likewise, Rehoboam took “many wives” for his sons (v.23), thus perpetuating the practice within the Davidic monarchy. Rehoboam’s appointment of Abijah (son of his favorite wife, v.22) as chief priest further demonstrates Rehoboam’s lack of commitment to the Mosaic law.

NOTES

5–12 The impressive brick fortification of Lachish Level IV may provide a glimpse into Rehoboam’s fortification activities (see D. Ussishkin, “Lachish,” NEAEHL, 3:897–911).

18 Abihail was likely Mahaloth’s mother rather than another of Rehoboam’s wives (cf. MT).

20 The reference to Absalom (vv.20–21) names David’s son. Absalom had one daughter (Tamar; 2Sa 14:27), so it is usually assumed that Maacah was Absalom’s granddaughter through Tamar. However, since the names of this family apparently have different spellings (e.g., Abishalom [1Ki 15:2, 10]; Micaiah [2Ch 13:2], which the NIV “corrects” to Maacah) and since Maacah was a known name for others, it is difficult to be certain on this issue.

3. Invasion of Pharaoh Shishak (2Ch 12:1–12)

1After Rehoboam’s position as king was established and he had become strong, he and all Israel with him abandoned the law of the LORD. 2Because they had been unfaithful to the LORD, Shishak king of Egypt attacked Jerusalem in the fifth year of King Rehoboam. 3With twelve hundred chariots and sixty thousand horsemen and the innumerable troops of Libyans, Sukkites and Cushites that came with him from Egypt, 4he captured the fortified cities of Judah and came as far as Jerusalem.

5Then the prophet Shemaiah came to Rehoboam and to the leaders of Judah who had assembled in Jerusalem for fear of Shishak, and he said to them, “This is what the LORD says, ‘You have abandoned me; therefore, I now abandon you to Shishak.’”

6The leaders of Israel and the king humbled themselves and said, “The LORD is just.”

7When the LORD saw that they humbled themselves, this word of the LORD came to Shemaiah: “Since they have humbled themselves, I will not destroy them but will soon give them deliverance. My wrath will not be poured out on Jerusalem through Shishak. 8They will, however, become subject to him, so that they may learn the difference between serving me and serving the kings of other lands.”

9When Shishak king of Egypt attacked Jerusalem, he carried off the treasures of the temple of the LORD and the treasures of the royal palace. He took everything, including the gold shields Solomon had made. 10So King Rehoboam made bronze shields to replace them and assigned these to the commanders of the guard on duty at the entrance to the royal palace. 11Whenever the king went to the LORD’s temple, the guards went with him, bearing the shields, and afterward they returned them to the guardroom.

12Because Rehoboam humbled himself, the LORD’s anger turned from him, and he was not totally destroyed. Indeed, there was some good in Judah.

COMMENTARY

1 Rehoboam and the southern kingdom as a whole begin transitioning to the time frame of the divided kingdom on the high note of the immigration of godly spiritual leaders and citizens to the south and an overall atmosphere of spiritual fervor for three years (see 11:16–17). However, once Rehoboam’s strength and position are established, the southern kingdom abandons its initial orientation of “walking in the ways of David and Solomon” and no longer seeks to live life through the orientation of God’s instruction (Torah/law).

Abandoning the Torah was the opposite of the covenanted fiduciary responsibility of the Israelite king, who was to read God’s law “all the days of his life so that he may learn to revere the LORD his God and follow carefully” all the words of God’s covenantal law (cf. Dt 17:14–20). This covenantal unfaithfulness (note this terminology in the next verse) is tantamount to “abandoning” Yahweh (see v.5) and underscores the clear link between obedience and genuine faith. The covenantal unfaithfulness of Rehoboam and Judah prompts God’s response through the framework of the Deuteronomic covenant (cf. Dt 28:25 et al.; also cf. 1Ki 9:6–9).

2 As anticipated in the framework of the covenantal relationship between God and Israel and spelled out in numerous warning passages (e.g., Dt 28:25; 1Ki 9:6–9), God may choose to utilize the army of a foreign nation as a consequence for covenantal unfaithfulness. Shishak’s invasion took place in the fifth year of Rehoboam (most likely 926 BC, as Rehoboam began his reign following the death of Solomon [ca. 931 BC], with the division of the kingdom happening shortly thereafter; 2Ch 12:2). The Chronicler notes in a handful of verses (cf. 11:17–12:1) that there was a three-year period in which Rehoboam was loyal to Yahweh (ca. 930–27), followed by apostasy, thus providing a context (theological and historical) for the time leading up to Shishak’s invasion.

Since the last pharaoh of the Twenty-First Dynasty did not have a male son, he opted to promote a Libyan military commander named Sheshonq (biblical Shishak, variously spelled as Sheshonk, Shoshenq, and Shusheq) to a position of virtual heir to the throne. When Psusennes II died, Sheshonq become pharaoh, founding the Twenty-Second Dynasty in approximately 945 BC. Following his ascension to the Egyptian throne, Shishak/Sheshonq facilitated the reunification of Upper (Southern) and Lower (Northern) Egypt through deft political decisions, strategic priestly appointments, and political marriages.

3 The multiethnic African coalition raised by Shishak likely reflects a combination of Shishak’s Libyan heritage (and the related Sukkites [Tjukten]) as well as Egyptian hegemony over Cush/Nubia to the south of Egypt (cf. F. Clancy, “Shishak/Shoshenq’s Travels,” JSOT 86 [1999]: 2–23). The area between the first and second cataracts of the Nile is referred to as Lower Nubia (since “Lower” relates to the flow of the Nile, Lower Nubia designates northern Nubia) and Upper (= southern) Nubia, the latter being known as “Cush” (Kush) to biblical writers, Assyrians, and Persians. Today, much of what was Lower Nubia is located in the southern area of Egypt (some of which is now under Lake Nasser following the construction of the dam outside Aswan). What was Upper Nubia now sits within the border of modern-day Sudan.

4 Because Rehoboam and Judah “abandoned” God and his Word (cf. vv.1, 5), God “abandons” Judah to Shishak (cf. v.5). The summary of Shishak’s invasion in Chronicles provides additional details of Shishak’s campaign over that disclosed in 1 Kings 14, including the extent of Shishak’s invasion. Despite different degrees of detail, both emphasize that Shishak took “everything” from the house of Yahweh and the royal palace (cf. 1Ki 14:26; 2Ch 12:9).

The details of Shishak’s invasion are celebrated on the southwest wall of the Karnak temple in Thebes. Shishak’s list includes a topographical inventory of more than 150 places in the form of place-name hieroglyphic ovals. Of this number, thirty or more name ovals are unreadable and a number of others are speculative reconstructions. The upper register of Shishak’s list contains a number of towns in what was primarily northern kingdom territory (cf. ANET, 242–43), including places along the coastal highway (such as Socoh and Yaham), places in the Jezreel Valley (such as Taanach and Megiddo), towns in the Beth Shan Valley (including Beth Shan and Rehob), and places in Transjordan (such as Adam and Penuel). These victories restored Egyptian domination over important trade routes that traversed these areas.

In addition, Shishak records the defeat of several towns in southern kingdom territory, including Gibeon (central hill country) and Aijalon (one of Rehoboam’s fortified cities in the Shephelah; cf. 11:5–12; 12:4). The lower register of Shishak’s list focuses on towns in the southern region of Judah (the biblical Negev), perhaps aimed at reasserting Egyptian control over trade routes to Arabia. A stela (stone monument) discovered at Megiddo with the cartouche of Shoshenq almost certainly dates to this invasion. The absence of Jerusalem in Shishak’s lists is noteworthy, though it is possible that references to Jerusalem were among the destroyed sections of the Karnak temple inscription.

Shishak’s invasion of northern kingdom territory is intriguing, given Jeroboam’s time in Egypt as a guest of the Egyptian pharaoh. This suggests that Shishak’s invasion might be some type of reprisal against Jeroboam for failing to follow through with some kind of agreement. Recall that Jeroboam fled to Egypt to escape Solomon’s wrath and was sheltered as a guest of Egypt by Pharaoh Sheshonq I (Shishak) until the death of Solomon (cf. 1Ki 11:26–40). For additional details of Shoshenq’s [Shishak’s] campaign into Israel and Judah, see K. Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period (2nd ed.; Warminster, UK: Aris and Phillips, 1986): 293–302, 432–47; J. Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1997), 173–202.

5–8 In the aftermath of this covenantal unfaithfulness and God’s judgment, the covenant functionary role of the prophet is reflected in Shemaiah’s proclamation of the sin of the people and the resulting divine judgment (v.5; cf. Johnstone, 2:41–43). The king and the leaders of Israel respond to the prophet’s indictment in a way anticipated in Solomon’s temple-dedication prayer in 6:24–25 (12:6; also cf. v.12). While Jerusalem is not destroyed (v.7), the temple and palace treasuries are ravaged (see v.9) and the southern kingdom will now be under the hegemony of Egypt as a continuation of the consequence of abandoning God and his Word (v.8; also see comments on vv.2, 3, 4, 9).

9 The biblical accounts of Shishak’s invasion of Judah emphasize that Shishak took “everything” from the house of Yahweh and the royal palace (cf. 1Ki 14:26). This ravaging of the treasures of the king and the temple dramatically reverses earlier statements heralding the wealth God had enabled Solomon to accumulate (cf. 2Ch 3:8–9; on the gold shields made during the time of Solomon, see comments on 9:15–16; also see comments above on ch. 12).

10–11 As a result of the loss of the hammered gold shields made by Solomon (see comments on 12:9 and 9:15–16), Rehoboam makes replacement shields out of a less precious metal (bronze) and institutes extra security measures to safeguard these less valuable shields.

12 As anticipated in Solomon’s temple-dedication prayer, God abounds in mercy and forgiveness when his people seek him in humility and contrition (see comments on 6:22–39). This is a theme stressed over and again by the Chronicler, no doubt for the instruction and encouragement of the postexilic community still reeling from the sting of drastic divine judgment. Although there is some “good” to be found in Judah (cf. 11:2–4, 16–17; 12:5–7), Rehoboam is nonetheless described at the beginning of chapter 12 as abandoning God’s covenantal law (cf. v.1), and he is summarized at the end of the chapter as doing evil because he did not set his heart on the Lord (v.14).

NOTE

4 Similarly, during the days of David and Solomon, Hadad the Edomite was sheltered in Egypt and even married the sister of the queen (cf. 1Ki 11:14–22).

4. Rehoboam’s Regnal Summary (2Ch 12:13–16)

13King Rehoboam established himself firmly in Jerusalem and continued as king. He was forty-one years old when he became king, and he reigned seventeen years in Jerusalem, the city the LORD had chosen out of all the tribes of Israel in which to put his Name. His mother’s name was Naamah; she was an Ammonite. 14He did evil because he had not set his heart on seeking the LORD.

15As for the events of Rehoboam’s reign, from beginning to end, are they not written in the records of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer that deal with genealogies? There was continual warfare between Rehoboam and Jeroboam.16Rehoboam rested with his fathers and was buried in the City of David. And Abijah his son succeeded him as king.

COMMENTARY

13 Like Solomon (1:1), Rehoboam is described as being firmly established on the Davidic throne. In addition to using this phraseology regarding Solomon and Jeroboam, the Chronicler also uses it in the royal succession contexts of Asa (15:8), Jehoshaphat (17:1), and Amaziah/Uzziah (25:3; on God’s choice of Jerusalem, see comments on 3:1; on God’s causing his Name to dwell in Jerusalem, see comments on 2:1; on the topic of the queen mother, see comments on 15:16; for the political marriage implied by Rehoboam’s Ammonite mother [recall Solomon’s international harem; 1Ki 11:1], see comments on 18:1). The country of Ammon traces its lineage back to Lot (Ge 19:38) and was located in the Transjordanian region to the east of the tribal areas of Reuben and Gad. All told, Rehoboam ruled over the southern tribes for 17 years (ca. 931/930–913 BC), while Jeroboam ruled over the northern tribes for about 21 years (ca. 931–910 BC; cf. Thiele, 80–81).

14 The fundamental issue behind Rehoboam’s apostasy and covenantal unfaithfulness was his lack of setting his heart to seek God. This is opposite the demeanor of dependence, humility, and prayerfulness that God’s king and God’s people are to demonstrate. Conversely, despite his poignant instances of iniquity, David was a leader who set his heart to seek the Lord (1Sa 13:14). The distinction of whether a king sets his heart on seeking God will establish the trajectory of kings throughout the balance of the divided monarchy. Moreover, such a disposition ultimately determines the spiritual vibrancy and fruitfulness of our own lives (see Reflection).

15 A defining characteristic in Chronicles is its propensity to cite a wide range of sources. While some named sources may well be alternative names for the same document (e.g., variations of references to the “Book of the Kings”), the use of a variety of sources by the Chronicler is clear. These sources reflect the historiographical and theological purpose(s) of the Chronicler and also reflect a milieu in which earlier texts are referenced and seen as authoritative. As such, it is noteworthy to see the propensity for the source noted in Chronicles to have a prophetic connection.

Note also the overlapping content of certain prophetic texts with passages in Kings (e.g., Isa 36–39 and 2Ki 18–20; Jer 52 and 2Ki 25). In addition, Chronicles refers to sources at similar junctions as that reflected in the book of Kings (e.g., 2Ch 12:15 and 1Ki 14:29; 2Ch 16:11 and 1Ki 15:23; 2Ch 20:34 and 1Ki 22:45; 2Ch 25:26 and 2Ki 14:18). See additional remarks in the Introduction.

16 Despite the largely negative theological assessment of Rehoboam, he is afforded the honor being buried in the royal cemetery unlike other ungodly kings who were denied this privilege (e.g., Jehoram in 21:20). While little is known of ancient Israel’s royal burial customs, the special treatment of kings in death and burial was common in the biblical world as reflected in the exquisite burial chambers in the Valley of the Kings in Thebes, Egypt. Following Rehoboam’s death, his son Abijah assumes the throne in Judah, while Jeroboam is still ruling the northern kingdom.

REFLECTION

The Chronicler’s comment that Rehoboam “did evil because he had not set his heart on seeking the LORD” (12:14) reflects the paramount value placed on the preparation of our hearts to pursue God in fellowship and obedience (cf. Dt 4:29; Mt 22:37). The distinction of whether a king set his heart on seeking God established the trajectory of his reign throughout the history of Israel. Similarly, such a disposition ultimately determines the spiritual vibrancy and fruitfulness of our own lives (Ps 19:14; Pr 4:23). Setting our heart to seek God goes hand in hand with serving God with all of our heart (cf. Dt 11:13–18), laying up God’s Word in our heart (Ps 119:11), and applying our heart to understanding and walking in God’s ways (cf. Dt 10:12). All told, believers today would do well to internalize David’s charge to his son Solomon: “Devote your heart and soul to seeking the LORD your God” (1Ch 22:19).

