INTRODUCTION
1. McGeorge Bundy, “To Cap the Volcano,” Foreign Affairs 48, no. 1 (October 1969): 9–10.
3. The poll, conducted by the Program on International Policy Attitudes/Knowledge Networks Poll, March 16–22, 2004, asked, “Based on what you know, do you think the U.S. should or should not participate in the following treaties and agreements? The treaty that would prohibit nuclear weapon test explosions worldwide.” See http://www.pollingreport.com/defense.htm.
4. The poll, conducted by GfK Roper Public Affairs & Media, November 3–8, 2010, asked, “Which statement comes closest to your view? No countries should be allowed to have nuclear weapons. (62 percent in favor) Only the United States and its allies should be allowed to have nuclear weapons. (16 percent in favor) Only countries that already have nuclear weapons should be allowed to have them. (15 percent in favor) Any country that is able to develop nuclear weapons (6 percent in favor) should be allowed to have them.” See http://www.pollingreport.com/defense.htm.
6. The survey, which was statistically reliable to within 5 percent, not only asked Americans if they would cut the defense budget but to identify amounts for which areas they would cut. Given the choice of nuclear arms, ground forces, air power, or missile defense, the largest proportional cut chosen was nuclear weapons, at 27 percent. See R. Jeffrey Smith, “Public Overwhelmingly Supports Large Defense Cuts,” Center for Public Integrity, May 10, 2012, http://www.publicintegrity.org/2012/05/10/8856/public-overwhelmingly-supports-large-defense-spending-cuts.
14. Conversations with author.
16. Talbott, “An American President in the Age of Globalization.”
1. The author gratefully acknowledges the research support of Benjamin Loehrke in the preparation of this chapter.
TWO LEGACY
6. Elliot Abrams, special assistant to the president and senior director on the National Security Council for Near East and North African affairs (2002–2005) and deputy national security adviser (2005–2008); John Bolton, undersecretary of state for arms control and international security (2001–2005) and U.S. permanent representative to the United Nations (2005); Richard Perle, Defense Policy Board chairman (2001–2003); Paul Wolfowitz, deputy secretary of defense (2001–2005) and State Department International Security Advisory Board chairman (2008).
12. Department of Defense, “Nuclear Posture Review Report,” December 31, 2001.
14. The Congressional Research Service calculates that the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan had cost $859 billion by mid-2008. The Congressional Budget Office estimates the wars would eventually cost $2.4 trillion. See Amy Belasco, “Cost of Iraq, Afghanistan, and Other Global War on Terror Operations Since 9/11,” CRS Report for Congress, July 14, 2008; Congressional Budget Office, Estimated Costs of U.S. Operation in Iraq and Afghanistan and of Other Activities Related to the War on Terrorism Before the House Committee on the Budget, 110th Cong. (October 24, 2007) (statement of Peter Orszag, vice chairman of Global Banking at Citigroup); See also Travis Sharp and John Andrews, “Analysis of House-Senate Agreement on FY2009 Defense Authorization Bill (S.3001),” Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation, September 24, 2008, http://armscontrolcenter.org/issues/securityspending/articles/analysis_c110_s3001_conference/index.html.
17. Thomas E. Ricks, Fiasco: The American Military Adventure in Iraq (New York: Penguin, 2006), 3.
19. Pew Research Center, “U.S. Image Up Slightly, but Still Negative: American Character Gets Mixed Reviews,” June 23, 2005.
20. DCI’s Global Intelligence Challenges: Briefing Before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, 109th Congress (February 16, 2005) (testimony of Porter Goss, director of the Central Intelligence Agency); see also, Current and Projected National Security Threats to the United States Before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, 109th Cong. (February 16, 2005) (testimony of Vice Admiral Lowell E. Jacoby, director of the Defense Intelligence Agency).
25. Nicholas Burns, “We Should Talk to Our Enemies,” Newsweek, October 25, 2008, http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2008/10/24/we-should-talk-to-our-enemies.html. Former secretaries of state Madeleine Albright, James Baker, Warren Christopher, Henry Kissinger, and Colin Powell said they favored talking to Iran as part of a strategy to stop Tehran’s development of a nuclear weapons program during a forum hosted by The George Washington University on September 15, 2008. Former national security advisers Zbigniew Brzezinski and Brent Scowcroft also praised engagement at a July 2008 event at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
26. Chuck Hagel and Peter Kaminsky, America: Our Next Chapter, Tough Questions, Straight Answers (New York: Harper Collins, 2008), 93.
