Notes

 

INTRODUCTION

1.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 62–65, modified.

2.  See Hon, The Yijing and Chinese Politics, 3.

3.  For different renderings of all sixty-four hexagram names, see http://chaocenter.rice.edu/Content.aspx?id=601.

4.  Based on R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 200–201, but modified for clarity.

5.  Ibid., 57–59; cf. Lynn, Classic of Changes, 216–21 and notes.

PART ONE   The Domestic Evolution of the Yijing

1.  See the discussion in R. Smith, Fathoming the Cosmos, 241ff.

2.  See R. Smith, Fortune-tellers and Philosophers, 120.

CHAPTER 1   Genesis of the Changes

1.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 77; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 328–29.

2.  On Shang oracle bone divination, see Keightley, Sources of Shang History.

3.  Shaughnessy, “Composition of the Zhouyi,” 16–49. For arguments suggesting an earlier date, consult Cook, Classical Chinese Combinatorics, 417–39; and Marshall, Mandate of Heaven, 3–11, 35ff.

4.  For a list of the sixty-four hexagrams in what became their conventional order, as well as various English translations of the hexagram names, see http://chaocenter.rice.edu/Content.aspx?id=601.

5.  See, for example, Shaughnessy, “Composition of the Zhouyi,” 112–23. For some interesting speculations, inspired largely by traditional Chinese interpretations, see Wei, Exposition, 47–60.

6.  As indicated in the introduction, Gen has been variously translated as Mountain, Restraint, Keeping Still, Bound, Stabilizing, Limited, Immobile, Steadiness, etc. The translations below follow Richard Kunst, “Original Yijing.” Cf. Rutt, Zhouyi; and Gotshalk, Divination, Order, and the Zhouyi.

7.  Kunst, “Original Yijing,” 342–43. In this rendering, gen serves as a loan word for ken, “to open up,” referring presumably to a sacrificial victim.

8.  See Shaughnessy, “Composition of the Zhouyi,” 121–22.

9.  For extensive discussions of the variant understandings of these cryptic formulas, see Kunst, “Original Yijing,” 150–211, 369–80, 421–38. Cf. Shaughnessy, “Composition of the Zhouyi,” 123–35, 175–287.

10.  The term that I have rendered as “successful” (heng) often carries the meaning of a similar-looking and similar-sounding word for “sacrificial offerings.” Overall the most positive term (“auspicious”) outnumbers the most negative term (“ominous”) almost 3 to 1.

11.  For detailed discussions of the linguistic and literary devices employed in the Changes, consult Kunst, “Original Yijing,” 19–95; and Shaughnessy, “Composition of the Zhouyi,” 104–68, 135–287.

12.  An exception is Rutt’s Zhouyi, which reflects rhymes and other structural features of the judgments and line statements. Kunst, “Original Yijing,” indicates rhyme schemes by a system of subscript letters explained on page xvi.

13.  Kunst, “Original Yijing,” 345, modified.

14.  Ibid., 301, modified. Cf. Shaughnessy, “Composition of the Zhouyi,” 162–63, 183–85.

15.  For an illuminating discussion of Bronze Age China, consult Rutt, Zhouyi, 5–25. Cf. Kunst, “Original Yijing,” 10–16; and Gotshalk, Divination, Order, and the Zhouyi, 3–36.

16.  See Shaughnessy, “Composition of the Zhouyi,” 268–87; and the extended discussion in Kunst, “Original Yijing,” 369–420. The rendering “gorged dragon” represents an effort to combine the idea of a gorge or “gully” with the term designating the “neck” of the dragon in the Canlong constellation.

17.  The animal identified here as a dragon (long) should not be confused with the dragon of Western lore. By Han times at the latest, the imagery of dragons was overwhelmingly positive.

18.  See the extended discussion in Shaughnessy, “Composition of the Zhouyi,” 266–87. Cf. Kunst, “Original Yijing,” 369–420.

19.  See, for example, Marshall, Mandate of Heaven; and Shaughnessy, “Marriage, Divorce and Revolution.”

20.  K. Smith, “Zhouyi Divination,” 447–50. Cf. Xing, “Hexagram Pictures,” 598.

21.  See K. Smith, “Zhouyi Divination,” 430–31, modified.

22.  Ibid. Cf. Rutt, Zhouyi, 179–80.

23.  K. Smith, “Zhouyi Divination,” 430–31.

24.  According to the Rites of Zhou, a late Warring States work, there were two hexagram-based compilations that preceded the Zhou Changes. One of these, known as the Linked Mountains and identified with the Xia dynasty, reportedly began with the Gen hexagram (number 52 in the received version). The other, known as Return to the Hidden and identified with the Shang dynasty, reportedly began with the Kun hexagram (number 2 in the received order).

