27 (opinion of Advocate General).Chapter 1
1. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1994 [1st ed. 1962]), p. 297.
2. “Rachel Carson Sense of Wonder Contest,” Environmental Protection Agency, accessed March 2012, http://www.epa.gov/agingepa/resources/thesenseofwonder/.
Chapter 2
1. Andrew Fletcher, Selected Discourses and Speeches: A Discourse of Government with Relation to Militias (Edinburgh, 1698); Two Discourses concerning the Affairs of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1698); Speeches by a Member of the Parliament (Edinburgh, 1703); and A Conversation concerning a Right Regulation of Government (Edinburgh, 1704), accessed July 2011, http://oll.libertyfund.org/?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show.php%3Ftitle=1222&chapter=83366&layout=html&Itemid=27.
2. Rachel Carson, Testimony before the Senate Committee on Government Operations, 88th Congress, 1st sess., June 4, 1963, http://www.itnsource.com/shotlist/BHC_FoxMovietone/1963/06/05/X05066302. Reference: X05066302 Fox tape ref: UP (WA 9887) (WA NO #). Fox short list lib ref: 156243 Source: DAM. Rachel Carson, “Interagency Coordination in Environmental Hazards (Pesticides),” testimony before the Subcommittee on Reorganization and International Organizations of the Senate Committee on Government Operations, 88th Cong., 1st sess., June 4, 1963 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1964).
3. Herman Melville, 1819–1891. Moby-Dick, or, The Whale Electronic Text Center, University of Virginia Library, p. 3, http://etext.virginia.edu/etcbin/toccer-new2? id=Mel2Mob.sgm&images=images/modeng&data=/texts/english/modeng/ parsed&tag=public&part=1&division=div1.
4. Rachel Carson, The Sea Around Us (New York: Oxford University Press, 1951), p. 15.
5. Walt Whitman, “Out of the Cradle Endlessly Rocking,” http://www.princeton.edu/~batke/logr/log_101.html.
6. Chris Cleave, “A Survey of the Seafaring Man Booker Prize,” accessed July 2011, http://www.themanbookerprize.com/perspective/articles/106.
7. Linda J. Lear, Rachel Carson: Witness for Nature (New York: H. Holt, 1997), pp. 33–34.
8. Ibid., pp. 61–62.
9. Ibid., p. 75.
10. “A Roundtrip to Davy Jones’s Locker,” National Geographic, June 1931, p. 655.
11. Lear, Witness for Nature, p. 116.
12. Rachel Carson, “The Real World around Us.” A talk to Theta Sigma Phi, Sorority of Women Journalists, 1954, in Lost Woods: The Discovered Writing of Rachel Carson, ed. Linda Lear (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998).
13. Lear, Witness for Nature, p. 81
14. Ibid., p. 86.
15. Ibid., p. 80.
16. Ibid., p. 88.
17. Ed Weeks, “Contributors’ Column,” Atlantic Monthly, September 1937, p. 160.
18. Rachel Carson, Under the Sea-Wind, A Naturalist’s Picture of Ocean Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1941), p. xiii.
19. Linda J. Lear, ed., Lost Woods: The Discovered Writing of Rachel Carson (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998), p. 105.
20. Carson, “The Real World around Us,” pp. 150–51.
21. “The Sea around Us,” Wikipedia, accessed July 2011, http://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/The_Sea_Around_Us.
22. Charles Poore, “Books of the Times,” New York Times, October 26, 1955, p. 17.
23. Carson, The Sea Around Us, p. 15.
24. Arlene Rodda Quaratiello, Rachel Carson: A Biography (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004), p. 59. This passage is sometimes cited from the National Book Award in 1963.
25. Rachel Carson, Speech accepting the John Burroughs Medal, April 1952, in Lost Woods, p. 94.
26. Leo Tolstoy, What Is Art? And Essays on Art (London: Oxford University Press, 1959), p. 56.
27. Rachel Carson, Speech accepting the National Book Award for Nonfiction, 1952, in Lost Woods, p. 91.
28. This idea is central to Tolstoy’s essay, but see, for example, page 227: “There is one indubitable sign distinguishing real art from its counterfeit—namely, the infectiousness of art. If a man without exercising effort and without altering his standpoint, on reading, hearing, or seeing another man’s work experiences a mental condition which unites him with that man and with others who are also affected by that work, then the object evoking that condition is a work of art.” Tolstoy, What Is Art?.