B. The Reign of Abijah (2Ch 13:1–14:1)

OVERVIEW

The account of Abijah in Chronicles differs in tone and details from that recorded in the book of Kings, where the summary of Abijah’s reign is succinct and summarized negatively (cf. 1Ki 15:3). In the longer account of Abijah’s reign in Chronicles the focus is almost exclusively on an account of a battle between Abijah (of Judah) and Jeroboam (of Israel) in which Abijah gives a battlefield speech summarizing the northern kingdom’s departure from God’s will and covenantal framework (cf. 2Ch 13:4–9) and proclaiming Judah’s obedience to Mosaic legislation and blessings of divine presence (cf. 13:10–12).

Abijah and Judah cry out to Yahweh at the start of the battle (cf. 13:14), and God brings victory to Abijah and Judah over Jeroboam and the north because of their reliance on him (cf. 13:15–18). In addition, the account in Chronicles stresses God’s response to the prayers of his people and his protection of the Davidic kingdom (the “kingdom of the LORD,” v.8). That Abijah’s reign is ultimately characterized by his sin and lack of full commitment to Yahweh in Kings does not need to be seen as problematic in the light of this narrative account in Chronicles, as Rehoboam’s reign is likewise highlighted by points of faith and obedience (e.g., 11:2–4, 16–17; 12:6–7) as well as his foolishness and ultimate departure from the ways of the Lord (e.g., 10:8–15; 12:1, 5, 14). The Chronicler’s emphasis is consistent with his sustained message of hope and possibility directed to his postexilic audience. For more on the Chronicler’s focus and intent, see the Introduction. On Abijah’s specific portrayal, see D. G. Deboys, “History and Theology in the Chronicler’s Portrayal of Abijah,” Bib 71 (1990): 48–62.

1In the eighteenth year of the reign of Jeroboam, Abijah became king of Judah, 2and he reigned in Jerusalem three years. His mother’s name was Maacah, a daughter of Uriel of Gibeah.

There was war between Abijah and Jeroboam. 3Abijah went into battle with a force of four hundred thousand able fighting men, and Jeroboam drew up a battle line against him with eight hundred thousand able troops.

4Abijah stood on Mount Zemaraim, in the hill country of Ephraim, and said, “Jeroboam and all Israel, listen to me! 5Don’t you know that the LORD, the God of Israel, has given the kingship of Israel to David and his descendants forever by a covenant of salt? 6Yet Jeroboam son of Nebat, an official of Solomon son of David, rebelled against his master. 7Some worthless scoundrels gathered around him and opposed Rehoboam son of Solomon when he was young and indecisive and not strong enough to resist them.

8“And now you plan to resist the kingdom of the LORD, which is in the hands of David’s descendants. You are indeed a vast army and have with you the golden calves that Jeroboam made to be your gods. 9But didn’t you drive out the priests of the LORD, the sons of Aaron, and the Levites, and make priests of your own as the peoples of other lands do? Whoever comes to consecrate himself with a young bull and seven rams may become a priest of what are not gods.

10“As for us, the LORD is our God, and we have not forsaken him. The priests who serve the LORD are sons of Aaron, and the Levites assist them. 11Every morning and evening they present burnt offerings and fragrant incense to the LORD. They set out the bread on the ceremonially clean table and light the lamps on the gold lampstand every evening. We are observing the requirements of the LORD our God. But you have forsaken him. 12God is with us; he is our leader. His priests with their trumpets will sound the battle cry against you. Men of Israel, do not fight against the LORD, the God of your fathers, for you will not succeed.”

13Now Jeroboam had sent troops around to the rear, so that while he was in front of Judah the ambush was behind them. 14Judah turned and saw that they were being attacked at both front and rear. Then they cried out to the LORD. The priests blew their trumpets 15and the men of Judah raised the battle cry. At the sound of their battle cry, God routed Jeroboam and all Israel before Abijah and Judah. 16The Israelites fled before Judah, and God delivered them into their hands. 17Abijah and his men inflicted heavy losses on them, so that there were five hundred thousand casualties among Israel’s able men. 18The men of Israel were subdued on that occasion, and the men of Judah were victorious because they relied on the LORD, the God of their fathers.

19Abijah pursued Jeroboam and took from him the towns of Bethel, Jeshanah and Ephron, with their surrounding villages. 20Jeroboam did not regain power during the time of Abijah. And the LORD struck him down and he died.

21But Abijah grew in strength. He married fourteen wives and had twenty-two sons and sixteen daughters.

22The other events of Abijah’s reign, what he did and what he said, are written in the annotations of the prophet Iddo.

14:1And Abijah rested with his fathers and was buried in the City of David. Asa his son succeeded him as king, and in his days the country was at peace for ten years.

COMMENTARY

1–2 Following Rehoboam’s death, his son Abijah assumes the throne in Judah. Abijah reigns over the southern kingdom from ca. 913–11 BC and may have had a brief coregency with his father Rehoboam. Earlier, Rehoboam had appointed Abijah as chief prince, presumably to facilitate a stable regnal changeover (see 11:22). Meanwhile, Jeroboam is in his eighteenth year of rule in the northern kingdom.

3 The conflict that began between Jeroboam and Rehoboam (see 12:15) continues into the reign of Abijah, successor to Rehoboam in Judah. Even though Jeroboam’s army is described as being double that of Abijah, the battle highlighted here implies that Abijah is on the offensive both militarily and theologically (on the latter, see comments at vv.4–12). God had previously disallowed battle between the north and south (cf. 11:2–4; on the large numbers of this battle, see the extended discussion at 11:1).

4–12 As with many narrative portions of the Bible, the speeches in Chronicles provide useful theological synthesis and underscore authorial intent in the selection and shaping of narrative details. Abijah’s prophetlike speech from Mount Zemaraim teems with theological significance and reflects a keen understanding of the Davidic covenant (vv.5–8). Moreover, Abijah’s speech reflects the necessity of complete obedience to God’s covenantal stipulations concerning priestly service and sacrificial details (vv.9–11; recall Jeroboam’s changes in matters of priests and spiritual service; cf. 10:15).

The location of Mount Zemaraim (v.4) is not certain but seems to be in the vicinity of Bethel near the border with Benjamin. Salt (v.5) was connected with the sealing of treaties and covenants in many cultures of the biblical world. Moreover, salt was an important element in the ancient world for preservation, and its use here would underscore God’s commitment to preserve the house of David (note the similar expression in Nu 18:19).

13–17 The battle begins with an ambush by the troops of Jeroboam (v.13). In response, Judah cries out to the Lord while the priests blow their trumpets, reminiscent of the battle at Jericho (Jos 8). The trumpets were special trumpets constructed for priests as outlined in Numbers 10:1–9, and their use in military signaling is reflected in Israel’s battle against the Midianites (cf. Nu 31:1–6). The victory illustrates the motif of God as a divine warrior who fights on behalf of his people (cf. Dt 20:4; see T. Longman III and D. Reid, God Is a Warrior [Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1995]; on the large number of casualties [v.17], see comments on 2Ch 11:1).

18 The victory of Judah over the significantly larger forces of the army of Jeroboam is attributed not to military stratagem or the like, but to their reliance on God. As Abijah noted at v.12, God is with his covenantal people, and to fight them is to “fight against the LORD.” God’s direct role in this battle is emphatically underscored within the language of the narrative—“God routed Jeroboam” (v.15), “God delivered them” (v.16), and “the LORD struck him [Jeroboam] down” (v.20).

19 Abijah’s victory over Jeroboam gives Judah control of the two major north-south highways connecting Israel and Judah as well as control over the coveted Benjamin plateau together with a small portion of the Ephraimite hill country.

20 The remark that “Jeroboam did not regain power” may be related to Aramean pressure on the northern kingdom. Jeroboam died not long after this time and was succeeded by his son Nadab (ca. 910/909–909/908 BC), who was assassinated by his army commander Baasha while battling the Philistines. After his murder of Nadab, Baasha rules the northern kingdom for twenty-four years, largely overlapping with the reign of Asa in the southern kingdom.

21 While Jeroboam does not regain strength (v.20), Abijah grows in strength. Unfortunately, Abijah, like David, Solomon, and Rehoboam, expresses this strength in the ways of the biblical world by multiplying wives to himself, despite Deuteronomic warnings against this practice (see Dt 17:17). Note that Rehoboam had set this in motion by acquiring “many wives” for his sons (cf. 2Ch 11:23).

22 On the topic of prophetic regnal annotations, see comments on 12:15 and the Introduction.

14:1 This verse is the closing summary of the reign of Abijah covered in the previous chapter. Abijah is given the honor of being buried in the royal cemetery (also see comments on 12:16). The backdrop of the peace of this time frame began with the victory God gave Abijah over Jeroboam and the subsequent internal turmoil in the northern kingdom (cf. 13:15–20). Asa succeeds his father Abijah as ruler in the southern kingdom (ca. 911 BC) two years before the ascension of Nadab in the northern kingdom and enjoys a season of peace and stability lasting around one decade of his forty-one-year reign (ca. 910–870 BC), while the northern kingdom continues to face internal and external turmoil.

NOTES

13:1 In the book of Kings Abijah’s name is spelled “Abijam,” though the NIV still renders the name “Abijah.” While this may simply be a spelling variation, it may also be a subtle commentary on the spiritual unfaithfulness of Abijah highlighted in Kings (cf. 1Ki 15:3), as the “-jam” (, yām) suffix would draw connection to the Canaanite sea god Yam (“my father is Yam[m]”) while the “-jah” (, yâ) ending connects with the short form of the divine name Yah/Yahweh.

2 The king’s mother’s name is noted as “Micaiah” in Chronicles and “Maacah” in Kings (obscured by the NIV, which renders “Micaiah” as “Maacah” at 13:2). Also, his mother is described as the daughter of Uriel here (v.2), but she is noted as the daughter of Abishalom (Absalom) in 1 Kings. This difference probably functions in analogy to the flexible use of the Hebrew term for son (, bēn; GK 1201), which can mean “son,” “grandson,” or simply “descendant.” Thus Micaiah/Maacah might actually be both Abishalom/Absalom’s granddaughter (or female descendant) as noted in Kings, and the daughter of Uriel as noted here. As with the Abijah/Abijam issue discussed in the previous note, Abijam’s connection with Absalom noted in Kings may be intended by the writer of Kings as subtly negative commentary on the reign of Abijah/Abijam.

C. The Reign of Asa (2Ch 14:2–16:14)

1. Asa’s Reforms and Military Strength (2Ch 14:2–8)

2Asa did what was good and right in the eyes of the LORD his God. 3He removed the foreign altars and the high places, smashed the sacred stones and cut down the Asherah poles. 4He commanded Judah to seek the LORD, the God of their fathers, and to obey his laws and commands. 5He removed the high places and incense altars in every town in Judah, and the kingdom was at peace under him. 6He built up the fortified cities of Judah, since the land was at peace. No one was at war with him during those years, for the LORD gave him rest.

7“Let us build up these towns,” he said to Judah, “and put walls around them, with towers, gates and bars. The land is still ours, because we have sought the LORD our God; we sought him and he has given us rest on every side.” So they built and prospered.

8Asa had an army of three hundred thousand men from Judah, equipped with large shields and with spears, and two hundred and eighty thousand from Benjamin, armed with small shields and with bows. All these were brave fighting men.

COMMENTARY

2 Asa is the first of the post-divided kingdom Judean kings to be described as doing what is right in God’s eyes. Moreover, Asa is the first Judean king of this era to inaugurate significant reforms designed to eradicate syncretism and revitalize covenantal fidelity within the community (cf. 15:8–18). Thus the reign and reforms of Asa function as a sort of precursor to the later reformer kings in Judah, most notably Hezekiah and Josiah. Note that Asa, like Hezekiah (30:6–11), invites those situated within the northern kingdom to assemble in Jerusalem and publicly declare their loyalty to God’s ways (cf. 15:9–15). By contrast, the final six or so years of Asa’s reign (compare 15:19; 16:1, 13) are punctuated with compromise and ungodly behavior. For additional points of similarity between Asa and Hezekiah, see Selman, 384–87.

3 The destruction of idolatry and syncretistic worship commonly associated with Canaanite religious cults (high places, foreign altars, sacred stones, and Asherah poles) per Deuteronomic admonition (cf. Dt 16:21–22) was a cornerstone of Asa’s religious reforms and was likewise seen in the reforms of Hezekiah (cf. 2Ch 31:1) and Josiah (cf. 34:3–7). A key attraction to the worship of Baal (Hadad) was his dominion over storms (i.e., rain), while a key attraction point for Asherah was her dominion over fertility.

Asherah was frequently tied to tree imagery (such as Asherah poles), perhaps in connection with the ancient Near Eastern motif of divine fruitfulness as well as that of the tree of life. Asherah poles were wooden cult symbols of Asherah in the form of both living trees and wooden poles/pillars. An Asherah pole would be erected, consecrated, and worshiped as a representative of the goddess. The Israelites were not immune to the allure of Asherah poles (cf. Dt 16:21 and Jer 17:2). The destruction of these poles by Asa suggests that the worship of Yahweh was being tainted with Asherah worship (see Day, 385–408).

Sacred stones could consist of rough stone or a finely shaped pillar, and such standing stones have widespread connection to religious settings in the world of the OT and even play a role in several passages involving covenant (cf. Ge 28:22; Ex 24:4; Jos 24:26). Presumably, the prohibition in Deuteronomy 16 relates to the risk of syncretistic worship as the Israelites enter the land of Canaan (see E. Stockton, “Sacred Pillars in the Bible,” ABR 20 [1972]: 16–32; C. F. Graesser, “Standing Stones in Ancient Palestine,” BA 35 [1972]: 34–63).

4 The portrayal of the Israelite king reading, writing, and living out the law of God is central to his role as a leader in God’s covenantal framework:

When he takes the throne of his kingdom, he is to write for himself on a scroll a copy of this law, taken from that of the priests, who are Levites. It is to be with him, and he is to read it all the days of his life so that he may learn to revere the LORD his God and follow carefully all the words of this law and these decrees and not consider himself better than his brothers and turn from the law to the right or to the left. Then he and his descendants will reign a long time over his kingdom in Israel. (Dt 17:18–20)

So part of the divinely intended role of the king is intimately related to the spiritual life of ancient Israel (note the statements of Jdg 17:6; 21:25). This spiritual leadership is described from a negative perspective in vv.3 and 5 (namely, removing, smashing, cutting down articles of idolatry) and from a positive one here (namely, seeking and obeying God). It should also be noted that Asa’s charge for the people to “seek” God is inseparably connected with the admonishment to obey his Word (“his laws and commands”). The notion of seeking God apart from obedience is an unknown concept in the Bible (cf. the word of Christ in Jn 15:10, 14).

5 In addition to Asa’s efforts to facilitate Godwardness and adherence to divine truth (orthodoxy) summarized in v.4, Asa takes specific steps to remove places associated with syncretism (heterodoxy; also see comments on v.3). The result of these efforts in covenantal obedience is God-given peace and stability within the southern kingdom. On high places, see comments on 1:3–5.