32. Steve Kingstone, “Brazil Joins World’s Nuclear Club,” BBC News, May 6, 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/4981202.stm. See Leonor Tomero, “The Future of GNEP: The International Partners,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Reports, July 31, 2008, http://www.thebulletin.org/web-edition/reports/the-future-of-gnep/the-future-of-gnep-the-international-partners.
35. Presidents Bush and Vladimir Putin signed SORT in June 2002. Both sides were required to reduce their deployed strategic nuclear weapons to between 1,700 and 2,200 by the end of 2012. Under the proposed START III, negotiated by Presidents Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin in 1997, each side would have drawn down to similar numbers of deployed strategic nuclear weapons by 2007, five years earlier than envisioned under SORT. START III would also have provided a framework for discussions on reductions in tactical nuclear weapons and dismantlement of warheads. See Joseph Cirincione, Jon Wolfsthal, and Miriam Rajkumar, Deadly Arsenals (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2005), 204–5, 209–11. See Hans Kristensen and Robert Norris, “Nuclear Notebook: U.S. Nuclear Forces, 2008,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 64, no.1 (March/April 2008): 50–53, http://bos.sagepub.com/content/64/1/50.full.
41. Josh Loewenstein, “House Set to Approve Version of U.S.-India Deal With Added Oversight,” CongressNow, September 25, 2008.
44. In April 2008, the former Pentagon director of operational test and evaluation Philip Coyle told the House Oversight and Government Reform Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs that the antimissile system being deployed in Europe “still has no demonstrated effectiveness to defend the U.S., let alone Europe, against enemy attack under realistic operational conditions.” Lisbeth Gronlund, a senior scientist with the Union of Concerned Scientists, commented at the same hearing that “the United States is no closer today to being able to effectively defend against long-range ballistic missiles than it was 25 years ago.” See What Are the Prospects? What Are the Costs? Oversight of Missile Defense Before the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, 110th Cong. (April 2008) (statement of Phillip Coyle, former Pentagon director of operational test and evaluation).
50. “2008 Republican Platform,” Republican National Convention, Committee on Arrangements for the 2008 Republican National Convention, August 2008, 2.
51. “Renewing America’s Promise” 2008 Democratic Party Platform, Democratic National Convention Committee, August 25, 2008, 31–32.
52. Ivo Daalder and Jan Lodal, “The Logic of Zero: Towards a World Without Nuclear Weapons,” Foreign Affairs (November/December 2008): 81.
THREE PIVOT
10. James N. Miller, principal deputy undersecretary for policy at the Department of Defense, remarks to the Defense Writers Group, Washington, D.C., June 4, 2010.
17. Ambassador Linton Brooks, remarks to the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C., April 16, 2010.
19. Statement by minister for foreign affairs of Japan on the release of the U.S. Nuclear Posture Review, April 7, 2010; remarks by German federal foreign minister, Berlin, April 8, 2010; statements made by the Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs spokesperson, April 7, 2010; spokesperson’s commentary, South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Ministry of National Defense, April 7, 2010.
21. James Schlesinger, “The Historical and Modern Context for U.S.-Russian Arms Control,” Testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, April 29, 2010.
22. James Baker, “The History and Lessons on START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty),” Testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, May 19, 2010.
23. William Perry, “The Historical and Modern Context for U.S.-Russian Arms Control,” Testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, April 29, 2010.
24. Statement by David Miliband, foreign secretary of the United Kingdom, March 26, 2010.
25. Marty N. Natalegawa, statement at the NPT Conference, New York, May 3, 2010.
26. Hillary Clinton, statement at the NPT Conference, New York, May 3, 2010.
27. Marty M Natalegawa, statement on behalf of NAM States party to the NPT, May 3, 2010.
29. John Duncan, “The NPT Review Conference: Capturing Success,” The Foreign and Commonwealth Office Blog, June 3, 2010.
FOUR ARSENALS AND ACCIDENTS
1. This chapter is based on “The Continuing Threat of Nuclear War,” by Joseph Cirincione, chap. 18, pp. 381–401, from Global Catastrophic Risk, edited by N. Bostrom and M. M. Cirkovic (2008), free permission to use Author’s own material by permission of Oxford University Press, www.oup.com.