29. Ibid., p. 51.
30. Ibid., p. 228.
31. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962).
32. Lear, Witness for Nature, p. 185.
33. Ibid., p. 367.
34. Ibid., p. 119.
35. Quaratiello, p. 89 and “Rachel Carson’s Sense of Wonder,” http://www.todayinliterature.com/print-today.asp?Event_Date=5/27/1907.
36. Ibid., p. 328.
37. Paul Brooks, “Introduction,” Always, Rachel: The Letters of Rachel Carson and Dorothy Freeman, 1952–1964, ed. Martha E. Freeman (Boston: Beacon Press, 1994), p. xxix.
38. Lear, Witness for Nature, p. 327.
39. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 12.
40. Carson, Testimony before the Senate Committee on Government Operations, June 6, 1963.
41. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 127.
42. Ibid., p. 30.
43. Ibid., p. 41.
44. Ibid., p. 85.
45. Ibid., p. 184.
46. Ibid., p. 198.
47. Ibid., p. 277.
48. Rachel Carson, Always, Rachel: The Letters of Rachel Carson and Dorothy Freeman, 1952–1964, ed. Martha E. Freeman (Boston: Beacon Press, 1994), p. 231.
49. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 296.
50. Aldous Huxley, The Doors of Perception (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1954), p. 73.
51. Albert Gore, “Introduction,” White House website, http://clinton4.nara.gov/WH/EOP/OVP/_24hours/carson.html (accessed February 16, 2011; website is no longer on line).
52. Rachel Carson, Excerpt from “Essay on the Biological Sciences,” in Good Reading, 1958, accessed July 2011, http://www.fws.gov/northeast/rachelcarson/writings.html.
53. Paul Ehrlich, The Population Bomb (New York: Ballantine Books, 1968).
54. Carl Safina, “Introduction,” The Sea around Us (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. xvi–xvii.
55. Jean-Baptiste Michel et al., “Quantitative Analysis of Culture Using Millions of Digitized Books,” Science 331, no. 6014 (2011): 176–182. DOI:10.1126/science.1199644.
56. Google Labs Books Ngram Viewer, accessed July 21, 2011, http://ngrams.googlelabs.com/graph?content=Rachel+Carson&year_start=1935&year_end=2010&corpus=0&smoothing=3.
57. No one knows exactly what Lincoln said. The earliest record of something like this passage is “Is this the little woman who made the great war?” accessed July 21, 2011, http://wraabe.wordpress.com/_2008/06_/26/abraham-lincoln-to-harriet-beecher-stowe-the-author-of-this-great-war/.
58. English Essays: Sidney to Macaulay, The Harvard Classics, vol. 27, ed. Charles Eliot (New York: P. F. Collier & Son, 1909–14), accessed July 26, 2011, http://www.bartleby.com/27/.
Chapter 3
1. Paul R. Ehrlich and Anne H. Ehrlich, The Population Bomb (New York: Ballantine Books and Sierra Club, 1968).
2. Garrett Hardin, “The Tragedy of the Commons,” Science 162 (1968): 1243–48.
3. Barry A. Commoner, The Closing Circle: Nature, Man and Technology (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971).
4. Roderick F. Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967).
5. Ernst Friedrich Schumacher, Small Is Beautiful: Economics as If People Mattered (New York: Harper and Row, 1973).
6. Donella H. Meadows, Dennis L. Meadows, Jørgen Randers, and William W. Behrens III, The Limits to Growth: A Report for the Club of Rome’s Project on the Predicament of Mankind (New York: Universe Books, 1972).
7. Joseph Edward de Steiguer, The Origins of Modern Environmental Thought (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2006), p. 1.
8. Steven Stoll, U.S. Environmentalism since 1945: A History with Documents (Boston: Bedford and St. Martin’s, 2006), p. 13.
9. Some scholars take a more nuanced position on the issue. For example, environmental historian William Cronon observes that while “it may be an oversimplification to say that the modern environmental movement began with Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring . . . it is hard to overstate the book’s impact” because it was “a lightning rod like no other.” See William Cronon, “Foreword: Silent Spring and the Birth of Modern Environmentalism,” in DDT, Silent Spring, and the Rise of Environmentalism: Classic Texts, ed. Thomas H. Dunlap (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008), pp. ix–xii. For a more detailed and nuanced discussion of the context and reception of Rachel Carson’s work, see Charles T. Rubin, The Green Crusade: Rethinking the Roots of Environmentalism (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1998).