6–7 The cities fortified by Asa are likely the same strategically located cities fortified previously by Solomon and Rehoboam but destroyed by Shishak. Such fortifications protected access routes to key cities such as Jerusalem and also protected control over trade routes and highways. The granting of “rest” is a divine promise given to Israel and part of the broader notion of land theology (cf. Dt 12:10; for further details on previously fortified cities, see comments on 2Ch 8:5–6; 11:5–12).

8 One by-product of the rest and prosperity given by God (cf. v.7) is the development of a formidable army. It is possible that the distinctions of weaponry noted here (spears vs. bows; large shields vs. small shields) imply differing military specialties at the tribal level (cf. the differing capabilities of the tribes noted at 1Ch 12:1–38; on the large numbers noted here, see comments on 2Ch 11:1).

NOTE

3 [2] In this chapter the verse numbers in the Hebrew text (MT) are one lower than their English Bible counterpart. Asherah might be vocalized as “Athirat.” However, this is uncertain given Athirat’s connection with the sea (note her common title, “Lady Athirat of the Sea”) and role as consort of El in the Ugaritic corpus (see summary in Day, 385–408 [esp. 387–88, 398–99]). Moreover, Asherah should be distinguished from the goddess Astarte, who is associated with the Mesopotamian goddess Ishtar. Asherah appears as a consort of El and is portrayed as the procreatress and mother of the gods of the pantheon (cf. Day, 389).

2. Invasion of Zerah the Cushite (2Ch 14:9–15)

9Zerah the Cushite marched out against them with a vast army and three hundred chariots, and came as far as Mareshah. 10Asa went out to meet him, and they took up battle positions in the Valley of Zephathah near Mareshah.

11Then Asa called to the LORD his God and said, “LORD, there is no one like you to help the powerless against the mighty. Help us, O LORD our God, for we rely on you, and in your name we have come against this vast army. O LORD, you are our God; do not let man prevail against you.”

12The LORD struck down the Cushites before Asa and Judah. The Cushites fled, 13and Asa and his army pursued them as far as Gerar. Such a great number of Cushites fell that they could not recover; they were crushed before the LORD and his forces. The men of Judah carried off a large amount of plunder. 14They destroyed all the villages around Gerar, for the terror of the LORD had fallen upon them. They plundered all these villages, since there was much booty there. 15They also attacked the camps of the herdsmen and carried off droves of sheep and goats and camels. Then they returned to Jerusalem.

COMMENTARY

9–10 Following Asa’s early reforms and rebuilding, Zerah “the Cushite” brings a large army into the southwestern region of Judah. The location of Asa’s battle with Zerah is Mareshah, one of Judah’s fortified cities along the western edge of the Shephelah (see comments on 11:5–12), about thirty miles southwest of Jerusalem. The location of the Valley of Zephathah (v.10) is unknown, but the LXX’s rendering (“the valley to the north of Mareshah,” implying a Hebrew directive heh []—i.e., to the north) might be a preferable reading to the MT’s, reflected in the NIV (“in the valley of Zephathah near Mareshah”). This alternative reading would imply a ridge route that could be utilized by an advancing army (cf. Rainey, 196).

Although Egypt is not named within this account, the close connection between Cush/Nubia and Egypt as well as the inclusion of Libyans along with Cushites at 16:8 may imply that Zerah is the field general on behalf of an Egyptian pharaoh. Similarly, Cushites were used within Shishak’s coalition that attacked Judah and Israel (cf. 12:3). Another possibility is that Zerah was a chief of an Arab coalition from the Sinai region. This alternative scenario reflects the absence of Egypt within the account, references to camels and herdsmen in the battle, and the pairing of Cushites with Midianites in biblical texts (cf. Hab 3:7).

11 Asa’s prayer of complete reliance on God as the protector of Israel aptly reflects his broader demonstration of covenantal faithfulness (cf. vv.1–8). As with Abijah’s earlier prayer at the outset of battle against Jeroboam (cf. 13:14) and Jehoshaphat’s later prayer (cf. 20:3–12), Asa’s prayer shows Solomon’s temple-dedication prayer in action (cf. 6:34–35). Asa notes in his prayer that he and the people of Judah are facing the army of Zerah “in [God’s] name.” The idea of the name of the Lord is interwoven with aspects of God’s character as well as his covenantal relationship with Israel. As Proverbs 18:10 notes, “The name of the LORD is a strong tower; the righteous run to it and are safe.”

Similarly, Asa understands the crisis as God’s war (“do not let man prevail against you”), and the Chronicler understands the outcome as God’s victory: the Lord strikes them (v.12); they are crushed before the Lord (v.13); they suffer the terror of the Lord (v.14). Like the victories brought to Abijah and Jehoshaphat, Asa’s victory illustrates the motif of God as the divine warrior who fights on behalf of his covenantal people (cf. comments on 13:13–17).

12–15 Like God’s direct intervention following the prayer of Abijah and the people (cf. 13:13–20), so God responds to Asa’s prayer and enables him to defeat Zerah and his massive coalition. The exact location of Gerar is unknown, but its placement within the Table of Nations (Ge 10) implies the southern region of Canaan.

NOTE

9 [8] The translation “vast army” is literally an army of a “thousand thousands” (hence the translation “one million” in some versions), or thousands upon thousands. See comments and Note on 11:1.

3. Azariah’s Prophecy and Asa’s Further Reforms (2Ch 15:1–19)

1The Spirit of God came upon Azariah son of Oded. 2He went out to meet Asa and said to him, “Listen to me, Asa and all Judah and Benjamin. The LORD is with you when you are with him. If you seek him, he will be found by you, but if you forsake him, he will forsake you. 3For a long time Israel was without the true God, without a priest to teach and without the law. 4But in their distress they turned to the LORD, the God of Israel, and sought him, and he was found by them. 5In those days it was not safe to travel about, for all the inhabitants of the lands were in great turmoil. 6One nation was being crushed by another and one city by another, because God was troubling them with every kind of distress. 7But as for you, be strong and do not give up, for your work will be rewarded.”

8When Asa heard these words and the prophecy of Azariah son of Oded the prophet, he took courage. He removed the detestable idols from the whole land of Judah and Benjamin and from the towns he had captured in the hills of Ephraim. He repaired the altar of the LORD that was in front of the portico of the LORD’s temple. 9Then he assembled all Judah and Benjamin and the people from Ephraim, Manasseh and Simeon who had settled among them, for large numbers had come over to him from Israel when they saw that the LORD his God was with him.

10They assembled at Jerusalem in the third month of the fifteenth year of Asa’s reign. 11At that time they sacrificed to the LORD seven hundred head of cattle and seven thousand sheep and goats from the plunder they had brought back. 12They entered into a covenant to seek the LORD, the God of their fathers, with all their heart and soul. 13All who would not seek the LORD, the God of Israel, were to be put to death, whether small or great, man or woman. 14They took an oath to the LORD with loud acclamation, with shouting and with trumpets and horns. 15All Judah rejoiced about the oath because they had sworn it wholeheartedly. They sought God eagerly, and he was found by them. So the LORD gave them rest on every side.

16King Asa also deposed his grandmother Maacah from her position as queen mother, because she had made a repulsive Asherah pole. Asa cut the pole down, broke it up and burned it in the Kidron Valley. 17Although he did not remove the high places from Israel, Asa’s heart was fully committed to the LORD all his life. 18He brought into the temple of God the silver and gold and the articles that he and his father had dedicated.

19There was no more war until the thirty-fifth year of Asa’s reign.

COMMENTARY

1–2 A second stage in Asa’s spiritual reforms is initiated by the Spirit of God’s coming upon the otherwise unknown prophet Azariah. The connection between the coming of the Spirit of God and a specific prophetic utterance is seen in the ongoing prophetic ministry of Ezekiel (cf. Eze 11:5–12) as well as in the episodic prophetic ministry of Zechariah (son of the priest Jehoiada during the time of Joash; cf. 2Ch 24:20). In such cases the prophet is fulfilling the covenantal fiduciary role of calling God’s people to comprehensive obedience to God’s Word and full dependence on him. Thus the content of Azariah’s words to Asa reflects earlier biblical motifs and covenantal texts, especially those of Deuteronomy, as seen here:

But if from there you seek the LORD your God, you will find him if you look for him with all your heart and with all your soul. When you are in distress and all these things have happened to you, then in later days you will return to the LORD your God and obey him. For the LORD your God is a merciful God; he will not abandon or destroy you or forget the covenant with your forefathers, which he confirmed to them by oath. (Dt 4:29–31)

Asa’s response and obedience have a significant impact on others, including Judah as a whole (15:15; cf. 14:2–7) and Israelites from northern kingdom territories (cf. 15:9–12). Also see comments on Asa’s spiritual role at 14:4. On the significance of the expression “the LORD is with you” (v.2), see the Reflection on divine presence in ch. 1.

3–6 The temporal orientation of the prophet’s remarks about a prolonged time when Israel was without the true God, without priests, without God’s law, and in the midst of danger and international turmoil is not completely clear. Equally uncertain is Israel’s return to God in the midst of these challenges (v.4). Part of the interpretive challenge in this section relates to the Hebrew syntax of these verses, especially the lack of any finite verbs in v.3 (there are only verbless clauses), which is the verse that sets the scene of this time frame. Typically, the broader context, use of adverbial particles (especially temporal particles), and choice of verbal conjugations work together to indicate the orientation (aspect) of the verbal action. However, in this setting the context is of little value, as the prophet’s speech is a stand-alone section that can be understood as either a historical review or future reality, and the verbal data of Azariah’s opening statement are unclear.

This noted, the verbs of v.4 (e.g., the suffix conjugation “he [translated “they” collectively] turned” followed by waw consecutives, “they sought”; “he was [they were] found”) would favor a past aspect (time orientation), giving rise to the common view that the prophet was summarizing a spiritually dark time such as that reflected in the book of Judges. Alternatively, it is noteworthy that the translators of the Septuagint (LXX) translated v.4 with a future orientation, resulting in a close parallel between Azariah’s prophecy of 15:3–7 to that of Hosea 3:4–5:

For the Israelites will live many days without king or prince, without sacrifice or sacred stones, without ephod or idol. Afterward the Israelites will return and seek the LORD their God and David their king. They will come trembling to the LORD and to his blessings in the last days.

Whether seen from a past or future orientation, the Chronicler’s postexilic audience would no doubt appreciate the parallel to their own situation in the light of Judah’s seventy years of captivity and the destruction of the Jerusalem temple and thus be likewise exhorted to return and seek God.

The role of priests as teachers reflects God’s covenantal framework, in which priests are charged by God to “teach the Israelites all the decrees the LORD has given them” (Lev 10:11; cf. the poetic [and prophetic] description of Levi’s teaching commission in Dt 33:8–11 and the admonition directed to priests in Mal 2:1–9). The teaching of God’s will/law—both then and now—infuses God’s people with the spiritual direction and energy needed to walk in a manner pleasing to him. Wise leaders such as Jehoshaphat understood the key role of priests in the spiritual life of Israel (cf. 2Ch 17:7–9).

7 The prophet’s admonition to Asa to “be strong” is a function of one’s spiritual—not physical—fortitude in times of challenge and uncertainty. This spiritual dimension of being strong is seen in Asa’s response (“he took courage,” v.8) as he embarks on leading the people in worship and spiritual renewal (vv.8b–15).

8 Asa’s destruction of idols from the tribal territories of the southern kingdom and northern tribal areas (“the hills of Ephraim”) is balanced with his repairs on the altar of the Jerusalem temple. These repairs on the altar function as a tangible act evidencing his inward disposition toward faithfulness and fidelity to God. The destruction of objects of idolatry and syncretistic worship per Deuteronomic admonition (cf. Dt 16:21–22) is a cornerstone of Asa’s religious reforms and is likewise seen in the reforms of Hezekiah (cf. 2Ch 31:1) and Josiah (cf. 34:3–7; for additional remarks on Asa’s removal of idols and objects of syncretism, see comments on 14:3).

9–11 Asa responds to the exhortation of the prophet Azariah (vv.1–7) by taking steps to eradicate idolatry and ready the temple altar for offerings and worship (v.8). Once these steps of reform are accomplished, Asa organizes a significant gathering of the people from the southern kingdom (Judah and Benjamin) as well as Godward individuals who have migrated from the northern kingdom (Ephraim and Manasseh; recall a similar migration during the time of Rehoboam; cf. 11:16).

As mentioned above (see comments on 14:2), about two centuries later the Judean king Hezekiah will likewise invite those situated within the northern kingdom to assemble in Jerusalem and publicly declare their loyalty to his ways (cf. 30:6–11). Such assemblies during the united kingdom period (cf. 1Ch 15–16; 2Ch 5–7) marked significant moments in the spiritual life of the community of God’s people. Lastly, on the newly refurbished altar the assembly offers to God sacrifices from plunder that was presumably seized following the battle with Zerah and his forces (cf. 2Ch 14:14–15).

12 The highlight of the gathering organized by Asa (vv.9–11) is the people’s reaffirmation of the covenantal relationship with Yahweh based on fidelity and obedience. Their covenant is based on the oft-repeated notion of seeking God holistically (“with all their heart and soul,” v.12), as seen in Solomon’s temple-dedication prayer (see comments on 6:22–39), Yahweh’s response to Solomon’s prayer (cf. esp. 7:14), and Asa’s earlier charge to the people of Judah (cf. 14:4). Moreover, the concept of seeking God is stressed in numerous passages in the book of Deuteronomy (cf. esp. Dt 4:29–31; 6:5; 10:12–21). All told, the seeking of God with all of one’s being should be understood as a foundational element of rightly relating to God. This noted, v.15 (also cf. 15:2) shows that it is ultimately God who finds his children.

13 The idea of death for unfaithfulness and covenantal sin is not without precedent in the OT (see Lev 17:2–14 and Dt 13:6–11). But this death warning is even more restrictive in that it will be levied on those who do not seek Yahweh and is a by-product of the zeal of this covenant-renewing group led by Asa, not on the instruction of God.

14–15 The covenant of the people to seek God (see comments on v.12) and to eradicate those who do not do the same (v.13) is ratified by oath and celebrated by music and shouts of joy. The ratification of a covenant by oath is seen in Deuteronomy 29:9–15. Note that the postexilic spiritual renewal lead by Ezra was confirmed in writing (see Ne 9:1–10:39, esp. 9:38 and 10:28–29). The divine granting of “rest” was a key promise given to Israel and part of the broader notion of land theology (cf. Dt 12:10).

16 Another significant act of reform undertaken by Asa is the removal of his grandmother from the royal post of queen mother. The position of queen mother was a position of honor and influence. The queen mother held a significant official position in ancient societies such as Israel that could be exploited in various ways, as the examples of Bathsheba (cf. 1Ki 1–2), Maacah (cf. 1Ki 15), Jezebel (cf. 1Ki 16–2Ki 9), and Athaliah (cf. 2Ch 22–23) attest. See N. A. Andreasen, “The Role of the Queen Mother in Israelite Society,” CBQ 45 (1983): 179–94. Some queen mothers were active in cultic affairs (as the ignominious examples of Maacah and Jezebel attest) and might hold various levels of administrative responsibility. That Athaliah was able to engineer an anti-Davidic coup and reign for six years in Judah implies a considerable amount of preexisting power, authority, and influence.