2. Jonathan Schell, The Fate of the Earth (Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2000), 3.
3. Calculations are based on the following deployed strategic warhead totals: 1992 combined total of 16,840 (U.S. 8,280, USSR 8,560); 2012 combined total of 4,380 (U.S. 1,950, USSR 2,430).
5. Hans M. Kristensen and Robert S. Norris, “NRDC Nuclear Notebook, U.S. Nuclear Forces, 2013,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 69, no. 3 (March 2013): 84–91; Hans M. Kristensen and Robert S. Norris, “NRDC Nuclear Notebook, Russian Nuclear Forces, 2013,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, forthcoming; Matthew G. McKinzie, Thomas B. Cochran, Robert S. Norris, and William M. Arkin, The U.S. Nuclear War Plan: A Time For Change (New York: Natural Resources Defense Council, 2001), 42, 73, 84.
7. Bruce G. Blair, “Primed and Ready,” The Defense Monitor: The Newsletter of the Center for Defense Information 36, no. 3 (May/June 2007): 2–3.
12. Federation of American Scientists, “Status of World Nuclear Forces”; Hans N. Kristensen and Robert S. Norris, “Nonstrategic Nuclear Weapons, 2012,” Bulletin of the Atomic Sciences 68, no. 5 (September/October 2012): 96–104, http://bos.sagepub.com/content/68/5/96.full.pdf; Kristensen and Norris, “NRDC Nuclear Notebook, Russian Nuclear Forces, 2013.”
16. Shannon N. Kile, Phillip Schell, and Hans Kristensen, “Israeli Nuclear Forces,” in SIPRI Yearbook (Stockholm: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2012), http://www.sipri.org/research/armaments/nbc/nuclear. For the higher estimate, see Robert S. Norris, William M. Arkin, Hans M. Kristensen, and Joshua Handler, “NRDC Nuclear Notebook, Israeli Nuclear Forces, 2002,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 58, no. 5 (September 2002): 73–75, http://bos.sagepub.com/content/58/5/73.full.
17. Kile, Schell, and Kristensen, “Israeli Nuclear Forces.”
FIVE CALCULATING ARMAGEDDON
1. This chapter is based on “The Continuing Threat of Nuclear War,” by Joseph Cirincione, chap. 18, pp. 381–401, from Global Catastrophic Risk, edited by N. Bostrom and M. M. Cirkovic (2008), free permission to use Author’s own material by permission of Oxford University Press, www.oup.com.
2. Bruce G. Blaire et al., “Accidental Nuclear War—a Post–Cold War Assessment,” The New England Journal of Medicine 338, no. 18 (April 1998): 1326–32.
3. Lynn Eden, Whole World on Fire: Organizations, Knowledge, and Nuclear Weapons Devastation (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2004).
5. Blaire et al., “Accidental Nuclear War,” 1326–32.
6. NRDC used computer software and unclassified databases to model a nuclear conflict and approximate the effects of the use of nuclear weapons based on an estimate of the U.S nuclear war plan. See Matthew G. McKinzie, Thomas B. Cochran, Robert S. Norris, and William M. Arkin, The U.S Nuclear War Plan: A Time For Change (New York: Natural Resources Defense Council, 2001), ix–xi, http://www.nrdc.org/nuclear/warplan/warplan_start.pdf.
7. McKinzie et al., The U.S Nuclear War Plan, 130.
8. Russian casualties are smaller that U.S. causalities because a higher percentage of Russians still live in rural areas and the lower-yield U.S. weapons produce less fallout. See Office of Technology Assessment, The Effects of Nuclear War.
11. Robert T. Batcher, “The Consequences of an Indo-Pakistani Nuclear War,” International Studies Review 6, no. 4 (December 2004): 137.
15. C. Sagan and R. P. Turco, “Nuclear Winter in the Post–Cold War Era,” Journal of Peace Research 30, no. 4 (November 1993): 369.
16. O. B. Toon, A. Robock, R. P. Turco, C. Bardeen, L. Oman, and G. L. Stenchikov, “Consequences of Regional-Scale Nuclear Conflicts,” Science 315, no. 5816 (March 2007): 1224–25, http://climate.envsci.rutgers.edu/pdf/SciencePolicyForumNW.pdf; A. Robock, L. Oman, G. L. Stenchikov, O. B Toon, C. Bardeen, and R. P. Turco, “Climatic Consequences of Regional Nuclear Conflicts,” Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics Discussions (April 2007): 11818.