10. John Bellamy Foster and Brett Clark, “Rachel Carson’s Ecological Critique,” Monthly Review 59, no. 9 (2008), http://monthlyreview.org/080201foster-clark.php.
11. Carson lists not only introduced predators and parasites, but also microbial and viral infection of insects, chemical attractants, repellent sounds, and juvenile hormones that seem likely, in our opinion, to have major impact beyond a targeted pest species. She also discusses other technological means, such as the X-ray sterilization of male insects, which are certainly less problematic in this respect, yet certainly “unnatural.”
12. Marjory Stoneman Douglas, The Everglades: River of Grass (New York: Rinehart, 1947).
13. Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac (New York: Oxford University Press, 1949).
14. Rachel Carson, Under the Sea-Wind (New York: Oxford University Press, 1952); and The Sea around Us (New York: Oxford University Press, 1951).
15. de Steiguer, The Origins of Modern Environmental Thought.
16. Rubin, The Green Crusade, p. 30.
17. Arthur Kallet and Frederick J. Schlink, 100,000,000 Guinea Pigs: Dangers in Everyday Foods, Drugs, and Cosmetics (New York: Vanguard Press, 1933).
18. William Vogt, Road to Survival (New York: W. Sloane Associates, 1948).
19. Vaughan Bell, “Don’t Touch That Dial! A History of Media Technology Scares, from the Printing Press to Facebook,” Slate.com, February 15, 2010, http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/science/2010/02/dont_touch_that_dial.html.
20. Steiner’s take on life and agriculture came to be known as “anthroposophy,” meaning literally “man-body knowledge.” In short, it holds that, through relevant training, one can be taught to see and sense the nonphysical and spiritual world that surrounds us and affects our health and well-being. Anthroposophy eventually led to the development of “biodynamic” agriculture. In light of the hard evidence that demonstrates that organic food has no superior nutritional value, however, much of the rhetoric surrounding organic farming now revolves around its alleged—and in our opinion similarly implausible—claims that it is significantly less environmentally damaging that industrial farming. For critical perspectives on Steiner and organic farming, see Alex Avery, The Truth about Organic Food (Chesterfield, MO: Henderson Communications LLC, 2006); and Thomas R. DeGregori, Bountiful Harvest: Technology, Food Safety and the Environment (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2002).
21. Although our discussion of pesticide history is limited to arsenic-based compounds, traditional pesticides also comprised substances whose main active ingredients were copper and sulfur, as well as pesticides produced by plants such as hellebores, larkspurs, chrysanthemums (pyrethrum), and tropical vines (rotenone) to protect themselves against pests. These old-fashioned products are still used by organic producers because they are mostly “manufactured” by nature rather than chemical industrial processes—even though they are demonstrably less efficient and more environmentally damaging than modern synthetic pesticides.
22. Technically speaking, the most common arsenical compound was arsenic trioxide. See James Whorton, Before Silent Spring: Pesticides and Public Health in Pre-DDT America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974), chapter 1. See also the chapter by Meiners and Morriss, this volume.
23. Whorton, Before Silent Spring, p. 26.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid.
26. Kallet and Schlink, 100,000,000 Guinea Pigs.
27. Based on the copy used in the preparation of this essay.
28. Kallet and Schlink, 100,000,000 Guinea Pigs, p. vi.
29. Ibid., p. viii.
30. Ibid., p. 4.
31. Ibid., p. ix.
32. Ibid., p. 47.
33. Ibid., p. 52.
34. Ibid., p. 56.
35. F. J. Schlink, Eat, Drink, and Be Wary (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1935).
36. Ruth de Forest Lamb, American Chamber of Horrors: The Truth about Food and Drugs (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1936).
37. While the names of these ladies might not be of direct interest to 21st-century readers, the organizations they headed might be. They included the American Association of University Women, the American Dietetic Association, the YWCA, the National Women’s Christian Temperance Union, and the American Nurses’ Association. See also Meiners and Morriss, this volume.