25.  See the translation by Shaughnessy, I Ching; cf. D. Wang, Les signes et les mutations.

26.  Shaughnessy, I Ching, 241–42, modified. For the idea that “to prognosticate without virtue” is inappropriate to the Changes, see ibid., 233.

27.  Ibid., 241–42, modified significantly. See also ibid., 197, 219, where Confucius reportedly describes the Changes as an effective device for “penetrating numbers” and “taking numbers to their limit.”

CHAPTER 2   The Making of a Classic

1.  See Shaughnessy, I Ching, 17, 229, and 237.

2.  A. Meyer et al., “Cosmic Resonance Theory,” 3.

3.  Nathan Sivin, cited in C. Cullen, “The Science/Technology Interface,” 301.

4.  A. Meyer et al., “Cosmic Resonance Theory.”

5.  Roth, “Psychology and Self-Cultivation,” 645–46.

6.  Cited in de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Tradition, 1:338.

7.  A. Meyer et al., “Cosmic Resonance Theory.”

8.  Needham, Science and Civilisation, 2:280–81. Cf. Field, Ancient Chinese Divination, 7–20; and Hall and Ames, Anticipating China, esp. 123–41, 183–202, 237–68.

9.  See A. Meyer et al., “Cosmic Resonance Theory.” Cf. Hall and Ames, Anticipating China, 256ff., esp. 264–68.

10.  See, for example, Lynn, Classic of Changes, 2–4; and R. Wilhelm, I Ching, lxi–lxii, 255–61.

11.  For an excellent overview of the language and purposes of the document, see Peterson, “Making Connections.”

12.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 51, 62, modified slightly; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 294, 314.

13.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 56–57; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 304.

14.  See Ming Dong Gu, “Elucidation of Images,” 471–73; also Wang and Zhang, “Roots”; Zhang, “Book of Changes”; and Zheng, “Process Thinking.”

15.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 60–63, slightly modified; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 307–14.

16.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 67; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 322.

17.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 49–50; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 287–88.

18.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 50, modified; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 290.

19.  Quoted in Lynn, Classic of Changes, 84; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 342. See also Lynn, Classic of Changes, 58, 63, 69n7, 85, 91, 99n35, 135, 141n6, 157n5, 237, 240n5, 263, 267–68, 362n8, 463, 498.

20.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 63; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 315.

21.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 120–21; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 265–67.

22.  See Shaughnessy, I Ching, 54–55; and Lynn, Classic of Changes, 466–70.

23.  This translation is based on Lynn, Classic of Changes, 466–70, with several modifications.

24.  Variant characters in the Mawangdui version of this line suggest the idea of “scratching the spine” rather than “splitting the back flesh.” See Shaughnessy, I Ching, 55, 292.

25.  See, for example, the divergent opinions offered by Kong Yingda, Cheng Yi, and Zhu Xi cited in Lynn, Classic of Changes, 470–72, notes 3–8.

26.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 216, modified; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 452.

27.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 217; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 453.

28.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 120–21; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 265–67.

29.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 121–24; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 265–79.

30.  Ibid (both sources).

31.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 80–81, 90–92; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 337–38, 349–51.

32.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 103; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 276.

33.  See Lynn, Classic of Changes, 113–16, slightly modified; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching. Wilhelm divides this commentary, which he translates as “Miscellaneous Notes,” under each individual hexagram in Book III.

34.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 87–89, modified; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 345–48.

35.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 87; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 345.

36.  Shaughnessy, I Ching, 151, 317–18.

CHAPTER 3   Interpreting the Changes

1.  Wei, Exposition, provides an excellent English-language example of traditional approaches to Yijing scholarship and divination, focusing primarily on the Qian and Kun hexagrams.

2.  For details, see B. Wang, “Study of Ancient and Modern Text Classics.”

3.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 54, 62–63; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 300, 314–15.

4.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 60; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 308. See also Goodman, “Exegetes and Exegesis,” 290–310.

5.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 60–62; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 310–13. For details, see Adler, Introduction, 33–47.

6.  See Lynn, Classic of Changes, 72–73, notes 34–40, for a few illustrations. Granet, La Pensée chinoise, esp. 91–178 (“Les nombres”), provides an extended discussion of the power of numbers in traditional Chinese culture. See also Goodman, “Exegetes and Exegesis,” 290–302; and Ding, “Numerical Mysticism.”

7.  B. Wang’s “Study of Ancient and Modern Text Classics,” 59, describes Jing’s approach to the Changes as “situated in the middle” of the New Text and Old Text traditions.