17. Toon et al., “Consequences of Regional-Scale Nuclear Conflicts,” 1224–25.
18. Robock et al., “Climatic Consequences of Regional Nuclear Conflicts,” 11823.
20. Scott D. Sagan and Kenneth N. Waltz, The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: A Debate Renewed (New York: Norton, 2003), 115.
23. George Perkovich, Jessica Mathew, Joseph Cirincione, Rose Gottemoeller, and Jon Wolfsthal, Universal Compliance: A Strategy for Nuclear Security (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2005), 24, 34, and 39, https://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/univ_comp_rpt07_final1.pdf.
SIX EXPLODING BUDGETS
1. This chapter is based on my “The Fiscal Logic of Zero,” originally published in the Brown Journal of World Affairs in 2011, http://bjwa.org/article.php?id=8ckn4rGp5fRKPQ9cpeFdT6DmLC6sJ4dY3QakmNyI. Benjamin Loehrke, Mary Kaszynski, and Leah Fae Cochran provided valuable research and assistance for the original article and its revision into this greatly expanded chapter.
15. This figure includes $528 billion for the budget of the Department of Defense and $159 billion for the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Figures from White House Office of Management and Budget, Historical Table 5.1, “Budget Authority by Function and Subfunction: 1976–2017,” http://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/budget/Historicals.
18. Eric Cantor, on Meet the Press, NBC, January 23, 2011.
26. The president’s FY13 request for the Pentagon budget exceeded the BCA cap by $4 billion as did the Senate mark of the 2013 National Defense Authorization Act. The House NDAA mark exceeded the cap by $8 billion.
33. Gen. James Cartwright (ret.), remarks by at Global Zero Summit, October 12, 2011.
35. The United States produced an estimated 70,000 nuclear weapons since 1945. The stockpile peaked in 1967 with an estimated 31,255 warheads.
37. Rumbaugh and Cohn, Resolving Ambiguities.
38. Ibid., 6. This includes an estimated $91.8 to $99.1 billion on programs administered by the National Nuclear Security Administration (including funds for weapons activities, administrative costs, and naval reactors) and between $268.9 and $301.7 billion for the Department of Defense to sustain, operate, and modernize the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal over the next ten years.
39. Ploughshares Fund, Working Paper: What Nuclear Weapons Cost Us.
46. Ronald O’Rourke, “Navy Ohio Replacement SSBN(X) Ballistic Missile Submarine Program: Background and Issues for Congress,” Congressional Research Service, April 5, 2012, www.fas.org/sgp/crs/weapons/R41129.pdf.
49. Thirty years ago, U.S. submarines carried 4,782 nuclear warheads. Today the navy deploys about 1,100. See Natural Resources Defense Council, “Table of U.S. Strategic Offensive Force Loadings,” http://www.nrdc.org/nuclear/nudb/datab1.asp.
60. Daalder and Lodal, “The Logic of Zero,” 90.
70. Kristensen and Norris, “US Nuclear Forces, 2012.”
71. Steven Pifer and Michael O’Hanlon, The Opportunity: Next Steps in Reducing Nuclear Arms (Harrisonburg, Va.: R. R. Donnelley, 2012), 178, 188.
77. Hans Kristensen, Robert Norris, and Ivan Oelrich, “From Counterforce to Minimal Deterrence: A New Nuclear Policy on the Path Toward Eliminating Nuclear Weapons,” Federation of American Scientists and the Natural Resources Defense Council, 2009, 42–44, http://www.fas.org/programs/ssp/nukes/doctrine/targeting.pdf.
78. Friedman and Preble, “Budgetary Savings from Military Restraint,” 8.
79. James Wood Forsyth Jr., B. Chance Saltzman, and Gary Schaub Jr., “Remembrance of Things Past: The Enduring Value of Nuclear Weapons,” Strategic Studies Quarterly 1 (2010): 82.
85. Department of Defense, Nuclear Posture Review Report, 11.
87. Barry Blechman and Alexander Bollfrass, eds., Elements of a Nuclear Disarmament Treaty (Washington, D.C.: Stimson Center, 2010).