The Kidron Valley is located to the east of the old city of Jerusalem and is the location of the famed Gihon Spring. This valley as a focal point in the destruction of heterodoxy and idolatry continues into the later reforms of Hezekiah (cf. 29:15–17; 30:14) and Josiah (cf. 2Ki 23:1–15; for remarks on Asherah poles, see comments at 2Ch 14:3; also see comments on 15:8).

17 The reference to Asa’s not removing the high places from Israel is not at variance with the comments on 14:3–5, as those pertain to high places in Judah (the southern kingdom), while this remark refers to high places in Israel (the northern kingdom). The statement extolling Asa’s commitment to Yahweh mirrors the statement of Asa’s doing what is right in God’s eyes (cf. 14:2), providing literary framing around the accounts of Asa’s spiritual leadership and reforms and separating these chapters (14 and 15) from the less flattering account of the final years of Asa’s reign found in ch. 16.

18 Asa’s dedication of items for the temple is similar to contributions made by David and Solomon given in the context of community worship and celebration. These items were obtained by his father Abijah and perhaps enhanced by the plunder seized from Asa’s battle against the coalition led by Zerah (cf. 14:13–15). Likewise, Solomon brought into the temple gifts dedicated by David (cf. 5:1).

19 On the uncertainties regarding the specific time frame of peace enjoyed by Asa, see comments on 16:1.

NOTE

9 It is interesting that the tribe of Simeon here and during the time of Josiah (cf. 34:6) is regarded as a northern kingdom tribe, since the original tribal allotment of Simeon is found within the southwestern region of the tribal allotment of Judah (see Jos 19:1–9; cf. 15:26, 28–32). Like the tribe of Levi, Simeon’s land status was different from the balance of the Israelite tribes (recall Ge 34:24–30; cf. 49:5–7) and this may in some way explain the shift reflected here. The genealogical section of the Chronicler implies some movement/migration by the tribe of Simeon (cf. 1Ch 4:34–43), which may have eventually expanded into the northern regions (recall the northern migration of the tribe of Dan; cf. Jdg 17–18; see L. J. Wood, “Simeon, the Tenth Tribe of Israel,” JETS 14 [1971]: 221–25).

4. Asa’s Battle with the Northern Kingdom and Treaty with Aram (2Ch 16:1–6)

1In the thirty-sixth year of Asa’s reign Baasha king of Israel went up against Judah and fortified Ramah to prevent anyone from leaving or entering the territory of Asa king of Judah.

2Asa then took the silver and gold out of the treasuries of the LORD’s temple and of his own palace and sent it to Ben-Hadad king of Aram, who was ruling in Damascus. 3“Let there be a treaty between me and you,” he said, “as there was between my father and your father. See, I am sending you silver and gold. Now break your treaty with Baasha king of Israel so he will withdraw from me.”

4Ben-Hadad agreed with King Asa and sent the commanders of his forces against the towns of Israel. They conquered Ijon, Dan, Abel Maim and all the store cities of Naphtali. 5When Baasha heard this, he stopped building Ramah and abandoned his work. 6Then King Asa brought all the men of Judah, and they carried away from Ramah the stones and timber Baasha had been using. With them he built up Geba and Mizpah.

COMMENTARY

1 Following decades of peace under Asa (cf. 15:19), as well as several years of peace during the latter years of Abijah’s reign (cf. 13:20), conflict again breaks out between the northern kingdom and the southern kingdom. The dating reference of Baasha’s attack (the thirty-sixth year of Asa; cf. reference to his thirty-fifth year at 15:19) is a challenging issue, as Baasha had been dead for about a decade by Asa’s thirty-sixth year (cf. the date notations in 1Ki 15:33; 16:8). One possibility for reconciling this discrepancy is that the thirty-sixth year dating reference is based on the number of years since the division of the kingdom (cf. Thiele, 83–87). In this scenario, Baasha’s attack actually takes place in the sixteenth year of Asa’s reign (ca. 894 BC).

Ramah is located about seven miles north of Jerusalem on the important north-south watershed route connecting Jerusalem and Shechem (and beyond) in an area known as the central Benjamin plateau. Thus Baasha’s advance would have a significant impact on the communication, trade, and security of Judah, as Baasha would now have control over key routes into the heartland of Judah.

2–3 Baasha’s invasion of the region around Ramah (v.1) prompts Asa of the southern kingdom to hire the Arameans of Damascus (Ben-Hadad) against the northern kingdom. This situation, when viewed in the light of 15:8–15 (and the rest that God had granted; cf. 15:15) implies that something has changed vis-à-vis Asa’s and Judah’s earlier faithfulness, spiritual fervor, and dependency on God.

Indeed, Asa’s inclination to seek human help (namely, from Ben-Hadad) and not God’s, together with his plundering of the temple treasury, is consistent with some weakening in his faith and character. Put another way, Asa is now more inclined to pillage the temple of Yahweh than to seek God in his temple when faced with a military threat (also seen in the later instance of Ahaz; cf. 28:16–21). This view is further supported by the words of the prophet Hanani noted in 16:7–9 (e.g., “you relied on the king of Aram and not on the LORD your God,” 16:7).

4–5 After receiving payoff from Asa (cf. vv.2–3), the Aramean ruler Ben-Hadad invades the northern kingdom and takes a number of key cities in the Upper Galilee region, including cities surrounding the Huleh Valley (Dan, Ijon, Abel Beth Maachah), “all Kinnereth” (i.e., the environs of the Sea of Galilee; 1Ki 15:20), and “all the store cities of Naphtali.” This attack from the north prompts Baasha to withdraw from Ramah. Asa subsequently fortifies Geba and Mizpah on his northern border (cf. v.6). For the next 175 years or so (through the fall of the northern kingdom in 722 BC), the border between the north and south remains fairly stable in the area between Bethel and Mizpah. See C. G. Rasmussen, Zondervan NIV Atlas of the Bible (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1989), 124–27.

6 Following the invasion by Ben-Hadad (see comments on vv.2–3 and 4–5), Baasha abandons his fortification of Ramah, which enables Asa to pillage Ramah for building materials that he then uses to fortify Geba and Mizpah. Geba, usually identified as Tell el-Ful, is located about six miles north of Jerusalem and guarded the important pass along which the eastern routes crossed. Mizpah (probably Tell en-Nasbeh) was situated about three miles west of Geba on the main east-west route in the hill country.

NOTES

2–3 This passage introduces the challenging issue of sorting through the various references to “Ben-Hadad” as the king of Aram/Damascus during the divided kingdom. It is likely that Ben-Hadad, meaning “son of [Baal] Hadad,” was an Aramean regnal name that implied divine selection of the ruler (“son of god”) and as such was utilized by multiple rulers. The reuse of a royal name was also attested in Assyria (e.g., Shalmaneser, Tiglath-Pileser) and Egypt (e.g., Thutmose, Amenhotep). This reuse of the name Ben-Hadad together with other uncertainties regarding Aramean chronology presents an ongoing challenge. One possible understanding of the sequence of Aramean kings is as follows:

Rezon	Time of Solomon, Rehoboam, Jeroboam (cf. 1Ki 11:23–25)
Tabrimmon	Time of Abijah, Jeroboam (noted in 1Ki 15:18)
Ben-Hadad I	Time of Asa, Baasha, Omri (2Ch 16:2–4; 1Ki 15:18–20)
Ben-Hadad II (Hadadezer; Assyrian: Adad-idri)	Time of Ahab, Joram, Jehoshaphat, Jehoram (1Ki 20:1–34; 22)
Hazael	Time of Jehu, Queen Athaliah, Joash (2Ki 8:7–15; 13:3–23)
Ben-Hadad III (Mari; Assyrian: Khadianu)	Time of Jehoash, Jeroboam II (2Ki 13:24–25)
Rezin (Assyrian: Rakhianu)	Time of Ahaz, Pekah, Isaiah (2Ki 15:37–16:9; Isa 7–9)

It is possible that another Ben-Hadad reigned briefly (ca. 845–41 BC) between the death of Hadadezer/Ben-Hadad II and the coup of Hazael. Rezin may have also used the title Ben-Hadad. For a discussion of Aramean chronology, see Wayne T. Pitard, Ancient Damascus (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1987), 101–4. Also see the discussion in I. Provan, V. P. Long, and T. Longman III, A Biblical History of Israel (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2003), 367–68 n. 15.

5. Asa Rebuked by the Prophet Hanani (2Ch 16:7–10)

7At that time Hanani the seer came to Asa king of Judah and said to him: “Because you relied on the king of Aram and not on the LORD your God, the army of the king of Aram has escaped from your hand. 8Were not the Cushites and Libyans a mighty army with great numbers of chariots and horsemen? Yet when you relied on the LORD, he delivered them into your hand. 9For the eyes of the LORD range throughout the earth to strengthen those whose hearts are fully committed to him. You have done a foolish thing, and from now on you will be at war.”

10Asa was angry with the seer because of this; he was so enraged that he put him in prison. At the same time Asa brutally oppressed some of the people.

COMMENTARY

7–8 The arrival of Hanani is the second recorded prophetic visit to Asa (the first from Azariah is recorded at 15:1–7). While the prophet Azariah’s visit to Asa was full of the possibilities and blessings of seeking God and exercising covenantal obedience, this visit is full of rebuke and critique in the light of the lack of faith implied in Asa’s request for help from the Arameans. Instead of relying on God, Asa has sought protection by pursuing a more tangible means to military aid—namely, by paying the Arameans a bounty pillaged from the temple treasury and royal treasury (cf. 16:2–3). Ultimately, as the prophet notes, to place trust in humankind or human institutions rather than completely in God is foolishness that reaps broad consequences (v.9). The phraseology of “seer” used with Hanani (cf. vv.7, 10) is an alternative (and earlier) term for “prophet” (see parenthetical remark at 1Sa 9:9).

9 The prophet poetically summarizes God’s omniscience, omnipresence, and desire to bless and be gracious to those who seek him and fully rely on him. No one who relies on God will go unnoticed. Such an expression could easily function as a memorable point of exhortation to the Chronicler’s postexilic audience faced with manifold challenges and pressures (cf. Zec 4:10). Conversely, as the prophet notes, placing trust in humankind or human institutions rather than in God is foolishness that reaps broad consequences. Asa’s foolishness will reverse God’s previous granting of peace (15:15), and the southern kingdom will now be at war without the complete protection of God.

10 Asa’s reaction to the prophet and his message—namely, rage and imprisonment—and his subsequent oppression of God’s people underscore that his heart has very much turned away from wholeheartedly seeking God and following his ways. Ironically, according to the reforms enacted by Asa himself earlier in his reign (cf. 15:12–15, esp. 15:13), he should have been put to death. Compounding the issue of Asa’s relying on humans rather than God (cf. vv.7–9) is that the king once again has sought help from a human being rather than from God regarding his severe foot disease (see v.12, below).

NOTE

7 Note that the prophet Hanani is the father of the prophet Jehu, who ministered during the days of Asa’s son Jehoshaphat and contributed to the royal annals (cf. 19:2; 20:34). With respect to the textual variant in this verse that has “Israel” in place of the second instance of “Aram” (G^L), see Dillard, 126.

6. Asa’s Regnal Summary (2Ch 16:11–14)

11The events of Asa’s reign, from beginning to end, are written in the book of the kings of Judah and Israel. 12In the thirty-ninth year of his reign Asa was afflicted with a disease in his feet. Though his disease was severe, even in his illness he did not seek help from the LORD, but only from the physicians. 13Then in the forty-first year of his reign Asa died and rested with his fathers. 14They buried him in the tomb that he had cut out for himself in the City of David. They laid him on a bier covered with spices and various blended perfumes, and they made a huge fire in his honor.

COMMENTARY

11–13 Compounding the issue of Asa’s relying on humans rather than God (cf. vv.7–9) is that the king once again seeks help from a human being rather than from God regarding his severe foot disease (v.12). Although the biblical text does not directly connect Asa’s compromise of not fully relying on God with his subsequent foot disease, it should be noted that Yahweh’s covenantal judgments for unfaithfulness include numerous references to illness and disease (cf. Dt 28:21–22, 27–28, 35, 59–60). Conversely, Yahweh is described in the OT as the great Physician and Healer of his people (cf. Ex 15:26; Ps 103:3). Lastly, it is possible that the foot disease that hampered the final years of Asa’s life (his thirty-ninth to forty-first year; vv.12–13) fostered a coregency with his son Jehoshaphat.

The tone of Asa’s lack of reliance on God in ch. 16 is at variance with the earlier summary of Asa’s reforms and Godwardness (chs. 14–15), including statements that Asa’s heart was fully committed to God “all his days” (15:17 NASB) and that he did “what was good and right in the eyes of the LORD” (14:2). While this is clearly not a point of contradiction to the Chronicler, it can be a point of tension for a later reader of the text.

Two approaches can be suggested to better understand this tension. One is that the time of Asa’s reign until the events of ch. 16 (the final few years of his forty-one-year reign) was characterized by faithfulness to God and that ch. 16 is the unfortunate postscript to an otherwise faithful reign, which summarizes his compromise in faith in the light of military and personal challenge. The other possibility is that Asa’s reign is a time overwhelmingly marked by faithfulness, but that this faithfulness is by no means perfect. The huge fire made in honor of Asa (cf. remarks on v.14) shows that overall his reign is seen as deserving of honor.

14 A funerary pyre would be a statement of respect and honor for the deceased and was typically only available for those of high stature (cf. Jer 34:4–5). The withholding of honor is clearly connected to the absence of a funerary pyre for Jehoram (cf. 2Ch 21:19). Such fires were accompanied by spices and ointments as noted here and could also be seen as an aspect of purification of the dead, as reflected in the death customs of Egypt and Assyria. The notation that Asa had “cut out for himself” a tomb is unique in terms of regnal death notices in Chronicles.

D. The Reign of Jehoshaphat (2Ch 17:1–21:3)

OVERVIEW

The time frame of the reigns of Jehoshaphat and Jehoram in the southern kingdom coincides with what is known as the Omride dynasty in the northern kingdom. While the content of Kings engages the particulars of Omride rule in the north, the book of Chronicles is largely silent on matters pertaining to the northern kingdom. The Chronicler’s account of Jehoshaphat is considerably longer than that found in Kings. A brief review of the Omride era will provide a helpful sense of the historical backdrop to the content of 2 Chronicles 17–20, particularly Jehoshaphat’s alliances with rulers from the north.