8.  See Meyer, “Correct Meaning,” 44–48.

9.  For details on these and related systems, see Nielsen, Companion, 1–6 (Eight Palaces), 7–9 (Six Positions), 59–62 (“Flying and Hiding”), 67–69 (Stems and Branches), 75–89 (Hexagram Breaths), 180–84 (Inserted Stem and Inserted Musical N otes), 204–8 (Ascent and Descent), 274–76 (Waxing and Waning), etc. Some of these techniques have been attributed to other individuals. See also Goodman, “Exegetes and Exegesis,” 168–74.

10.  See Nielsen, Companion, 275–76.

11.  See ibid., 45 (on matching positions) and 111–14 (on nuclear trigrams, described by Nielsen as “interlocking trigrams”). For a thorough discussion of the notion of “line positions,” consult ibid., 294–99.

12.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 538; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 710.

13.  Ibid. (both sources).

14.  For details, see R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 360–65; also Nielsen, Companion, 294–99, 333.

15.  Nielsen, Companion, 111–14.

16.  R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 709–13, discusses the implications of the relative positions of the nuclear trigrams for an understanding of the Jiji hexagram. Cf. Lynn, Classic of Changes, 538–44.

17.  For details on these individuals, see Goodman, “Exegetes and Exegesis,” esp. 154–88, 240–310.

18.  For some examples of Zheng’s general interpretive approach, see Meyer, “Correct Meaning,” 83–86, 104–14; also Goodman, “Exegetes and Exegesis,” 183–85.

19.  For brief discussions of this substantial apocryphal literature, see Nielsen’s Companion, 304, 306–7.

20.  See the discussion in R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 359–60.

21.  See Nielsen, Companion, 294–300.

22.  Ibid., 308.

23.  See ibid., 20, 185–87, and 315–17. Wei, Exposition, 198–99, maintains that “in nine cases out of ten, the meaning of one line is confirmed and elucidated by the significance of its transformation.”

24.  Cited in Shaughnessy, “Commentary,” 227, modified.

25.  On Wang Bi’s highly influential Yijing scholarship, see Tze-ki Hon, “Human Agency”; also Goodman, “Exegetes and Exegesis,” 240–379; and Lynn, Classic of Changes, esp. 10–18, 25–39.

26.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 32, conveys Wang’s disdain for Late Han interpretive techniques.

27.  Ibid., 26, modified.

28.  Hon, “Hexagrams and Politics,” 15.

29.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 29, 466–72.

30.  For the ideas and activities of other Yijing enthusiasts during the Six Dynasties period, see Goodman, “Exegetes and Exegesis.”

31.  Nielsen, Qian zuo du, 91; see also Nielsen, Companion, 256.

32.  Pregadio, Great Clarity, 216 ff.

33.  For details and illustrations, see R. Smith, Fathoming the Cosmos, 107–11.

34.  Cited in ibid., 216.

35.  Nielsen, Companion, 103–5, 107–10, 169–71, 254–56, and 264–68, offers useful speculations about the origins of the illustrations to be discussed below.

36.  For evidence that versions of these documents may have existed in Han times, see ibid., 103–5, 169–71, and 236–37.

37.  Adler, Introduction, 3–14; see also Nielsen, Companion, 103–5.

38.  Adler, Introduction, 3–14; see also Nielsen, Companion, 169–71.

39.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 120–121; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 265–67.

40.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 121–22; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 267–71.

41.  See, for example, Nielsen, Companion, 103–5, 169–71, 236–37, 254–56.

42.  See R. Smith, Fortune-tellers and Philosophers, 70–74, 89–91.

43.  On Shao, see Birdwhistell, Transition to Neo-Confucianism, esp. 71–123; cf. Adler, Introduction, 21–30; and K. Smith et al., Sung Dynasty, 100–35.

44.  For the text of the Great Commentary, which served as foundation for this idea, see Lynn, Classic of Changes, 65–66; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 318–19.

45.  Birdwhistell, Transition, esp. 50–94, 235–45. Shao uses the term “image” to refer to all categories of things, so that by knowing any one thing, a person “can unerringly infer its relationship to every other thing.” See K. Smith et al., Sung Dynasty, 108.

46.  K. Smith et al., Sung Dynasty, 110.

47.  Ibid., 105ff.

48.  For details, see ibid., 136–68.

49.  For details on Zhu’s life and his ideas on the Changes, see ibid., 169–205; also Chan, Chu Hsi and Neo-Confucianism, esp. 292–311.