SEVEN THE 95 PERCENT
The author gratefully acknowledges the research support of Benjamin Loehrke and Sarah Beth Cross in the preparation of this chapter.
2. New START counts each bomber as one weapon although bombers can carry six to sixteen bombs. Thus, the actual number of nuclear weapons allowed under the treaty is greater than 1,550.
5. Paul Lettow, Ronald Reagan and His Quest to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (New York: Random House, 2005), 243.
10. Private discussion with author, March 2010, Washington, D.C.
13. Philip Taubman, The Partnership (New York: HarperCollins, 2012), 325.
15. Department of Defense, Nuclear Posture Review Report, 12.
17. Jon Kyl, “Keynote Address at Nixon Policy Conference,” Nixon Center, Washington, D.C., May 19, 2010.
22. National Security Concept of the Russian Federation, full English translation from Rossiiskaya Gazeta, January 18, 2000. Approved by Presidential Decree No. 1300 of December 17, 1999.
25. Podvig, “Instrumental Influences,” 40.
26. Alexei Arbatov, “Ratification of the Prague Treaty Is Only a State on a Long Path: What Strategy Will Russia Choose?” Nezavisimoye Voyennoye Obozreniye, Moscow, February 11, 2011, emphasis added.
32. Scott D. Sagan and Jane Vaynman, “Conclusions: Lessons Learned from the 2010 Nuclear Posture Review,” Nonproliferation Review 18, no. 1 (March 2011): 239–40.
37. Ibid. Alexei Arbatov provides a lower estimate of 1,000 to 1,100 warheads on 200 ICBMs, 44–60 SLBMs, and 40–50 heavy bombers. See Alexei Arbatov, “Gambit or Endgame? The New State of Arms Control,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, March 2011, http://carnegieendowment.org/files/gambit_endgame.pdf. Estimates are counted according to New START counting rules. Russia has not released official estimates of its force composition.
38. U.S. Department of State, “International Security Advisory Board Report on Options for Implementing Additional Nuclear Force Reductions,” November 27, 2012, Washington, D.C., http://www.state.gov/t/avc/isab/201191.htm.
EIGHT THE MOST DANGEROUS COUNTRY ON EARTH
1. Leah Fae Cochran provided substantial research work for this chapter as did Rizwan Ladha earlier. Both worked as research assistants at Ploughshares Fund.
10. Based on calculations of 12–18 kg of HEU or 4–6 kg of plutonium per warhead. See Kristensen and Norris, “Pakistan’s Nuclear Forces, 2011,” for methodology.
11. Kristensen and Norris, “Pakistan’s Nuclear Forces,” 96.
17. Fareed Zakaria, “The Radicalization of Pakistan’s Military,” Washington Post, June 22, 2011, http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/the-radicalization-of-pakistans-military/2011/06/22/AGbCBSgH_story.html; Pervez Hoodbhoy, “A State of Denial,” New York Times, January 6, 2008, http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/16/opinion/16iht-edhood.1.9260885.html.
23. Tertrais, “Pakistan’s Nuclear and WMD Programmes,” 15.
27. Grossman, “Mullen: Pakistani Nuclear Controls Should Avert Any Insider Threat.”
31. Dennis Kux, The United States and Pakistan 1947–2000: Disenchanted Allies (Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2001), 18.
33. For a discussion of how Pakistan’s identity affects security calculations, see Stephen P. Cohen, “The Nation and State of Pakistan,” The Washington Quarterly 25, no. 3 (Summer 2002): 109–22.
34. Benazir Bhutto, Reconciliation: Islam, Democracy, and the West (New York: Harper, 2008), 165–166.
38. Although a U.S. Intelligence Estimate concluded as early as 1986 that Pakistan could assemble a weapon within two weeks if it choose to do so, the Reagan administration had been assuring Congress that there was not a Pakistani bomb program. This was because U.S. aid to the mujahedeen fighting the Russians in Afghanistan could only be dispersed per the Pressler amendment if a president could certify that Pakistan didn’t have a nuclear program. In 1987, in the heat of the Brasstacks crisis, A. Q. Khan told a journalist that Pakistan had the ability to build a weapon. Faced with this conundrum, Reagan choose to use the waiver for national security interest built into the Pressler amendment and continued aid to Pakistan despite the program. See Dennis Kux, The United States and Pakistan, 1947–2000: Disenchanted Allies (Washington, D.C.: The Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2001), 284–86.