38. Lamb, American Chamber of Horrors, pp. vii and 3. Interestingly, a mention is made of one Dr. Wirt who was, according to his critics, the “Bolshevist in the Department of Agriculture” then trying “to make himself czar of the food and drug industries at the same time that he seeks to destroy them.”
39. Ibid., p. 251.
40. Ibid., p. 229.
41. Lamb did not seem to detect much cynicism in these actions. We suspect that she probably viewed them as both good local politics and good economics.
42. Ibid., p. 238.
43. Ibid., p. 217.
44. For a more detailed list of such books along with more background, see, among others, Charles McGovern, Sold American: Consumption and Citizenship, 1890–1945 (Chapel Hill, NC: UNC Press Books, 2006). Interestingly, American Chamber of Horrors was based on a U.S. Food and Drug Administration internal exhibit specifically designed to pressure politicians to expand the agency’s regulatory authority.
45. John Grant Fuller, 200,000,000 Guinea Pigs: New Dangers in Everyday Foods, Drugs and Cosmetics (New York: Putnam, 1972).
46. Edwin Diamond, “The Myth of the ‘Pesticide Menace,’” Saturday Evening Post, September 28, 1963, p. 18ff, reprinted in DDT, Silent Spring, and the Rise of Environmentalism, ed. Dunlap, pp. 115–20.
47. Ibid., pp. 116 and 118. Because of her bad health and other engagements, Carson originally felt unable to write a significant book on pesticides by herself. The managers of Houghton Mifflin asked Diamond to be Carson’s collaborator on what was tentatively titled Control of Nature. The collaboration was a fiasco. Carson’s supporters typically blame this outcome on Diamond’s arrogance and perception of being treated as nothing more than a research assistant, while Diamond’s defenders often suggest he was uncomfortable with Carson’s biased predispositions and lack of balance toward her subject. For further discussion, see Linda Lear, Rachel Carson: Witness for Nature (New York: H. Holt, 1997); Arlene Rodda Quaratiello, Rachel Carson: A Biography (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004); Priscilla Coit Murphy, What a Book Can Do: The Publication and Reception of Silent Spring (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007).
48. For concise, although somewhat technical overviews of the history of pesticides, fungicides, and rodenticides, see P. E. Russell, “Centenary Review: A Century of Fungicide Evolution,” Journal of Agricultural Science 145, no. 1 (2005): 11–25; Erich Christian Oerke, “Centenary Review: Crop Losses to Pests,” Journal of Agricultural Science 144, no. 1 (2006): 31–43; and Roberts and Tren, this volume.
49. For a more detailed list of early popular columns and articles critical of DDT, see Jesse Malkin, “Is DDT a Chemical of 111 Repute?” in But Is It True? A Citizen’s Guide to Environmental Health and Safety Issues, ed. Aaron Widalsky (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997), pp. 55–80.
50. The most problematic was the insecticide pyrethrum produced from chrysanthemum flowers whose main sources before the war were Kenya and Japan.
51. One of our mothers, then a child struggling with food shortages and a serious lice infestation problem, vividly remembers being sprayed with DDT once American troops landed in Japan.
52. James Stevens Simmons, “How Magic Is DDT?” Saturday Evening Post 217 (1945), reprinted in DDT, Silent Spring, and the Rise of Environmentalism, ed. Dunlap, p. 32.
53. Ibid., p. 38.
54. “Medicine: Worse Than Insects?” Time, January 11, 1949, http://www.time.com/time/_magazine/article/0,9171,800094,00.html.
55. Vincent Brian Wigglesworth, “DDT and the Balance of Nature,” The Atlantic Monthly 176 (1945): 107–13. The magazine factually described Wigglesworth, then a Reader in Entomology in the University of Cambridge, as “Britain’s foremost authority on insect physiology and tropical diseases.” For a detailed biography of Wigglesworth, see Michael Locke, “Sir Vincent Brian Wigglesworth, C.B.E., 17 April 1899–12 February 1994,” Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 42 (1996): 541–53.
56. Wigglesworth, “DDT and the Balance of Nature,” p. 109.
57. Ibid., p. 111.
58. Ibid., p. 112.
59. Ibid.
60. Ibid., p. 113. Wigglesworth describes beekeepers as a “vociferous race” that did not “take kindly to DDT” at the time. Of course, beekeepers had suffered from the use of other insecticides in the past.