50.  Cited in R. Smith, Fortune–tellers and Philosophers, 94–95, slightly modified.

51.  Cited in ibid.

52.  For some examples of the similarities and differences between the views of Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi, see K. Smith et al., Sung Dynasty, 136–205; see also the notes to many of the translated individual hexagram texts in Lynn, Classic of Changes.

53.  For details on this system, see Nielsen, Companion, 1–6; and R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 725–27.

54.  Lo, “Change beyond Syncretism,” esp. 281. Cleary, Buddhist I Ching, offers a loose but useful translation of this important text.

55.  Cleary, Taoist I Ching, offers a loose but useful translation of this important text.

56.  See the discussion in Wei, Exposition, 108–10.

57.  See MacGillivray, “new Interpretation.”

58.  A number of talented Western scholars, beginning with Edward Shaughnessy and Richard Kunst in the 1980s, have used this archaeologically based Chinese scholarship to excellent effect.

59.  For an excellent overview of Changes divination by a Chinese scholar-practitioner, see Wei, Exposition, 97–113.

60.  Another process, considered unorthodox but widely practiced, involved coin tossing and was known as the “Forest of Fire Pearls Method” or the “King Wen Approach.” See Lynn, Classic of Changes, 21–22; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 723–24.

61.  For a detailed description of this process, see Wei, Exposition, 100–107; cf. Lynn, Classic of Changes, 19–21; and R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 721–23.

62.  For a discussion of the numerology involved, see Adler, Introduction, 33–47. Cf. Lynn, Classic of Changes, 60–62; and R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 308–13.

63.  Adler, Introduction, 49–53, modified. Each type of hexagram is illustrated with historical examples provided by Cai Yuanding. Cf. Wei, Exposition, 106ff.; and R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 356–65, esp. 721–23.

64.  Cited in R. Smith, Fortune-tellers and Philosophers, 112. Most of the following material on Yijing divination is drawn from this source, 112–19, which cites several stories from Jonathan Spence’s Emperor of China, 30, 44ff.

65.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 267; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 87, 492.

66.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 269–70; cf. R Wilhelm, I Ching, 88, 493.

67.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 495, slightly modified; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 217, 676.

68.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 139, slightly modified; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 9, 383.

69.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 487, slightly modified; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 213, 670.

70.  Ibid. (both sources).

71.  R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 215, 672–73. Lynn, Classic of Changes, 490, offers a significantly different reading of this line—one shaded by earlier understandings of the text.

72.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 407–8, slightly modified. Cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 168–70, 605–7.

73.  Again, the following discussion is drawn primarily from R. Smith, Fortune-tellers and Philosophers, 115–19.

74.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 351; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 136–39, 559–63.

75.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 357–62; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 139–42, 564–69.

76.  Lynn, Classic of Changes, 481–82; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 208–12, 663–68.

77.  On Tai and Pi, respectively, see Lynn, Classic of Changes, 205–15; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 48–55, 440–50. On the second line of Qian, see Lynn, Classic of Changes, 133, esp. 384–85; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 8, 380.

78.  Cited in R. Smith, Fortune-tellers and Philosophers, 118.

79.  Ibid.

PART TWO   The Transnational Travels of the Yijing

1.  For some useful works on the transnational travels of texts and ideas, see Damrosch, What Is World Literature?; Hofmeyer, The Portable Bunyan; Batchelor, Awakening of the West; Coleman, New Buddhism; and J. J. Clark, Tao of the West.

2.  See Barbara Herrnstein Smith quoted in Damrosch, What Is World Literature?, 8.

3.  This is the argument of Damrosch, What Is World Literature?.

4.  Quoted in ibid., 7. See also the discussion in Knechtges, “Perils and Pleasures.”

CHAPTER 4   The Changes in East Asia

1.  For an excellent basic summary of similarities and differences in the reception and use of Confucian ideas in these environments, see Elman, Duncan, and Ooms, eds, Rethinking Confucianism, 1–29; cf. Tu and Tucker, eds, Confucian Spirituality, 183–319; and Kelly, “Vietnam” and “‘Confucianism.’”

2.  See the introduction to Elman, Duncan, and Ooms, eds., Rethinking Confucianism, 4.

3.  See Makoto in ibid., 378ff.

4.  See Duncan in ibid., 67–68 and 72–94, esp. 76–88.

5.  See Woodside in ibid., 127–34; Taylor in ibid., 343–46; and McHale in ibid., 404. Cf. Kelly, “‘Confucianism.’”

6.  See Benjamin Wai-ming Ng’s The I Ching in Tokugawa Thought and Culture, based on his even more expansive dissertation, “Hollyhock and the Hexagrams.” I would like to acknowledge here an enormous personal and professional debt to Professor Ng, who has pioneered in the study of the Changes and its travels in East Asia—not only Japan but also Korea and Vietnam.