Following several years of political division in the northern kingdom (including a divided northern kingdom as Omri ruled for five years from Tirzah while battling against Tibni), Omri emerged victorious, inaugurating the impressive (though contemptible) Omride dynasty (ca. 885–841 BC). While Omri’s rule was relatively short (ca. 885–869 BC), his military and economic policies enhanced trade and diplomacy for Israel that lasted for several decades. In fact, a century after Omri’s rise to power the area of northern Israel was still referred to as “the land of the house of Omri” in inscriptions of Assyrian kings such as Tiglath-Pileser III and Sargon II.

The era of the Omride dynasty in the northern kingdom was marked by political stability, including peace with the southern kingdom, as the episodes of 18:1–34 and 20:35–37 illustrate; expanded relations with Phoenicia, as reflected in the marriage alliance of Ahab and Jezebel (cf. 1Ki 16:31); and military strength, which allowed the northern kingdom to reassert control over lucrative trade routes on both sides of the Jordan River, including control over Moab as reflected in the Mesha Stele (cf. COS, 2:23; 2Ki 3). Israel’s economic prosperity during this time is reflected in the ivory items discovered at Samaria dating to the tenth to eighth centuries BC (cf. 1Ki 22:39; Am 6:4). This peace and prosperity, however, facilitated social and religious degeneration. In light of this disintegration of covenantal fidelity, God raised the prophet Elijah to minister during the time of the Omride dynasty (covered extensively in Kings).

The backdrop to the Omride era in the northern kingdom and to the rule of Jehoshaphat in the southern kingdom is also marked by the rising threat from Assyria. This time of Assyrian dominance is distinguished from that beginning more than a century later under the Assyrian monarch Tiglath-Pileser III in 745 BC (a time period known as the Neo-Assyrian Empire; for this later period of Assyria’s history, see Overview to 28:5–15). After a period of weakness, Assyria began expansionary measures in the late tenth century BC designed to facilitate tribute payments and exact control over trade routes throughout Mesopotamia, Anatolia, and the Levant.

The Assyrian king Adad-Nirari II ruled from ca. 911–891 BC and conducted numerous campaigns against the Aramean states. Tukulti-Ninurta II (ca. 890–884 BC), the son of Adad-Nirari II, continued military exploits around the northern border of Babylonia and along the Euphrates River heading north and even portions of southeastern Anatolia. Ashurnasirpal II (ca. 884–859 BC), the son of Tukulti-Ninurta II, used frequent military campaigns against city-states to the north, east, and south, as well as Neo-Hittite states (notably Carchemish) and Aramean states to fund an impressive array of public-works projects throughout Assyria. Ashurnasirpal II is contemporary with Omri and Ahab (partly) in the northern kingdom and Asa and Jehoshaphat in the southern kingdom. Shalmaneser III began the Assyrian custom of imposing on conquered areas regular (typically annual) tribute payments, no doubt a factor in the organizing of an anti-Assyrian coalition (cf. Rainey, 190–92; ANET, 275–78).

Shalmaneser III, the son of Ashurnarsipal II, ruled from ca. 859–824 BC and continued the aggression of previous Assyrian rulers with even greater tenacity, pushing farther into western territories. This prompted several states in the Levant to form a series of coalitions in the mid-ninth century BC to halt (or at least impede) these Assyrian incursions. The threat of Assyria under Shalmaneser III facilitated three years of peace between Aram and Israel insofar as the Assyrian threat took priority over local squabbles (cf. ANET, 278–79). Meanwhile, a coalition of twelve nations from the central and southern Levant included Hamath, Aram (Syria), Arvad, Ammon, Arabia, and Israel (under the leadership of Ahab, who is noted in the Kurkh Stele as providing 2,000 of the 3,930 chariots used by the coalition and 10,000 infantrymen).

Although Shalmaneser III claims victory over this coalition in the Kurkh Stele, the reality is that the coalition was effective in stemming Assyrian expansion to the west. After returning to Nineveh, Shalmaneser III did not cross the Euphrates for three years; when he did so, the Assyrian army met similar coalitions in several battles between ca. 850 and 841 BC. While these coalitions ultimately cracked and buckled under the Assyrian onslaught, they nevertheless evidenced impressive preparation and strategy in their attempts to stop Shalmaneser III.

However, by 841 BC (the eighteenth regnal year of Shalmaneser III), because of the political intrigue and upheaval in Syria and Canaan (including Jehu’s revolt in the northern kingdom and Hazael’s usurping of the throne in Damascus; see comments on 22:5–12), there was no coalition to oppose the Assyrian advance. Consequently, Assyria quickly gained dominance in the Levant from that point forward, conducting numerous campaigns in the west between 841 and 831 BC. Note that Jehu of the northern kingdom is portrayed on the Black Obelisk (in ca. 841 BC) as bowing down in the presence of Shalmaneser III (cf. ANEP, fig. 351). For further overview of Shalmaneser III’s campaigns in the west between 841 and 831 BC, see Rainey, 208–9.

1. Jehoshaphat’s Early Years (2Ch 17:1–19)

1Jehoshaphat his son succeeded him as king and strengthened himself against Israel. 2He stationed troops in all the fortified cities of Judah and put garrisons in Judah and in the towns of Ephraim that his father Asa had captured.

3The LORD was with Jehoshaphat because in his early years he walked in the ways his father David had followed. He did not consult the Baals 4but sought the God of his father and followed his commands rather than the practices of Israel. 5The LORD established the kingdom under his control; and all Judah brought gifts to Jehoshaphat, so that he had great wealth and honor. 6His heart was devoted to the ways of the LORD; furthermore, he removed the high places and the Asherah poles from Judah.

7In the third year of his reign he sent his officials Ben-Hail, Obadiah, Zechariah, Nethanel and Micaiah to teach in the towns of Judah. 8With them were certain Levites—Shemaiah, Nethaniah, Zebadiah, Asahel, Shemiramoth, Jehonathan, Adonijah, Tobijah and Tob-Adonijah—and the priests Elishama and Jehoram. 9They taught throughout Judah, taking with them the Book of the Law of the LORD; they went around to all the towns of Judah and taught the people.

10The fear of the LORD fell on all the kingdoms of the lands surrounding Judah, so that they did not make war with Jehoshaphat. 11Some Philistines brought Jehoshaphat gifts and silver as tribute, and the Arabs brought him flocks: seven thousand seven hundred rams and seven thousand seven hundred goats.

12Jehoshaphat became more and more powerful; he built forts and store cities in Judah 13and had large supplies in the towns of Judah. He also kept experienced fighting men in Jerusalem. 14Their enrollment by families was as follows:

From Judah, commanders of units of 1,000:

Adnah the commander, with 300,000 fighting men;

15next, Jehohanan the commander, with 280,000;

16next, Amasiah son of Zicri, who volunteered himself for the service of the LORD, with 200,000.

17From Benjamin:

Eliada, a valiant soldier, with 200,000 men armed with bows and shields;

18next, Jehozabad, with 180,000 men armed for battle.

19These were the men who served the king, besides those he stationed in the fortified cities throughout Judah.

COMMENTARY

1–2 The Hebrew expression for “Jehoshaphat . . . strengthened himself” is used of Solomon at the outset of his reign (2Ch 1:1), but it is also used of Rehoboam in connection with his apostasy (see 12:1). The cities in Judah fortified by Jehoshaphat were likely those established by Solomon and Rehoboam (see comments on 8:5–6; 11:5–12), whereas those in Ephraim probably connected with earlier territorial gains achieved by Abijah (cf. 13:2–20) and Asa (cf. 15:8). While Jehoshaphat’s military efforts in the tribal area of Ephraim might be seen as provocative, the relationship between the northern kingdom and southern kingdom is characterized as one of peace solidified via a political marriage alliance (see comments on 18:1).

3–4 The Lord’s presence with Jehoshaphat (also noted at 20:17) is what will enable his success and obedience. The Chronicler stresses the clear biblical connection between seeking God and obeying his commands (see comments on 14:4 and note the words of Christ in Jn 15:10, 14). Jehoshaphat’s vibrant relationship of obedience also relates to his avoidance of the practices of Israel (e.g., 18:4–6; on Israel’s spiritual compromises, see comments on 11:15).

The plural of Baal (“Baals”) is uncommon and may relate to the variety of deities pursued in Israel and the region of Syro-Canaan (recall that “Baal” is an honorific title meaning “lord” and typically was the shortened way of referring to the Syro-Canaanite storm god Baal-Hadad). The pressure to give honor to Baal was heightened by the northern kingdom’s expanded relations with Phoenicia (as reflected in the marriage alliance of Ahab and Jezebel; cf. 1Ki 16:31) and the subsequent relationship of peace between the northern and southern kingdoms. The northern king Ahab even constructed a temple for Baal and put up Asherah poles in Samaria (cf. v.6; 1Ki 16:30–33; see comments on 2Ch 14:5).

5–6 As with Solomon, it is the Lord who established the kingdom for Jehoshaphat and blessed him with material wealth. Note that “the high places and the Asherah poles” were previously removed from Judah by Asa (cf. 14:3–5), but in the course of time the human tendency toward idolatry enabled their rebuilding (recall the unfaithfulness of Asa toward the end of his reign). Although Jehoshaphat removed these objects of idolatry, he is later critiqued for not removing high places (cf. 20:33; 1Ki 22:43), so presumably his eradication of high places is not complete, or his vigilance against their removal and being rebuilt wanes over time. See additional remarks on high places at 1:3–5. For comments on Asherah and Asherah poles, see 14:3.

7–9 The notation of Jehoshaphat’s third year (v.7) together with the date notation at 20:31 implies that Jehoshaphat had a coregency with Asa (likely connected with Asa’s severe foot illness during the final three years of his reign; cf. 16:12–13). If so, Jehoshaphat’s strong actions of reform take place following the death of Asa and during the initial year of his sole reign. Jehoshaphat dispatches a combination of royal officials, Levites, and priests to teach God’s law throughout the region of Judah. A similar commissioning of Levites’ teaching the law of God occurs during the postexilic ministry of Ezra and Nehemiah:

The Levites—Jeshua, Bani, Sherebiah, Jamin, Akkub, Shabbethai, Hodiah, Maaseiah, Kelita, Azariah, Jozabad, Hanan and Pelaiah—instructed the people in the Law while the people were standing there. They read from the Book of the Law of God, making it clear and giving the meaning so that the people could understand what was being read. (Ne 8:7–8; cf. full context of 8:1–12)

It is noteworthy that these individuals go out to teach God’s Word (in analogy to the going forth built into the Great Commission; cf. Mt 28:19–20), rather than expecting the people to come to them.

10–11 In addition to establishing Jehoshaphat’s reign, the Lord facilitates peace for Jehoshaphat by causing the surrounding nations to fear God and realize his commitment to protect Judah. Note that the fear of the Lord facilitates peace (v.10), brings wealth from foreigners (v.11), and even spreads to the surrounding nations (20:29; recall that God did the same for David, Solomon, and Asa; cf. 1Ch 14:17; 2Ch 8–9; 14:14). The tribute brought from Philistines and Arabs, together with statements of military fortifications, implies that the southern kingdom now has hegemony over the caravan routes across the Arabah and Negev to the Coastal Highway.

This control provides a lucrative source of tax and tribute income for the southern kingdom during Jehoshaphat’s administration. This economic and political stability in turn allows for further military strengthening, building projects, and governmental expansion (see 17:12–19). The Arabs noted here are likely seminomadic tribes in the desert regions to the south of the Judean Negev and portions of the Sinaitic and (perhaps) Arabian peninsulas.

12–19 These summary statements underscore the security and effectiveness of Jehoshaphat’s reign. However, as chapter 18 shows, this divinely granted power and success do not preclude his entering into a political treaty with the apostate Israelite king Ahab via a marriage. The description of the Judean military commander Amasiah (“who volunteered himself for the service of the LORD”) highlights a sense of dedication to serving God by serving God’s king (note a similar atmosphere of service and commitment during David’s reign; cf. 1Ch 29:5–9).

The forts and storage cities built (or rebuilt) by Jehoshaphat likely continue his fortification efforts noted in v.2 and probably overlap with many of those established earlier by Solomon and Rehoboam (see comments on 8:5–6; 11:5–12). On the large numbers of military recruits and the possibility that the Chronicler intends another nuance for the term “1,000,” see comments on 11:1.

NOTES

1 It is possible that the expression “against Israel” (, ʿal-yiśrāʾēl) at the end of this verse is better translated as “over Israel,” with “Israel” pertaining to God’s people in the southern kingdom (cf. the use of “Israel” in the closing remarks of Jehoshaphat’s reign [20:29]; also see discussion of northern kingdom versus southern kingdom terminology at 10:16–19). This would reflect a common meaning of the preposition used here (, ʿal [GK 6584]; note its use in the similar expression in 2Ch 1:1: “Solomon . . . established himself firmly over his kingdom”) and better suits Jehoshaphat’s peaceful relations with the northern kingdom.

3 The expression translated “early years” (, hāri ʾšōnîm) may actually refer to the early years of David (cf. the NASB’s translation) rather than those of Jehoshaphat (as in the NIV; see Selman, 404 n. 1).

2. Jehoshaphat’s Alliance with the Northern Kingdom (2Ch 18:1–19:3)

1Now Jehoshaphat had great wealth and honor, and he allied himself with Ahab by marriage. 2Some years later he went down to visit Ahab in Samaria. Ahab slaughtered many sheep and cattle for him and the people with him and urged him to attack Ramoth Gilead. 3Ahab king of Israel asked Jehoshaphat king of Judah, “Will you go with me against Ramoth Gilead?”

Jehoshaphat replied, “I am as you are, and my people as your people; we will join you in the war.” 4But Jehoshaphat also said to the king of Israel, “First seek the counsel of the LORD.”

5So the king of Israel brought together the prophets—four hundred men—and asked them, “Shall we go to war against Ramoth Gilead, or shall I refrain?”

“Go,” they answered, “for God will give it into the king’s hand.”

6But Jehoshaphat asked, “Is there not a prophet of the LORD here whom we can inquire of?”

7The king LORD Israel answered Jehoshaphat, “There is still one man through whom we can inquire of the LORD, but I hate him because he never prophesies anything good about me, but always bad. He is Micaiah son of Imlah.”

“The king should not say that,” Jehoshaphat replied.

8So the king of Israel called one of his officials and said, “Bring Micaiah son of Imlah at once.”

9Dressed in their royal robes, the king of Israel and Jehoshaphat king of Judah were sitting on their thrones at the threshing floor by the entrance to the gate of Samaria, with all the prophets prophesying before them. 10Now Zedekiah son of Kenaanah had made iron horns, and he declared, “This is what the LORD says: ‘With these you will gore the Arameans until they are destroyed.’”

11All the other prophets were prophesying the same thing. “Attack Ramoth Gilead and be victorious,” they said, “for the LORD will give it into the king’s hand.”

12The messenger who had gone to summon Micaiah said to him, “Look, as one man the other prophets are predicting success for the king. Let your word agree with theirs, and speak favorably.”

13But Micaiah said, “As surely as the LORD lives, I can tell him only what my God says.”