61. Ibid.
62. Ibid.
63. Clarence Cottam and Elmer Higgins, “DDT and Its Effect on Fish and Wildlife,” Journal of Economic Entomology 39, no. 1 (1946): 44–52. Although originally published in an academic journal, this piece was re-released as a 14 page stand-alone leaflet by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service in 1946, http://www.fws.gov/contaminants/pdf/historic/19460518.pdf.
64. The summary of a typical debate pitting Vogt and Cottam on the one hand and proponents of marshland drainage for malaria control on the other can be found in Science Services, “Aquatic Wildlife Refuges May Breed Malaria Mosquitos, Doctor Warns. Control Problem Subject of Lively Discussion at Third Annual North American Wildlife Conference,” The Niagara Falls Gazette, March 17, 1938. For a more detailed treatment of the issue, see Gordon Patterson, The Mosquito Crusades: A History of the American Anti-Mosquito Movement from the Reed Commission to the First Earth Day (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2009).
65. Byron Anderson, “Clarence Cottam (January 1, 1899–March 30, 1974),” in Modern American Environmentalists: A Biographical Encyclopedia, ed. George A. Cevasco, Richard P. Harmond, and Everett Mendelsohn (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), pp. 112–16, http://books.google.ca/books?id=mTSIPaCr2DYC&source=gbs_navlinks_s.
66. For Cottam’s influence on Carson’s thinking and works, see, among others, Lear, Rachel Carson: Witness for Nature; and Paul Brooks, Rachel Carson: The Writer at Work (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1989), first published as The House of Life: Rachel Carson at Work (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1972). For biographies of Cottam, see Anderson, “Clarence Cottam (January 1, 1899–March 30, 1974)”; and Eric G. Bolen, “In Memoriam: Clarence Cottam,” The Auk 92 (1975): 118–25, http://elibrary.unm.edu/sora/Auk/v092n01/p0118-p0125.pdf. Cottam’s co-author, Elmer Higgins, had hired Rachel Carson a decade earlier and encouraged her to write for a broad audience. Carson was serving as the Fish and Wildlife Service’s scientific editor when the department’s early DDT work was being conducted and was in charge of checking it before publication. See Julie Dunlap, “Remembering Rachel Carson: The Woman Who Would Not Be Silent,” Audubon Naturalist News 33, no. 3 (2007), http://audubonnaturalist.org/default.asp?page=669. Commenting on the importance of the Audubon Society to Carson, Lear (Rachel Carson: Witness for Nature, p. 181), observes that what “little social life [she] had centered on [the Audubon Society].” Carson was first elected to the District of Columbia Audubon Society’s board (now the Audubon Naturalist Society) in 1948. One of her colleagues there was William Vogt, whom Lear (ibid., p. 574) describes as “Carson’s friend.” (See also Julie Dunlap, “Remembering Rachel Carson.”)
67. John K. Terres, “Dynamite in DDT,” The New Republic, March 25, 1946, pp. 415–16.
68. It is possible that Cottam and Terres knew each other going back to the latter’s time in government service.
69. To reemphasize the point, the dosage in this case was deliberately extreme in order to assess birds’ tolerance levels to DDT. Other aerial spraying tests were simultaneously conducted in other locations with much lower doses.
70. Terres, “Dynamite in DDT,” pp. 415–16.
71. Ibid.
72. “Medicine: Worse Than Insects?”
73. Coit Murphy, What a Book Can Do, p. 140.
74. Robert S. Strother, “Backfire in the War against Insects,” Reader’s Digest 74 (1959): 64–69, reprinted in DDT, Silent Spring, and the Rise of Environmentalism, ed. Dunlap, pp. 85–90.
75. Murray Bookchin (as Lewis Herber), Our Synthetic Environment (New York: Knopf, 1962), http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bookchin/syntheticenviron/osetoc.html.
76. In the acknowledgments to his book (not freely available online unlike the remaining content), Bookchin (ibid., p. viii) thanked F. J. Schlink for “offering many suggestions on portions of my book on food additives and food and drug control” and further regretted “that limitations of space made it impossible for [him] to provide the reader with the wealth of material that Consumers’ Research has accumulated on these problems.”