7.  Ng, I Ching, 66–67.

8.  Ibid., 60. Cf. Lynn, Classic of Changes, 106.

9.  Ibid., 68, modified. For this line, see Lynn, Classic of Changes, 138–39; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 9–10, 383–85.

10.  Ng, I Ching, 116. For this quotation, see Lynn, Classic of Changes, 52; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 294.

11.  Ng, I Ching, 98. For this quotation, see Lynn, Classic of Changes, 260, modified; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 486.

12.  Ng, I Ching, 100, modified.

13.  Ng, “Hollyhock and the Hexagrams,” 338–80, includes a breakdown of Japanese writings in the Tokugawa period by author, subject, and intellectual orientation.

14.  See Ng, I Ching, 24, 40; also Shchutskii, Researches, 47, 61–62, and 113–18.

15.  For details, see Tucker, “From Nativism to Numerology.”

16.  These points are abundantly documented in Ng, I Ching, esp. 55–205, and “Hollyhock and the Hexagrams.”

17.  Ng, I Ching, 107. I have modified this translation somewhat and patched two disconnected but related passages together.

18.  Ibid., 109–10.

19.  Ng, I Ching, 39–40, 57–58, and 120–21, esp. 58, modified. For this passage, see Lynn, Classic of Changes, 449; cf. R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 192, 640.

20.  Ng, I Ching, 71–72.

21.  Ibid., 75–77, esp. 76, modified.

22.  See, for example, Yoon, Culture of Fengshui.

23.  See Fendos, “Book of Changes”; and Ng, “Hollyhock and the Hexagrams,” esp. 417–37. Note also the many relevant essays in de Bary and Haboush, eds., The Rise of Neo-Confucianism in Korea.

24.  See Ng, “Late Chosŏn Thought,” 54–55; also Choi, Modern History, 50–64.

25.  See Yun, Critical Issues; and the summary in Choi, Modern History, 67–81.

26.  For T’oegye’s disagreements with Zhu Xi and T’oegye’s changing philosophical opinions, see Tomoeda, “Yi T’oegye,” in de Bary and Haboush, Rise of Neo-Confucianism, 243–60.

27.  See ibid.; Ng, “Late Chosŏn Thought,” 56; see also Kalton, et al., trans., The Four-Seven Debate; and Kalton, trans., To Become a Sage.

28.  Ng, “Late Chosŏn Thought,” 56–57; Choi, Modern History, 84–101, esp. 89 and 90nn137, 138 (Korean text). Cf. Lynn, Classic of Changes, 67; and R. Wilhelm, I Ching, 321–23.

29.  Ro, Korean Neo-Confucianism, 90–92.

30.  See Choi, Modern History, 101–7, esp. 105n170 (Korean text).

31.  Ng, “Late Chosŏn Thought,” 58.

32.  Although I am in general agreement with Ng’s conclusions in “Late Chosŏn Thought,” esp. 65, based on my own research I believe that Korean Yijing studies in the Choson period were both more important philosophically and more eclectic than he suggests.

33.  These and the following remarks on Chang’s Illustrated Explanation of Changes Scholarship are based primarily on my own research in the Kyujanggak Archives of Seoul University, inspired by Yung Sik Kim’s “Western Science.”

34.  Ng, “Late Chosŏn Thought,” 59.

35.  See the excellent summary of Yi’s and especially Chong’s ideas in Ng, “Late Chosŏn Thought,” 59–63; also Ng’s dissertation, “Hollyhock and the Hexagrams,” 429–33. J. Lee, “Book of Change,” 15, discusses Chong’s methods of hexagram interpretation.

36.  See Yung Sik Kim, “Science,” 127–29; also Ng, “Hollyhock and the Hexagrams,” 432–34. Chong believed that Zheng’s theories encouraged people to engage in “base practices” such as geomancy, physiognomy, fate extrapolation, and the choice of auspicious days, which only misled them.

37.  See Ng, “Late Chosŏn Thought,” 63; and Yung Sik Kim, “Science,” 134. Kim and Setton, Chong Yagyong, provide exceptionally valuable studies of the complexity of Chong’s worldview.

38.  See Ng, “Late Chosŏn Thought,” 64.

39.  See Fendos, “Book of Changes,” 55–58.

40.  Sin argued, on the basis of forged texts, that Fuxi was in fact a Korean prince who had learned the Changes from Hang Wong, an early Hangguk ruler. Ng, “Hollyhock and the Hexagrams,” 436n55.