14When he arrived, the king asked him, “Micaiah, shall we go to war against Ramoth Gilead, or shall I refrain?”

“Attack and be victorious,” he answered, “for they will be given into your hand.”

15The king said to him, “How many times must I make you swear to tell me nothing but the truth in the name of the LORD?”

16Then Micaiah answered, “I saw all Israel scattered on the hills like sheep without a shepherd, and the LORD said, ‘These people have no master. Let each one go home in peace.’”

17The king of Israel said to Jehoshaphat, “Didn’t I tell you that he never prophesies anything good about me, but only bad?”

18Micaiah continued, “Therefore hear the word of the LORD: I saw the LORD sitting on his throne with all the host of heaven standing on his right and on his left. 19And the LORD said, ‘Who will entice Ahab king of Israel into attacking Ramoth Gilead and going to his death there?’

“One suggested this, and another that. 20Finally, a spirit came forward, stood before the LORD and said, ‘I will entice him.’

“‘By what means?’ the LORD asked.

21“‘I will go and be a lying spirit in the mouths of all his prophets,’ he said.

“‘You will succeed in enticing him,’ said the LORD. ‘Go and do it.’

22“So now the LORD has put a lying spirit in the mouths of these prophets of yours. The LORD has decreed disaster for you.”

23Then Zedekiah son of Kenaanah went up and slapped Micaiah in the face. “Which way did the spirit from the LORD go when he went from me to speak to you?” he asked.

24Micaiah replied, “You will find out on the day you go to hide in an inner room.”

25The king of Israel then ordered, “Take Micaiah and send him back to Amon the ruler of the city and to Joash the king’s son, 26and say, ‘This is what the king says: Put this fellow in prison and give him nothing but bread and water until I return safely.’”

27Micaiah declared, “If you ever return safely, the LORD has not spoken through me.” Then he added, “Mark my words, all you people!”

28So the king of Israel and Jehoshaphat king of Judah went up to Ramoth Gilead. 29The king of Israel said to Jehoshaphat, “I will enter the battle in disguise, but you wear your royal robes.” So the king of Israel disguised himself and went into battle.

30Now the king of Aram had ordered his chariot commanders, “Do not fight with anyone, small or great, except the king of Israel.” 31When the chariot commanders saw Jehoshaphat, they thought, “This is the king of Israel.” So they turned to attack him, but Jehoshaphat cried out, and the LORD helped him. God drew them away from him, 32for when the chariot commanders saw that he was not the king of Israel, they stopped pursuing him.

33But someone drew his bow at random and hit the king of Israel between the sections of his armor. The king told the chariot driver, “Wheel around and get me out of the fighting. I’ve been wounded.” 34All day long the battle raged, and the king of Israel propped himself up in his chariot facing the Arameans until evening. Then at sunset he died.

19:1When Jehoshaphat king of Judah returned safely to his palace in Jerusalem, 2Jehu the seer, the son of Hanani, went out to meet him and said to the king, “Should you help the wicked and love those who hate the LORD? Because of this, the wrath of the LORD is upon you. 3There is, however, some good in you, for you have rid the land of the Asherah poles and have set your heart on seeking God.”

COMMENTARY

1 Even though God established Jehoshaphat’s kingdom (17:5) and gave him numerous blessings, including wealth (17:5; 18:1), safety and peace (17:10), and tribute from surrounding nations (17:11), Jehoshaphat nonetheless enters into the common means of gaining security in the biblical world—a treaty and political alliance by marriage. The increasing strength seen in the north during the Omride era may have motivated Jehoshaphat to seal peace with Ahab (see Overview to chs. 17–20). This act of diplomacy culminates in a political marriage treaty between Jehoshaphat’s son Jehoram and Ahab’s daughter Athaliah (cf. 21:5–6). Such diplomatic marriage alliances were attested widely in the biblical world as a means to facilitate mutual trust and obligation. In addition, political marriages might result in potential heirs to the throne, as implied by Rehoboam’s Ammonite mother.

2–3 Jehoshaphat’s marriage alliance with Ahab facilitates Ahab’s request for military aid from Judah against Aram. Although Aram and Israel (northern kingdom) had put aside their differences for several years to fight together against the Assyrians, once this threat was diminished (after the Battle of Qarqar, ca. 853 BC), Aram and Israel return to their prior hostilities. During this time, Ahab solicits Jehoshaphat’s help to retake the strategically located Transjordanian town of Ramoth Gilead (likely Tell Ramith), which lies along the important trade route known as the King’s Highway. Somewhat ironically, Jehoshaphat’s response of faithfulness to Ahab (v.3) is reminiscent of Ruth’s response of faithfulness to Naomi and Yahweh (cf. Ru 1:16–17).

4–27 Although Jehoshaphat has already committed himself to Ahab (v.3), he nonetheless requests that Yahweh be consulted prior to battle. Such prebattle divine inquiries (vv.5, 14), prophetic oracles (vv.5, 16, 19–22), prophetic drama (vv.23–24), and visions of the heavenly realm (vv.18–22) are seen elsewhere in the Bible (2Ki 3:11–19; 6:17; 2Ch 11:1–4; Jer 21:3–14; 28:1–17).

The kings gather at a threshing floor to hear the counsel of the prophets (v.9). The open flat area of threshing floors facilitated their use as a meeting place for ancient communities, in an analogous way to how a city gate functioned on a larger scale. As this account shows, in the context of doing God’s work, strength is not found in numbers (cf. Ahab’s showdown with Elijah; 1Ki 18:16–39); rather, strength comes from faithfully proclaiming a message from God. Note Micah’s poetic presentation of the distinction between faithful and faithless prophets:

This is what the LORD says:

“As for the prophets

who lead my people astray,

if one feeds them,

they proclaim ‘peace’;

if he does not,

they prepare to wage war against him.

Therefore night will come over you, without visions,

and darkness, without divination.

The sun will set for the prophets,

and the day will go dark for them.

The seers will be ashamed

and the diviners disgraced.

They will all cover their faces

because there is no answer from God.”

But as for me, I am filled with power,

with the Spirit of the LORD,

and with justice and might,

to declare to Jacob his transgression,

to Israel his sin. (Mic 3:5–8)

In addition, note Yahweh’s harsh condemnation of lying prophets spoken through the prophet Jeremiah (cf. Jer 23:9–40). Simply claiming to have God’s Spirit (cf. v.23) is irrelevant in terms of determining true and false prophets. The motif of lying spirits and supernatural enticement (2Ch 18:21) ultimately advances God’s plans and purposes (cf. 1Sa 16:14–15; Eze 14:1–11; Job 1:6–2:7).

Ahab’s treatment of the otherwise unknown prophet Micaiah (vv.23–27) is consistent with how other ungodly kings treated prophets delivering an unwanted message from God (cf. 16:7–10; Jer 37:16; 38:6). The Chronicler once again exhorts God’s people to complete faithfulness to God’s ways through the selection and shaping of his material. Lastly, recall that the veracity of the prophet’s message (18:27) is one of the Deuteronomic criteria for determining a true prophet of Yahweh (cf. Dt 18:21–22).

28–34 Despite the ominous prophecy of Micaiah, Ahab and Jehoshaphat launch an attack on Ramoth Gilead that ends in defeat and the death of Ahab “at random” (vv.33–34), thus fulfilling God’s word through Micaiah. Ahab’s change of clothes (and instructions for Jehoshaphat not to remove his royal robes; v.29) may have been an attempt to thwart God’s will as well as an attempt to put Jehoshaphat in harm’s way.

Following the death of Ahab, Mesha of Moab rebels against the northern kingdom and seizes areas to the north of the Arnon, including the Medeba Plateau (cf. 2Ki 1:1; 3:4–27). Jehoshaphat’s acceptance of Ahab’s plan against the word of Yahweh’s prophet both implies his imperfect faith and his likely position as the weaker partner in his alliance with the northern kingdom.

19:1–2 Thanks to God’s intervention (cf. 18:31–32) Jehoshaphat’s life is spared in the battle for Ramoth Gilead. Like his father Asa, Jehoshaphat receives a visit from a prophet in the aftermath of his compromise of full allegiance to God and his ways (cf. 16:7–10). This compromise is reflected in his marriage alliance with Ahab (18:1), his military assistance to a king who hated the Lord (19:2; cf. 18:3), and his implicit rejection of God’s word by going forth to battle despite the prophecy of defeat (18:16, 28–34).

3 While Jehoshaphat’s lack of complete fidelity to God is serious (v.2), he has not completely abandoned his commitment to the Lord. One of the ways in which Jehoshaphat is shown as seeking God is his tangible step to eradicate images of idolatry, such as Asherah poles within Judah (cf. 17:3–6; on Asherah poles, see comments on 14:3). The subsequent verses of this chapter (19:4–11) also reflect Jehoshaphat’s desire to seek and honor God (cf. Elisha’s later words at 2Ki 3:14).

NOTES

23 It is uncertain whether the expression (rûaḥ-yhwh) should be translated “spirit from the LORD” (as in the NIV) or “Spirit of the LORD” (as reflected in the NASB). The NIV’s rendering avoids connecting the Spirit of God with a false prophet.

28–34 Following the death of Ahab, Mesha of Moab rebels against the northern kingdom and seizes areas to the north of the Arnon, including the Medeba Plateau (cf. 2Ki 1:1; 3:4–27). The Mesha Stele (Moabite Stone; ca. 853 BC) notes that Mesha fortified several cities in this area, including Baal Meon, Kiriathaim, Medeba, and Bezer, presumably to prepare for attack from the northern kingdom (cf. ANET, 320–21). These fortifications made by Moab to the north of the Arnon may well be the reason that Joram (Jehoram) of the northern kingdom decides to attack Moab from the south “through the Desert of Edom” a few years later (2Ki 3:8).

As seen with the earlier battle at Ramoth Gilead, Jehoshaphat again assists an ungodly northern king (note the similarity of Jehoshaphat’s request for a prophet of Yahweh in this later episode [2Ki 3:11] with 2Ch 18:6). Although the forces of Jehoshaphat and Joram gain some initial victories, Moab’s quest for independence seems to have ultimately succeeded (cf. 2Ki 3:26–29), since Moab’s control of this region is implied in the later prophetic oracles of Isaiah and Jeremiah (cf. Isa 15–16; Jer 48).

3. Jehoshaphat’s Judiciary Reforms (2Ch 19:4–11)

4Jehoshaphat lived in Jerusalem, and he went out again among the people from Beersheba to the hill country of Ephraim and turned them back to the LORD, the God of their fathers. 5He appointed judges in the land, in each of the fortified cities of Judah. 6He told them, “Consider carefully what you do, because you are not judging for man but for the LORD, who is with you whenever you give a verdict. 7Now let the fear of the LORD be upon you. Judge carefully, for with the LORD our God there is no injustice or partiality or bribery.”

8In Jerusalem also, Jehoshaphat appointed some of the Levites, priests and heads of Israelite families to administer the law of the LORD and to settle disputes. And they lived in Jerusalem. 9He gave them these orders: “You must serve faithfully and wholeheartedly in the fear of the LORD. 10In every case that comes before you from your fellow countrymen who live in the cities—whether bloodshed or other concerns of the law, commands, decrees or ordinances—you are to warn them not to sin against the LORD; otherwise his wrath will come on you and your brothers. Do this, and you will not sin.

11“Amariah the chief priest will be over you in any matter concerning the LORD, and Zebadiah son of Ishmael, the leader of the tribe of Judah, will be over you in any matter concerning the king, and the Levites will serve as officials before you. Act with courage, and may the LORD be with those who do well.”

COMMENTARY

4 Jehoshaphat’s actions in going out to bring people to the Lord reflect the intended role of the king in the spiritual life of Israel (Dt 17:18–20). As mentioned above (see comments on 2Ch 17:7–9), it noteworthy that Jehoshaphat goes out to teach God’s Word (in analogy to the going forth of the Great Commission; cf. Mt 28:19–20), rather than expecting the people to come to Jerusalem.

The city of Beersheba, located in the Negev, was the administrative seat of the southern region. Beersheba was also the common designation used to refer to the southern extent of Judah, as implied here. Notice that Jehoshaphat’s itinerant ministry also includes those situated in part of the northern tribal area of Ephraim.

5–7 Jehoshaphat’s judicial appointments following his outreach efforts (v.4) may reflect a correlation between judicial overhaul and (lasting) spiritual renewal. Jehoshaphat’s appointment of judges in the fortified cities of Judah and his exhortation to these judges suggest a reform of the judiciary in line with the covenantal fiduciary responsibilities of judges outlined in Deuteronomy 16:18–20:

Appoint judges and officials for each of your tribes in every town the LORD your God is giving you, and they shall judge the people fairly. Do not pervert justice or show partiality. Do not accept a bribe, for a bribe blinds the eyes of the wise and twists the words of the righteous. Follow justice and justice alone, so that you may live and possess the land the LORD your God is giving you.

These judiciary appointments along with the corollary appointments noted in vv.8–11 imply a centralization of the judicial system in the southern kingdom during the time of Jehoshaphat (see K. W. Whitelam, The Just King: Monarchical Judicial Authority in Ancient Israel [Sheffield: JSOT, 1979], 185–206; R. R. Wilson, “Israel’s Judicial System in the Preexilic Period,” JQR 74[1983]: 229–48). The fundamental exhortation given to these judicial appointees is that they carry out their responsibilities in the fear of the Lord—as this is what will prompt careful deliberations that are pleasing to God and absent of any perversion of justice.

8–10 Together with his appointment of judges charged with acting with integrity in the fear of the Lord (vv.5–7), Jehoshaphat also appoints selected Levites, priests, and family leaders within Jerusalem to handle appeals in Jerusalem from throughout Judah. Like the judicial appointments noted above, these appointments also seem to be in line with Deuteronomic law:

If cases come before your courts that are too difficult for you to judge—whether bloodshed, lawsuits or assaults—take them to the place the LORD your God will choose. Go to the priests, who are Levites, and to the judge who is in office at that time. Inquire of them and they will give you the verdict. You must act according to the decisions they give you at the place the LORD will choose. Be careful to do everything they direct you to do. Act according to the law they teach you and the decisions they give you. Do not turn aside from what they tell you, to the right or to the left. (Dt 17:8–11)

These steps seem to reflect centralization of the judicial system in the southern kingdom. Again, priests and Levites serve as teachers of God’s ways and law. The role of priests as teachers reflects God’s covenantal framework, in which priests are charged by God to “teach the Israelites all the decrees the LORD has given them” (Lev 10:11).

A similar commissioning of Levites is seen during the postexilic ministry of Ezra and Nehemiah (cf. Ezr 8:1–14). Like the commissioning of the judges (v.7), Jehoshaphat’s crux exhortation given to these appointees is that they carry out their responsibilities faithfully in the fear of the Lord. Not to faithfully discharge this duty is sin (v.10) For remarks concerning the different responsibilities of Levites and priests, see comments on 5:4–6 and 5:12–13.