39. Owen Bennett Jones, Pakistan: Eye of the Storm (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2009), 195.
45. The visiting group, the Landau Network–Centro Volta, is a group of international experts based in Italy who support global security, disarmament, and cooperation. See http://www.centrovolta.it/landau/.
46. Lagwig, “A Cold Start for Hot Wars,” 168. See also Tertrais, “Pakistan’s Nuclear and WMD Programmes,” 3.
49. International Institute for Strategic Studies, “Pakistan’s Nuclear Programme and Imports,” 33.
50. Bruce Riedel, Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America, and the Future of Global Jihad (Washington, D.C., Brookings Institution Press, 2011), 91.
54. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, “India’s Nuclear Forces,” in SIPRI Yearbook 2011 (Stockholm: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2011).
59. Norris and Kristensen, “India’s Nuclear Forces 2010,” 76.
63. Joseph Cirincione, Bomb Scare: The History and Future of Nuclear Weapons, pbk. ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 160.
69. For a detailed treatment of A. Q. Khans’ proliferation of nuclear weapons, see David Albright, Peddling Peril (New York: Free Press, 2010).
73. Richard L. Armitage and Samuel R. Berger, U.S. Strategy for Pakistan and Afghanistan, Independent Task Force Report no. 65 (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 2010).
80. Owen Bennett Jones, Pakistan: Eye of the Storm (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2009), 317.
87. Armitage and Berger, U.S. Strategy for Pakistan and Afghanistan, 50.
88. Riedel, Deadly Embrace, 134; Shuja Nawaz, Pakistan in the Danger Zone: A Tenuous U.S.-Pakistan Relationship (Washington, D.C.: Atlantic Council, 2010), 18.
89. Yusuf, “The Silver Bullet.”
90. Armitage and Berger, U.S. Strategy for Pakistan and Afghanistan, 53.
94. Riedel, Deadly Embrace, 128–29.
95. International Crisis Group, “Reforming Pakistan’s Electoral System,” 25–26.
96. Armitage and Berger, U.S. Strategy for Pakistan and Afghanistan, 53.
99. “Pakistan, India Agree to Set Up Hotline on Terror,” Pak Tribune, March 30, 2011, http://www.paktribune.com/news/index.shtml?237715; Justin Huggler, “India and Pakistan to Have Nuclear Hotline,” The Independent, June 21, 2004; Yusuf, “Stability in the Nuclear Context,” 6.
101. Dalton, Hibbs, and Perkovich, “A Criteria-Based Approach,” 5.
104. Yusuf, “The Silver Bullet: India-Pakistan Normalization.”
105. Nawaz, Pakistan in the Danger Zone, 18.
106. Riedel, Deadly Embrace, 138.
107. Kerr and Nikitin, “Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons,” 8.
108. Dalton, Hibbs, and Perkovich, “A Criteria-Based Approach,” 2–3.
109. Armitage and Berger, “U.S. Strategy for Pakistan and Afghanistan,” 52.
NINE POSTURE AND PROLIFERATION
1. This chapter is based on my “The Impact of Nuclear Posture on Non-Proliferation,” in In the Eyes of the Experts: Analysis and Comments on America’s Strategic Posture, Selected Contributions by the Experts of the Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2009), 193-200, http://www.usip.org/files/In%20the%20Eyes%20of%20the%20Experts%20full.pdf. I served as an expert advisor to the commission.
3. “Interim Report of the Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States,” facilitated by the U.S. Institute of Peace, December 15, 2008.
4. Director of Central Intelligence, “National Intelligence Estimate: Development of Nuclear Capabilities by Fourth Countries: Likelihood and Consequences,” no. 100-2-58, July 1, 1958, 2, 17.
6. Director of Central Intelligence, “National Intelligence Estimate: Nuclear Weapons and Delivery Capabilities of Free World Countries Other than the U.S. and UK,” No. 4-3-61, September 1961, 5.
10. The Committee on Nuclear Proliferation, “A Report to the President,” U.S. State Department (Gilpatric Report), January 21, 1965, 7.