41.  For details, see Lee, “Origin,” esp. 229ff.; also Fendos, “Book of Changes,” 56ff. Kim’s intent was to internationalize the Yijing. See Lee, “Origin,” 237.

42.  Lee, “Origin,” 234ff.

43.  Fendos, “Book of Changes,” 55–58.

44.  See Kelly, “Vietnam” and “‘Confucianism.’”

45.  See Ng, “Yijing Scholarship,” 2–3.

46.  For an excellent description of Great One numerology, see Ho, Chinese Mathematical Astrology, 42–68.

47.  Nguyen is also one of the three main “saints” of the Cao Dai religion, together with Victor Hugo and Sun Yat-sen (see below).

48.  See Woodside in Elman, Duncan, and Ooms, eds, Rethinking, 116–43.

49.  See Ng, “Yijing Scholarship.”

50.  See the discussion in ibid., 3.

51.  See, for example, ibid., 5.

52.  These remarks on Yijing-related manuscripts in Vietnam are based primarily on my research notes from the Hanoi National Library.

53.  The original poem is included but not translated in Tran, Vietnamese Scholar, appendix C, “Poems in Chinese.”

54.  Ng, “Yijing Scholarship,” 4ff., discusses Le’s writings at considerable length.

55.  Cited in ibid., 7, slightly modified.

56.  Ibid., 11, slightly modified. Le was also sharply critical of both Christianity and the idea of social equality. Ibid., 13–14.

57.  Dickinson and Moore, “Trigrams,” esp. 41–47. Thuken’s teacher, Changkya Rolpai Dorjé (1717–86), is known to have written commentaries on the Yijing, but I have been unable to find any copies.

58.  See Thuken, Crystal Mirror, 331–49, esp. 335–37.

59.  Cornu, Astrology, 102–26, discusses mewa and the eight trigrams at considerable length. Dickinson and Moore, “Trigrams,” 17–22, identify interesting parallels with Chinese geomantic conceptions in the movement of numbers within the mewa.

60.  Cf. the discussion in Cornu, Astrology, esp. 102–26. The “white beryl” metaphor refers to the “crystal clarity of predictions based on astrology and divination.” Dorje, Tibetan Elemental Divination Paintings, 402n26.

61.  Dorje, Tibetan Elemental Divination Paintings, 20.

62.  Ibid., 21, 345ff.; cf. Cornu, Astrology, 101.

63.  Dorje, Tibetan Elemental Divination Paintings, 21; cf. the discussion in Cornu, Astrology, 41–46, 253–57.

64.  Astrology was studied as part of the medical curriculum in Tibet; see Cornu, Astrology, 15–17, 49–84; cf. “Foreword” to Dorje, Tibetan Elemental Divination Paintings, 11–21.

65.  Cornu, Astrology, 174–215.

66.  Ibid., 216–44.

67.  Dickinson and Moore, “Trigrams,” esp. 3, 41–43. See also Dorje, Tibetan Elemental Divination Paintings, 402n18; and Thuken, Crystal Mirror, 337.

68.  Dickinson and Moore, “Trigrams,” 41–43; Dorje, Tibetan Elemental Divination Paintings, 106.

69.  Note also the divinatory significance of different “pairings” (juxtapositions) of the eight trigrams, as discussed in Cornu, Astrology, 120–26, esp. 123.

70.  Ibid., 107–18. Dorje, Tibetan Elemental Divination Paintings, 106ff., discusses at length the distinctive ways the eight trigrams were interpreted in Tibet. See also Cammann, “The Eight Trigrams,” esp. 313ff. Recall that the Chinese solution to the problem of correlation was to associate some agents with more than one trigram.

71.  See Cornu, Astrology; Dickinson and Moore, “Trigrams”; Dorje, Gyatso, Tibetan Elemental Divination Paintings.

72.  Ng, “Divination and Meiji Politics,” discusses Takashima’s fascinating career. For the English translation of Takashima’s book, which contains a great many examples of his divinations, see Takashima, Takashima Ekidan.

73.  See R. Smith, Fathoming the Cosmos, chap. 8, for these and other examples of the trend.

74.  Unlike the two standard Chinese configurations, these trigrams are arrayed counterclockwise in Cao Dai temples, with the Dui trigram in the west, Qian in the southwest, Kan in the south, Gen in the southeast, Zhen in the east, Sun in the northeast, Li in the north, and Kun in the northwest.

75.  See Le, Three Teachings. For a convenient view from inside the faith, consult http://english.caodai.net/; also http://www.caodai.org.

CHAPTER 5   The Westward Travels of the Changes

1.  See, for example, Batchelor, Awakening of the West, xi.

2.  Many scholars have insightfully explored these problems of translation. See, for example, Knechtges, “Perils and Pleasures,” which focuses primarily on the Yijing.