11 The particular appointment of Amariah and Zebadiah implies differing areas of responsibility pertaining to the executive branch (matters concerning the king) and the judicial-legal branch (matters concerning the Lord). The Levites function in a more generic role, perhaps akin to judicial clerks (cf. R. De Vaux, Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997], 155). Jehoshaphat’s exhortation to “courage” is similar to key exhortations given to those in watershed moments of spiritual leadership (as with Joshua; cf. Jos 1:5–9). A similar exhortation to take courage is given by Hezekiah to newly appointed military leaders in the midst of the Assyrian crisis (cf. 32:6–8; on the Lord’s being “with” those who do well [v.11], see Reflection on divine presence in ch. 1).

4. Jehoshaphat’s Battle against an Eastern Coalition (2Ch 20:1–30)

1After this, the Moabites and Ammonites with some of the Meunites came to make war on Jehoshaphat.

2Some men came and told Jehoshaphat, “A vast army is coming against you from Edom, from the other side of the Sea. It is already in Hazazon Tamar” (that is, En Gedi). 3Alarmed, Jehoshaphat resolved to inquire of the LORD, and he proclaimed a fast for all Judah. 4The people of Judah came together to seek help from the LORD; indeed, they came from every town in Judah to seek him.

5Then Jehoshaphat stood up in the assembly of Judah and Jerusalem at the temple of the LORD in the front of the new courtyard 6and said:

“O LORD, God of our fathers, are you not the God who is in heaven? You rule over all the kingdoms of the nations. Power and might are in your hand, and no one can withstand you. 7O our God, did you not drive out the inhabitants of this land before your people Israel and give it forever to the descendants of Abraham your friend? 8They have lived in it and have built in it a sanctuary for your Name, saying, 9‘If calamity comes upon us, whether the sword of judgment, or plague or famine, we will stand in your presence before this temple that bears your Name and will cry out to you in our distress, and you will hear us and save us.’

10“But now here are men from Ammon, Moab and Mount Seir, whose territory you would not allow Israel to invade when they came from Egypt; so they turned away from them and did not destroy them. 11See how they are repaying us by coming to drive us out of the possession you gave us as an inheritance. 12O our God, will you not judge them? For we have no power to face this vast army that is attacking us. We do not know what to do, but our eyes are upon you.”

13All the men of Judah, with their wives and children and little ones, stood there before the LORD.

14Then the Spirit of the LORD came upon Jahaziel son of Zechariah, the son of Benaiah, the son of Jeiel, the son of Mattaniah, a Levite and descendant of Asaph, as he stood in the assembly.

15He said: “Listen, King Jehoshaphat and all who live in Judah and Jerusalem! This is what the LORD says to you: ‘Do not be afraid or discouraged because of this vast army. For the battle is not yours, but God’s. 16Tomorrow march down against them. They will be climbing up by the Pass of Ziz, and you will find them at the end of the gorge in the Desert of Jeruel. 17You will not have to fight this battle. Take up your positions; stand firm and see the deliverance the LORD will give you, O Judah and Jerusalem. Do not be afraid; do not be discouraged. Go out to face them tomorrow, and the LORD will be with you.’”

18Jehoshaphat bowed with his face to the ground, and all the people of Judah and Jerusalem fell down in worship before the LORD. 19Then some Levites from the Kohathites and Korahites stood up and praised the LORD, the God of Israel, with very loud voice.

20Early in the morning they left for the Desert of Tekoa. As they set out, Jehoshaphat stood and said, “Listen to me, Judah and people of Jerusalem! Have faith in the LORD your God and you will be upheld; have faith in his prophets and you will be successful.” 21After consulting the people, Jehoshaphat appointed men to sing to the LORD and to praise him for the splendor of his holiness as they went out at the head of the army, saying:

“Give thanks to the LORD,

for his love endures forever.”

22As they began to sing and praise, the LORD set ambushes against the men of Ammon and Moab and Mount Seir who were invading Judah, and they were defeated. 23The men of Ammon and Moab rose up against the men from Mount Seir to destroy and annihilate them. After they finished slaughtering the men from Seir, they helped to destroy one another.

24When the men of Judah came to the place that overlooks the desert and looked toward the vast army, they saw only dead bodies lying on the ground; no one had escaped. 25So Jehoshaphat and his men went to carry off their plunder, and they found among them a great amount of equipment and clothing and also articles of value—more than they could take away. There was so much plunder that it took three days to collect it. 26On the fourth day they assembled in the Valley of Beracah, where they praised the LORD. This is why it is called the Valley of Beracah to this day.

27Then, led by Jehoshaphat, all the men of Judah and Jerusalem returned joyfully to Jerusalem, for the LORD had given them cause to rejoice over their enemies. 28They entered Jerusalem and went to the temple of the LORD with harps and lutes and trumpets.

29The fear of God came upon all the kingdoms of the countries when they heard how the LORD had fought against the enemies of Israel. 30And the kingdom of Jehoshaphat was at peace, for his God had given him rest on every side.

COMMENTARY

1–2 Perhaps sensing weakness following the defeat of Jehoshaphat and Ahab at Ramoth Gilead (see comments on ch. 18), an eastern coalition joins forces against Jehoshaphat. This account (not found in 2Ki) has two areas of textual uncertainty regarding the details of this coalition. The first is that the Hebrew text has “Ammonites” in place of the NIV’s “Meunites” (v.1). The NIV’s “Meunites” reading is attested in the LXX and alleviates what would seem to be an unlikely expression (namely, “Moabites and Ammonites with some of the Ammonites”). Moreover, since this third part of the coalition is referred to as the “people of Seir” later in the passage (cf. v.22), this would also favor the reading of “Meunites.”

The Meunites were an Arabian tribe living in the southern region of Transjordan and parts of the Sinai, a tribe of people who were able to control some of the trade routes stemming from the southern portion of the King’s Highway. While the specific locations of some of the places noted in this passage are not known with certainty (e.g., the Pass of Ziz and the Desert of Jeruel; v.16), they are clearly locations within the hinterland area of the Dead Sea in the environs of the En Gedi oases. There is alarm in Judah when it is reported that the eastern coalition has reached En Gedi (only twenty-five miles southeast of Jerusalem). Nonetheless, this rebellion is thwarted by infighting prompted by Yahweh, who subsequently gives Jehoshaphat rest all around (vv.22–30).

The second textual uncertainty is that the Hebrew text has the coalition attacking “from Aram” (v.2), where the NIV has opted for “from Edom.” While the manuscript support for “from Edom” is minimal, the rendering “from Edom” does make sense vis-à-vis the geographical setting of the battle. (Note that the coalition is described as coming “from the other side of the Sea,” presumably the Dead Sea, perhaps via the Lisan). This noted, if Aram is indeed intended here, the passage would indicate that these eastern nations are being supported (if not incited) by Damascus, perhaps as a means of reprisal against Jehoshaphat in his help of Ahab’s assault of Ramoth Gilead.

3–4 With the vast army from the eastern regions situated only about fifteen miles from Jerusalem (at En Gedi; v.2), Jehoshaphat wisely opts to seek the Lord through corporate prayer and fasting. The imagery of God’s people gathered at the temple (in the new outer courtyard [v.5], to be distinguished from the courtyard for priests; 4:9) evokes the imagery of Solomon’s temple prayer that anticipates God’s people seeking him at the temple in times of war (cf. 6:34–35). This corporate gathering in fasting and prayer was also seen in earlier periods of national crisis (cf. Jdg 20:26) and is similar to the response of God’s people in the light of Philistine oppression and the loss of the ark during the time of Samuel (cf. 1Sa 7:2–6). The Chronicler uses the repetition of “all Judah” in this passage to emphasize the oneness of heart of the Judean community in seeking God during this time of uncertainty and danger (cf. v.13).

5–13 Jehoshaphat’s prayer draws on God’s cosmological (creation) power and his prior faithfulness in driving out the nations (as he gave his people the land), and calls on him to act in the current crisis. This prayer is similar to the corporate laments of the Psalter (e.g., Pss 44; 74). Once again, both the spirit and the specifics of Solomon’s temple dedication permeate the prayer (compare vv.8–9 with 6:2–30; 7:13–15). In addition, Jehoshaphat’s prayer reflects his knowledge of Israelite history, including Yahweh’s specific prohibitions regarding the nations that make up the invading coalition (cf. Dt 2:1–23; recall the family connection Israel has to these nations through Lot and Esau).

Although Jehoshaphat has reformed the judiciary of Israel (cf. 2Ch 19:5–11), the king nonetheless recognizes that God is the ultimate judge of humankind (v.12). Jehoshaphat’s statement of waiting faith (“our eyes are upon you,” v.12) reflects his complete trust in God’s strength and ability to deliver Judah (compare Asa’s words in light of the invasion of the massive army of Zerah; 14:11).

14–17 In answer to the corporate prayer of Jehoshaphat and the assembled community, the Spirit of the Lord comes upon Jahaziel the son of Zechariah (cf. 1Ch 16:5). Note that the answer from God comes through a Levite (recall that the musical role of Levites might be accompanied by prophetic ministry; cf. 1Ch 25:1–7). Jahaziel’s words portray the role of God as a divine warrior who fights on behalf of his covenantal people (“the battle is not yours, but God’s,” v.15; cf. vv.17, 22) as reflected in Deuteronomy:

When you go to war against your enemies and see horses and chariots and an army greater than yours, do not be afraid of them, because the LORD your God, who brought you up out of Egypt, will be with you. When you are about to go into battle, the priest shall come forward and address the army. He shall say: “Hear, O Israel, today you are going into battle against your enemies. Do not be fainthearted or afraid; do not be terrified or give way to panic before them. For the LORD your God is the one who goes with you to fight for you against your enemies to give you victory.” (Dt 20:1–4)

These truths undergird Jahaziel’s statement of faith and impending divine deliverance (v.17) and bring to mind Moses’ similar words of faith as the Israelites were backed up to the Sea of Reeds (cf. Ex 14:13–14), and Yahweh’s words of encouragement to Joshua regarding Jericho (“I have delivered Jericho into your hands,” Jos 6:2). The Lord’s words to King Jehoshaphat and the people of Judah begin and end with the exhortation not to be afraid or discouraged (vv.15, 17), bringing to mind Yahweh’s similar exhortation to Joshua (Jos 1:5–9) as well as the exhortation given by Hezekiah in the midst of the Assyrian crisis (2Ch 32:6–8). The promise of divine presence expressed by the prophet (“the LORD will be with you,” v.17) will enable Jehoshaphat’s obedience and success.

18–19 In response to Jahaziel’s consoling prophecy (vv.14–17), the king and the people prostrate themselves in grateful worship accompanied by the loud sounds (singing?) of Levites. Levites played a key role in the worship celebration, especially Korahites, who were a subdivision of Kohathites (cf. 1Ch 6:31–48; 23:2–32). Singing and music will continue even as they march into battle (cf. vv.21–22) and following their return from victory (cf. vv.27–28).

20–23 Inspired by the word of God through Jahaziel, Jehoshaphat and the people set out in faith (recall the instructions of Jahaziel of 20:16) toward the Desert of Tekoa. Jehoshaphat’s exhortation to the people to have faith is reminiscent of the prophet Isaiah’s words to Ahaz during the Syro-Ephraimite crisis (cf. Isa 7:9). Jehoshaphat reiterates Jahaziel’s exhortation that connects aspects of applied faith (e.g., being strong and courageous; stepping out in obedience) and divinely granted success.

The men appointed by Jehoshaphat to lead singing to God and praise for the “splendor of his holiness” (v.21) are presumably Levites (on the musical service of Levites, cf. 1Ch 6:31–48; 23:2–32; 25:1–7). Going to battle in song is found in several key battles of faith in the OT and seems to underscore an especially intentional focus on God and his strength (cf. Jos 6:1–21; 2Ch 13:3–20). The refrain of thanks sung by the warriors (“Give thanks to the LORD, for his love endures forever”; cf. Ps 136:1) is used several times by the Chronicler and provides a summary of God’s past goodness and also signifies the present and ongoing reality of God’s enduring love for the Chronicler’s postexilic audience and beyond.

As they begin to sing these words of praise and thanksgiving (v.22), God directly intervenes on the battlefield to bring to pass the prophetic word of Jahaziel that God would fight on behalf of his covenantal people (“the battle is not yours, but God’s,” v.15; cf. comments on vv.14–17). As a result of God’s intervention (“the LORD set ambushes,” v.22) and the resulting disarray between the eastern armies (v.23), the coalition armies destroy each other (a motif seen in other landmark OT battles; cf. Jdg 7:22; 1Sa 14:20; Eze 38:21). On the makeup of this coalition (men of Ammon, Moab, and Mount Seir; vv.22–23), see comments on vv.1–2.

24–26 Without any action on the part of Jehoshaphat’s army, the eastern coalition is destroyed. The plundering of enemies is one of the ways in which God showed his sovereignty over the nations and his favor for his people (cf. Ex 12:35–36; Hag 2:22). It is likely that the location of the valley where the army assembled to praise God for his blessings was renamed Valley of Beracah (= Valley of Blessing) in the light of the victory given by God.

27–28 The men return to Jerusalem in joy and return to the temple to continue corporate celebrations of worship, music, and song because Yahweh has fought for his people Israel (as anticipated at v.15 and reflected earlier at 17:10; see further remarks on music and musical instruments at 5:12–13).

29–30 On God’s establishing the king’s dominion and bringing his fear to the surrounding nations, see comments on 17:10–11. The granting of “rest” was a key divine promise given to Israel and part of the broader notion of land theology (cf. Dt 12:10).

NOTE

2 Note the similarity of Edom and Aram in Hebrew consonantal writing: , ʾrm (Aram); , ʾdm (Edom), which supports the possibility of a scribal transmission issue here. For a further geopolitical discussion of the question of “Edom” versus “Aram,” see A. F. Rainey, “Mesha’s Attempt to Invade Judah (2Chron 20),” in Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography (ed. G. Galil and M. Weinfeld; VTSup 81; Leiden: Brill, 2000), 174–76.

5. Jehoshaphat’s Regnal Summary Part One (2Ch 20:31–34)

31So Jehoshaphat reigned over Judah. He was thirty-five years old when he became king of Judah, and he reigned in Jerusalem twenty-five years. His mother’s name was Azubah daughter of Shilhi. 32He walked in the ways of his father Asa and did not stray from them; he did what was right in the eyes of the LORD. 33The high places, however, were not removed, and the people still had not set their hearts on the God of their fathers.

34The other events of Jehoshaphat’s reign, from beginning to end, are written in the annals of Jehu son of Hanani, which are recorded in the book of the kings of Israel.

COMMENTARY

31–33 Jehoshaphat’s regnal summary provides a strong but incomplete overview of his twenty-five-year reign in Judah (probably including a three-year coregency with Asa; cf. comments on 16:12–13). As such, the summary provides a fuller picture of the positive summary of his reign given at the beginning of the Chronicler’s coverage of Jehoshaphat (cf. 17:3–6). While Jehoshaphat did what was right in God’s eyes (v.32) and walked in the ways of his father (who, likewise, had a positive but imperfect reign; cf. comments on 16:10–13), Jehoshaphat fell short in both his persistent alliances with ungodly Israelite kings (Ahab and Ahaziah) and in the touchstone area of high places.