15. Office of Political Research, “Eight Years Later: New ‘Threshold States’ Research Study, ‘Managing Nuclear Proliferation’: The Politics of Limited Choice,” Directorate of Intelligence, Central Intelligence Agency, December 1975.
16. National Intelligence Council, “Iran: Nuclear Intentions and Capabilities,” November 2007, 7.
17. The ten countries known to have nuclear weapons or believed to be seeking them are, in order of acquisition: United States, Russia, United Kingdom, France, China, Israel, India, Pakistan, North Korea, and Iran.
18. Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States, America’s Strategic Posture (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2009), 15.
TEN THE END OF PROLIFERATION
1. Colin H. Kahl, Melissa Dalton, and Matthew Irvine, Atomic Kingdom: If Iran Builds the Bomb, Will Saudi Arabia Be Next? (Washington, D.C.: Center for a New American Security, 2013), 10.
6. The range of estimates depends on how much plutonium North Korea may have produced and how much plutonium North Korea uses in its warheads. An estimate of 2 kg of plutonium per warhead yields a higher number of warheads; an estimate of 4 kg, fewer warheads. David Albright and Christina Walrond, “North Korea’s Estimated Stocks of Plutonium and Weapon-Grade Uranium,” Institute for Science and International Security, August 16, 2012, 2, http://isis-online.org/uploads/isis-reports/documents/dprk_fissile_material_production_16Aug2012.pdf.
8. Michael Mazarr and James E. Goodby, “Redefining the Role of Deterrence,” in Deterrence: Its Past and Future, ed. George P. Shultz, Sidney D. Drell, and James E. Goodby (Palo Alto, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 2011), 63.
11. International Institute for Strategic Studies, Iran’s Nuclear, Chemical, and Biological Capabilities: A Net Assessment (London: The International Institute of Strategic Studies, 2011), 47.
14. Addressing the Iranian Nuclear Challenge: Understanding Military Options Before the House Committee on Armed Services, 112th Cong. (June 20, 2012) (testimony of David Albright, president of the Institute for Science and International Security).
20. Colin Kahl, Melissa Dalton, and Matthew Irvine, Risk and Rivalry: Iran, Israel, and the Bomb (Washington, D.C.: Center for a New American Security, 2012), 34, http://www.cnas.org/riskandrivalry.
29. David Holloway, “Deterrence and Enforcement,” in Deterrence: Its Past and Future, ed. George P. Shultz, Sidney D. Drell, and James E. Goodby (Palo Alto, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 2011).
30. Joseph Cirincione, Jessica Mathews, Rose Gottemoeller, George Perkovich, and Jon B. Wolfsthal, Universal Compliance: A Strategy for Nuclear Security (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2005, 2007), 14.
32. Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Egypt, France, India, Israel, Italy, Japan, Norway, Romania, South Africa, the Soviet Union, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Taiwan, the United Kingdom, the United States, West Germany, and Yugoslavia.
33. Argentina, Brazil, Canada, China, France, India, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Libya, North Korea, Pakistan, South Africa, South Korea, the Soviet Union, Taiwan, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Yugoslavia.
34. Cirincione et al., Universal Compliance, 24.
ELEVEN FOUNDATIONS
2. This chapter is adapted from a paper, “Impact Philanthropy: How Strategic Grants Can Impact National Security Strategy,” prepared for the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy at Georgetown University, winter 2013.
6. Paul Brest and Hal Harvey, Money Well Spent: A Strategic Plan for Smart Philanthropy, (New York: Bloomberg Press, 2008), 28.
11. The MacArthur Foundation, John Merck Foundation, Prospect Hill Foundation, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, and Winston Foundation also funded the campaign after it began. The campaign operated from December 1, 1993 until it disbanded on July 31, 1995, having achieved its goal.
12. Rogin, “Arms Control Leaders.”
13. Bolus, “A Policy Victory.”
14. From unpublished analysis, ReThink Media, “Post START Analysis—Print Outreach Revisited,” February 2011.
15. ReThink Media, “Post START Analysis.”
17. Brest and Harvey, Money Well Spent, 6.
21. Data are derived from an unpublished report by Carah Ong of the Peace and Security Funders Group, “Nuclear Funding, 2008–2011.” The group is a collaboration of funders initiated by Ploughshares Fund, but the foundation had no influence over the study or its conclusions.
29. Kennette Benedict, “Democracy and the Bomb.”