3.  This section on the Jesuits has been drawn largely from R. Smith, “Jesuit Interpretations.” See also Claudia von Collani’s excellent study, “First Encounter.”

4.  See von Collani, “First Encounter,” 239ff., esp. 253–56.

5.  Cited in R. Smith, “Jesuit Interpretations.”

6.  Ibid., 39. “Sap.” refers here to the “apocryphal” work known as Liber Sapientiae or “Book of Wisdom.”

7.  A thorough analysis of this diagram can be found in R. Smith, “Jesuit Interpretations.”

8.  For details, see ibid. and von Collani, “First Encounter.”

9.  For details of the correspondence between Bouvet and Leibniz, see von Collani, “First Encounter,” 241–43.

10.  Bouvet and Leibniz took the liberty of calculating the numbers of each hexagram line from the top down rather than from the bottom up, as in the Chinese fashion.

11.  Cf. Ryan, “Leibniz,” 65–67, 78ff.

12.  Von Collani, “First Encounter,” 238, 275ff., compares this rendering with other Christian interpretations of the Qian hexagram.

13.  The invidious reference here is to Bouvet’s claim that Fuxi was the Old Testament patriarch Henoch (Enoch), and that the Yijing was a fragment of the “Apocalypse of Henoch.”

14.  This account of the translation project is drawn primarily from von Collani, “First Encounter,” 258ff.

15.  Ibid., 266–75, provides a detailed content analysis of this work. See also ibid., 313 ff., for de Mailla’s Latin translations of selected wings of the Changes.

16.  For an overview of various Western translations of the Changes, including the ones mentioned above, consult Rutt, Zhouyi, 60–82; and Shchutskii, Researches, 13–55.

17.  Girardot, Victorian, 371–72. Helena Petrovna Blavatsky (1831–1891) was one of the founders of the Theosophy movement, which influenced later exponents of the Changes, including Aleister Crowley, discussed below.

18.  Philastre’s work was republished by Maisonneuve (Paris, 1982) and then reissued in a single volume by Editions Zulma (Paris, 1992), with a preface by the renowned French scholar François Jullien.

19.  Rutt, Zhouyi, 71–72, provides overviews of, and brief excerpts from, both works.

20.  R. Smith, “Jesuit Interpretations,” 29.

21.  Cited in ibid.

22.  See Shaughnessy, I Ching, 17. Cf. Shchutskii, Researches, 23–24.

23.  On Legge’s translation of the Changes, see Girardot, Victorian, esp. 366–74.

24.  He did, however, insist that the Chinese term Di (or Shangdi)—lit., “Lord on High”—should be rendered “God.” See the discussion in ibid., 372–73.

25.  Legge, I Ching, xvii.

26.  Ibid., xiv–xv, 10, 17, 25–26, 38, etc.

27.  For details, see Hon, “Constancy in Change.”

28.  Kingsmill, “Review,” 92.

29.  Edkins, “The Yi King of the Chinese” and “Yi King with Notes.” The quotation is from the latter, 425.

30.  Terrien de LaCouperie, “Oldest Book,” 15:237–47, 254–59.

31.  Ibid., 15:248–51; 14:781–83n3.

32.  Ibid., 15:252ff, esp. 262.

33.  Ibid., esp. 277ff. A Jesuit priest, Niccolo Longobardo (1565–1655), once asserted that Fuxi was Zoroaster, the king of Bactria, whose powers as the discoverer of magic invested the trigrams with their special potency.

34.  Shchutskii, Researches, 24–27.

35.  Rutt, Zhouyi, 60–82, provides a useful summary of various translations of the Changes into European languages.

36.  See Gerald Swanson’s introduction to Shchutskii, Researches, xi–xii. For an excellent, historically sensitive analysis of these two works, see Tze-ki Hon’s “Constancy in Change.” Shchutskii’s evaluation of Wilhelm’s work appears in Researches on the I Ching, 37–46. For his amusing general summary of European interpretations of the Changes, see ibid., 55.

37.  See the discussion in R. Smith, “Key Concepts,” 30–32. The Vatican Archives contain a copy of this work, which was obviously used by the Jesuit missionaries in China—quite possibly Bouvet, Fouquet, or both.

38.  See Lackner, “Richard Wilhelm.”

39.  Ibid.

40.  Cornelius and Cornelius, “Yi King,” esp. 19ff.

41.  Ibid., 21. For a similar effort to link the Yijing to the kabbala, see Charlie Higgins, “The Hexagram and the Kabbalah,” http://www.mension.com/del_3.htm (1997).