The statement at v.33 should be understood together with the remark at 17:6, which states that Jehoshaphat removed the high places from Judah. These statements imply that either Jehoshaphat’s efforts were incomplete or that his vigilance in removing subsequent high places waned. For an example of the rebuilding of high places within Judah, recall that Jehoshaphat’s father, Asa, had also removed high places from Judah but that more were built by the time Jehoshaphat was on the throne, vividly illustrating the Israelites’ strong tendency toward idolatry and syncretism (cf. comments on 14:3–5). Thus the Chronicler attaches part of the responsibility for the nonremoval (and/or rebuilding) of high places on the sad reality that the people “had not set their hearts on the God of their fathers.”

34 See the comment on sources and annals at 12:15 and the Introduction.

6. Jehoshaphat’s Further Alliance with the Northern Kingdom (2Ch 20:35–37)

35Later, Jehoshaphat king of Judah made an alliance with Ahaziah king of Israel, who was guilty of wickedness. 36He agreed with him to construct a fleet of trading ships. After these were built at Ezion Geber, 37Eliezer son of Dodavahu of Mareshah prophesied against Jehoshaphat, saying, “Because you have made an alliance with Ahaziah, the LORD will destroy what you have made.” The ships were wrecked and were not able to set sail to trade.

COMMENTARY

35–37 The pushing back of the Moabite/Ammonite/Meunite invasion (cf. 20:1–30) gave Jehoshaphat control of the region in the vicinity of the port city of Ezion Geber. Previous lucrative maritime trade from this port during the time of Solomon no doubt prompted Jehoshaphat’s ill-fated attempt to restart maritime trade from this port through yet another ill-advised alliance with an ungodly northern kingdom king.

In short, this episode amounts to another example of faith compromise on the part of Jehoshaphat that reveals a heart not fully aligned with the ways of God. This prompts a prophetic rebuke from an otherwise unknown prophet (Eliezer), who announces God’s coming judgment on this upstart maritime alliance. The connection with the time of Ahaziah of Israel places this maritime project in ca. 853 or 852 BC (cf. Thiele, 98–99). For additional details on Israelite maritime trade and the seaport at Ezion Geber, see commentary on 8:17–18.

NOTE

35–37 On the distinctions of the Chronicler’s summary of this failed maritime alliance with the summary found in Kings, see Selman, 430.

7. Jehoshaphat’s Regnal Summary Part Two (2Ch 21:1–3)

1Then Jehoshaphat rested with his fathers and was buried with them in the City of David. And Jehoram his son succeeded him as king. 2Jehoram’s brothers, the sons of Jehoshaphat, were Azariah, Jehiel, Zechariah, Azariahu, Michael and Shephatiah. All these were sons of Jehoshaphat king of Israel. 3Their father had given them many gifts of silver and gold and articles of value, as well as fortified cities in Judah, but he had given the kingdom to Jehoram because he was his firstborn son.

COMMENTARY

1–3 Following his death, Jehoshaphat is given the honor of being buried in the royal cemetery. While little is known of Israel’s royal burial customs, the special treatment of kings in death and burial is commonplace in the ancient Near East, as reflected in the exquisite burial chambers in the Valley of the Kings in Thebes, Egypt. The Chronicler also provides an extended (and atypical) list of the sons of Jehoshaphat (brothers and/or half brothers of Jehoram) and the gifts and administrative oversight they were given by their father Jehoshaphat. In addition, note that Jehoshaphat is given the title “king of Israel” (v.2), which is usually used of rulers of the northern kingdom during the divided kingdom period.

E. The Reign of Jehoram (2Ch 21:4–20)

OVERVIEW

For some general comments on the reigns of Jehoshaphat and his son Jehoram, who succeeded him to the throne, see the Overview to 17:1–21:3.

4When Jehoram established himself firmly over his father’s kingdom, he put all his brothers to the sword along with some of the princes of Israel. 5Jehoram was thirty-two years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem eight years. 6He walked in the ways of the kings of Israel, as the house of Ahab had done, for he married a daughter of Ahab. He did evil in the eyes of the LORD. 7Nevertheless, because of the covenant the LORD had made with David, the LORD was not willing to destroy the house of David. He had promised to maintain a lamp for him and his descendants forever.

8In the time of Jehoram, Edom rebelled against Judah and set up its own king. 9So Jehoram went there with his officers and all his chariots. The Edomites surrounded him and his chariot commanders, but he rose up and broke through by night. 10To this day Edom has been in rebellion against Judah.

Libnah revolted at the same time, because Jehoram had forsaken the LORD, the God of his fathers. 11He had also built high places on the hills of Judah and had caused the people of Jerusalem to prostitute themselves and had led Judah astray. 12Jehoram received a letter from Elijah the prophet, which said:

“This is what the LORD, the God of your father David, says: ‘You have not walked in the ways of your father Jehoshaphat or of Asa king of Judah. 13But you have walked in the ways of the kings of Israel, and you have led Judah and the people of Jerusalem to prostitute themselves, just as the house of Ahab did. You have also murdered your own brothers, members of your father’s house, men who were better than you. 14So now the LORD is about to strike your people, your sons, your wives and everything that is yours, with a heavy blow. 15You yourself will be very ill with a lingering disease of the bowels, until the disease causes your bowels to come out.’”

16The LORD aroused against Jehoram the hostility of the Philistines and of the Arabs who lived near the Cushites. 17They attacked Judah, invaded it and carried off all the goods found in the king’s palace, together with his sons and wives. Not a son was left to him except Ahaziah, the youngest.

18After all this, the LORD afflicted Jehoram with an incurable disease of the bowels. 19In the course of time, at the end of the second year, his bowels came out because of the disease, and he died in great pain. His people made no fire in his honor, as they had for his fathers.

20Jehoram was thirty-two years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem eight years. He passed away, to no one’s regret, and was buried in the City of David, but not in the tombs of the kings.

COMMENTARY

4 As with Solomon (cf. 1:1), Jehoram “established himself firmly” over the kingdom. However, in the case of Solomon this description is tied to God’s presence and blessing, while in Jehoram’s case it is tied to his killing of all of his brothers (and/or half brothers). These individuals are named in v.2, which by twice noting that these were the sons of Jehoshaphat underscores the treachery of the act. The elimination of potential rivals or claimants to the throne (fratricide/regicide) was a somewhat common custom in the ancient Near East (the Hittites being especially famous for it). In addition to this incident, regicide is also seen in ancient Israel with Abimelech’s murder of most of his brothers (cf. Jdg 9) and the murder of all Davidic descendants (except Joash) by Queen Athaliah (cf. 22:10).

5 Jehoram likely began a coregency with Jehoshaphat around 853 BC (the time frame of the Battle of Qarqar—perhaps a factor in the coregency) and began his sole reign in ca. 848 BC. The positing of a coregency addresses the various dating and regnal notations within Kings and Chronicles (see Thiele, 99–101; for more on this time frame, see Overview to 17:1–21:3).

6 Jehoram’s wickedness was enhanced and inspired by his close association with the apostate northern kingdom (the “house of Ahab”). Jehoram’s wife (Athaliah) was the daughter of the infamous Ahab and Jezebel of the northern kingdom (cf. 22:2; thus Athaliah was the granddaughter of Omri, founder of the Omride dynasty; see Overview to 17:1–21:3). The marriage of Jehoram and Athaliah was part of the political marriage treaty orchestrated by Jehoram’s father, Jehoshaphat (see comments on 18:1). As noted above, such alliances show trust in human beings and political structures rather than complete trust in God and his ways. Moreover, such acts of spiritual compromise can have unexpected waves of consequences, as seen in the events of this chapter and the next. Athaliah, like her husband Jehoram (v.4), will kill Davidic heirs to the throne (cf. 22:10).

7 Despite the wickedness of the rule of Jehoram (and despite the disastrous events his wife will precipitate), God shows his commitment to preserve the house of David on account of his Word and his character. God’s enduring promise to David is exalted in the poetry of Psalm 89 and the prophetic oracle of Jeremiah 33:

“Once for all, I have sworn by my holiness—

and I will not lie to David—

that his line will continue forever

and his throne endure before me like the sun;

it will be established forever like the moon,

the faithful witness in the sky.” (Ps 89:35–37; cf. Ps 132:11–12)

The word of the LORD came to Jeremiah: “This is what the LORD says: ‘If you can break my covenant with the day and my covenant with the night, so that day and night no longer come at their appointed time, then my covenant with David my servant—and my covenant with the Levites who are priests ministering before me—can be broken and David will no longer have a descendant to reign on his throne. I will make the descendants of David my servant and the Levites who minister before me as countless as the stars of the sky and as measureless as the sand on the seashore.’” (Jer 33:19–22)

The Chronicler’s narrative interlude provides a vivid reminder of hope that wickedness is temporary and that God will ultimately fulfill his Word. This reminder would have particular significance in light of the uncertainties and unknowns faced by the Chronicler’s postexilic audience. For further remarks on the Davidic covenant, see comments on 1 Chronicles 17:7–15 and 2 Chronicles 1:9; 6:4–11.

8–10 The perceived weakness of Jehoshaphat’s successor Jehoram (Joram) prompts Edom in the southeast and Libnah in the west to rebel against Judah (cf. 2Ki 8:20–22). Libnah (perhaps Tel Zayit, or Tel Bornat) was located in the Shephelah about midway between Azekah and Lachish, near the border with Philistia. The Chronicler notes similar hostility from the Philistines to the west and the Arabians to the south (see vv.16–17). Regardless of perceived weakness on the part of Judah, the ultimate theological reason for this upheaval is that “Jehoram had forsaken the LORD” (v.10).

11 Instead of being a spiritual leader regularly enriched in God’s law (cf. the model for the king in Dt 17:18–20 and comments on 14:4), Jehoram led the people in wickedness and spiritual decay. Jehoram may have been the builder of the infamous Baal temple later destroyed during the early years of the reign of young Joash (cf. 23:16–17). The imagery of the people prostituting themselves produces a vivid picture of unfaithfulness and grave spiritual wickedness (cf. Lev 20:1–5; for more on high places and related objects of idolatry and syncretism, see comments on 2Ch 1:3–5; 14:3).

12–15 The letter from Elijah to Jehoram functions like a prophetic judgment oracle and contains a sweeping indictment of Jehoram, including his abandoning of the (largely) faithful ways of his forefathers (Asa [cf. 14:2; 15:1–19] and Jehoshaphat [cf. 17:3–6]), his adoption of the unfaithful and idolatrous ways characteristic of the northern kings (most detestably the “house of Ahab”; cf. 1Ki 16:30–33), and his murder (fratricide) of his “better” brothers. The prophet Elijah delivers a message of judgment that will touch every area of Jehoram’s life and well-being (see comments on 2Ch 21:18–20).

Much of the attention given to this passage is directed to the unexpected detail of Elijah’s delivering an indictment against a Judean king (in writing, no less)—unexpected since some understand, according to 2 Kings 2:1–12, that Elijah was already taken up to heaven by this time. It should be noted that this is the only appearance of Elijah in Chronicles, whose ministry efforts noted in Kings are directed against the wicked ways of the northern kingdom’s Omride dynasty, particularly Ahab. However, Elijah’s prophetic activity in the northern kingdom does not preclude his engagement with Judean kings, particularly if a king’s actions (as here; cf. vv.6, 13) mimic that of the northern kings. Elijah likely spent some time in the southern kingdom during his flight to Mount Horeb (1Ki 19:3).

With respect to the chronological uncertainties, it is possible that Elijah’s letter was written prior to his translation to heaven, prophetically mentioning the name and sins of the future king Jehoram (akin to Isaiah’s mentioning the future Persian king Cyrus and his eventual role in the rebuilding of Jerusalem; cf. Isa 44:28; 45:13). While nothing in the text indicates this was the case, nothing in the text precludes the possibility either. Note that Elijah also prophesied the death of the northern king Ahaziah (cf. 2Ki 1:16–17).

In fact, the Israel-Judah regnal dating given in the context of this prophecy shows that Elijah was alive during at least some of Jehoram’s reign in Judah. Given that Jehoram’s fratricide and his dramatic steps toward pagan ways presumably happened early in his reign, the possibility of Elijah’s writing this letter need not be a problematic issue. In addition, since 2 Kings 2–3 seems to portray Elisha’s ministry as after the translation of Elijah, it is possible that Elijah and Elisha ministered together before Elijah was taken up. Alternatively, the account of 2 Kings 3 might be an instance of chronological disjunction vis-à-vis the events of 2 Kings 2 (cf. 2Ki 1:1 and the account of 2 Ki 3). Lastly, while 2 Kings 3:11 shows that Elisha was in the camp, it does not require that Elijah was already dead. All told, it cannot be said with certainty that Elijah was not alive at this time. For more discussion on this issue, see Dillard, 167.

16–17 Following Elijah’s prophetic indictment (vv.12–15), God “aroused” the Philistines and Arabs to attack Jehoram. Thus, in addition to the rebellion of Edom and Libnah (see vv.8–10), Jehoram also faced attacks on Judah (including Jerusalem) from regional foes to the south and west, leading to the death of the older sons of Jehoram. The Arabs noted here were located in the desert regions to the south of the Judean Negev into portions of the Sinai Peninsula. The Cushites noted as “near” the Arabs might relate to the battle of Zerah, which would place them in the vicinity of Gerar, in the southern region of the Negev (cf. 14:9–13). These Arab raiders are credited with killing all of Jehoram’s sons except Ahaziah (cf. 22:1). In addition to the difficulties of fighting battles on multiple fronts, Judah’s loss of these areas would entail the loss of tribute payments and caravan (trade) revenue.

18–20 The final words concerning the reign of Jehoram are strikingly negative:

• • the Lord afflicts him with an incurable disease
• • his condition worsens
• • he dies in great pain
• • no fire is made in his honor
• • no one regrets his demise
• • he is not given the honor of burial in the royal cemetery

Moreover, the typical information of resting with one’s father, regnal succession information, and notations for where to find additional information are absent from these final remarks on Jehoram’s reign. The portrayal of Jehoram is one of abject failure to be faithful to God. Conversely, this summary (and the next verse, 2Ch 22:1) shows the faithfulness of God to bring his word to pass (e.g., the prophetic indictment given through Elijah; cf. 21:14–15).

NOTE

17 The mention of Ahaziah in v.17 is actually “Jehoahaz” in the Hebrew text. Jehoahaz is another name for Ahaziah (cf. 22:1). Note that the components of these names (Ahaz and Jeho/[I]ah) are reversed (Jeho [Yeho] and -iah [Yah] are both shortened variations of the divine name, Yahweh): Yahweh-Ahaz//Ahaz-Yahweh, both referring to the strength of the Lord (Yahweh).