42.  Eason, I Ching Divination, 15.

43.  See “Translations of Hexagram names,” http://chaocenter.rice.edu/Content.aspx?id=601; “Some Western-Language Works on the Yijing,” http://www.aasianst.org/eaa/smith.htm; and the book reviews at http://www.biroco.com/Yijing/reviews.htm. For some examples of recent Western-language scholarship on the Changes, see Cheng, ed., “Philosophy of the Yi” and “The Yijing and Its Commentaries”; also R. Smith, “Select Bibliography.”

44.  Gardner, “Confucian Commentary,” 416–17.

45.  For updates to the work by Hacker, Moore, and Patsco, see “I-Ching Bookmarks,” http://www.zhouyi.com. This site also includes information on non-English resources.

46.  See Capra, Tao of Physics, esp. 108–10, 278–83.

47.  Kripal, Easlen, 302–7, 314.

48.  Capra, “Where Have all the Flowers Gone?” (n.p.).

49.  McKenna and McKenna, Invisible Landscape, chaps. 8 and 9. For an illuminating biography of Terrence McKenna, see Kripal, Easlen, 368–76.

50.  R. Wilhelm, I Ching, xxxiv.

51.  See Jung, Man and His Symbols, 356–60.

52.  For Nathan Sivins’s review of Blofeld’s translation, in which Sivins explicitly compares it with Wilhelm’s I Ching, see the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 26 (1966): 290–98.

53.  See http://www.interferenza.com/bcs/interw/65-nov26.htm.

54.  See http://www.songmeanings.net/songs/view/3530822107858787624/.

55.  See, for example, Dick, Man in the High Castle, 12–13.

56.  Debon, Doukiplèdonktan?, esp. 155ff.

57.  Sheringham, Everyday Life, 349.

58.  For the original version in French, see Andrews, “Numerology and Mathematics,” 297.

59.  This analysis follows ibid., 298.

60.  Cited in Moore, “Yijing in Mexico,” 3. Much of the following material comes from this excellent unpublished paper.

61.  Tae, La Presencia del Yijing, 261.

62.  In 1982 Serrano would publish Libro de Hexaedros (Book of Hexadrons), a collection of sixty-four poems that together reinterpreted and synthesized images and processes that were reflected in the hexagrams of the Changes.

63.  Tae, “Yijing y Creación Poetica,” 14–18.

64.  Cage, Silence, “About the Author.” Rockwell also opined that “the entire American avante-garde would be unthinkable without Cage’s music, writings, and genially patriarchical personality.” Ibid.

65.  Ibid., 60–61.

66.  See Marshall, “John Cage’s I Ching Chance Operations.” The title of the play, Marrying Maiden, comes from Wilhelm’s translation of the name of hexagram number 54.

67.  Cage, “Tokyo Lecture,” 7.

68.  Tenney, Silence, 64–65.

69.  Ibid., 66–87, is full of extraordinarily complex charts, mathematical equations, and discussions of harmonics.

70.  The literature on both these topics is vast. For instance, a Google search using the term “fengshui” on August 17, 2010, yielded 10.2 million results.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

1.  R. Smith, Fathoming the Cosmos, 241–49, offers some comparisons along these lines.

2.  See, for example, ibid., esp. chap. 9; also “The Changes as a Mirror of the Mind,” “The Yijing in Global Perspective,” “Jesuit Interpretations,” and so forth.

3.  For a detailed description of the ideal prototype, which consists of thirty-eight rings, see Feuchtwang, Anthropological Analysis, esp. 37–67.

4.  Cited in R. Smith, Fortune-tellers and Philosophers, 123.

5.  See also Legge, I Ching, 38.

6.  See R. Smith, Fathoming the Cosmos, 141, 184–86, 193, and 240. The quotation has been slightly modified.

7.  See Needham, Science and Civilisation, 2:292, 304–40; 3:56–59, 119–20, 140–41, 464, 625; 4.1:14, 16; 4.2:143, 530; 4.3:125; 5.3: 51–53, 60–66, 69–74, 128, 201, 217.

8.  Yang, Book of Changes, esp. chaps. 6–13. See also Zhang, “Book of Changes.”

9.  Ho, “System of the Book of Changes,” esp. 38. Cf. Needham, Science and Civilisation, 2:336; and 7.2:125–27.

10.  See Unschuld, Medicine in China, 57–58; see also 79, 85–86, and 194ff., esp. 215–28.

11.  See R. Smith, “The Changes as a Mirror of the Mind.”

12.  Yang, Book of Changes, 296–300.

13.  See R. Smith, Fathoming the Cosmos, 208–11.