77. Ibid., not paginated.
78. Robert L. Rudd, “The Irresponsible Poisoners,” The Nation, May 30, 1959, pp. 496–97; and “Pesticides: The Real Peril,” The Nation, November 28, 1959, pp. 399, 401.
79. Robert Rudd, Pesticides and the Living Landscape (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964).
80. Ibid., p. vii.
81. Osborn, Our Plundered Planet (Boston: Little Brown, 1948).
82. Ibid, p. 61. Our purpose in raising the issue is not to suggest that Osborn or any other Conservation Foundation officers telegraphed the desired results to Rudd, but rather to suggest that grave misgivings about synthetic pesticides were by then widespread and that funding was available for critical voices.
83. Ibid., p. ix. For an in-depth discussion of her collaborators in this endeavor, see Lear, Rachel Carson: Witness for Nature.
84. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring: 40th Anniversary Edition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2002), p. 16. Yet Carson goes on writing about the serious problems associated with arsenic two paragraphs later. In Rachel Carson: Witness for Nature, Lear observes that Carson had thought of writing an article on the topic in 1938.
85. Ibid., p. 18.
86. For more on this issue, see, among others, John Bellamy Foster, “Malthus’ Essay on Population at Age 200: A Marxian View,” Monthly Review 50, no. 7 (1998), http://www.monthlyreview.org/1298jbf.htm; Pierre Desrochers and Christine Hoffbauer, “The Post War Intellectual Roots of the Population Bomb: Fairfield Osborn’s Our Plundered Planet and William Vogt’s Road to Survival in Retrospect,” Electronic Journal of Sustainable Development 1, no. 3 (2009): 73–97, http://www.ejsd.org/public/journal_article/12#abstract; David Lowenthal, “Awareness of Human Impacts: Changing Attitudes and Emphasis,” in The Earth as Transformed by Human Action: Global and Regional Changes in the Biosphere over the Past 300 Years, ed. B. L. Turner II, et al. (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 121–35; The Economics of Population Growth: Classic Writings, ed. Julian Simon (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1998); J. J. Spengler, “History of Population Theories,” in The Economics of Population: Classic Writings, ed. J. L. Simon (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1998), pp. 3–15; J. A. Tainter, “Collapse, Sustainability and the Environment,” Reviews in Anthropology 37, no. 4 (2008): 342–71; and J. A. Tainter, “Archeology of Overshoot and Collapse,” Annual Review of Anthropology 35 (2006): 59–74.
87. Frederick Winslow Taylor, The Principles of Scientific Management (New York: Norton, 1911) From the nonpaginated version of the Project Gutenberg available at http://archive.org/details/theprinciplesofs06435gut
88. G. V. Jacks and R. O. Whyte, The Rape of the Earth: A World Survey of Soil Erosion (London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1939). The title of the American edition was the more prudish Vanishing Lands: A World Survey of Soil Erosion.
89. Samuel P. Hays, “The Mythology of Conservation,” in Perspectives on Conservation, ed. Henry Jarrett (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press for Resources for the Future, 1958), pp. 41–42.
90. B.-O. Linnér, The Return of Malthus: Environmentalism and Post-War Population-Resource Crises (Isle of Harris, Scotland: The White Horse Press, 2003), p. 37.
91. Alfred Sauvy, “La population du Monde et les ressources de la planète: Un projet de recherches,” Population 27, no. 6 (1972): 967–77.
92. Sauvy (1898–1990) was not only the dean of French demographers but also the most well-known member of his profession in the French-speaking world because of his numerous short essays published over several decades in Le Monde. He first coined the term “Third World” in 1952 in reference to the French Third Estate in pre-revolutionary France. Sauvy discussed and rejected Vogt’s core thesis in detail soon after the publication of Road to Survival. See Alfred Sauvy, “Alfred Sauvy on the World Population Problem: A View in 1949,” Population and Development Review 16, no. 4 (1990): 759–74, trans. Paul Demeny; originally, Alfred Sauvy, “Le ‘Faux Problème’ de la Population Mondiale,” Population 4, no. 3 (1949).
93. For example, Alston Chase, The Legacy of Malthus: The Social Costs of the New Scientific Racism (New York: Knopf, 1977); Desrochers and Hoffbauer, “The Post War Intellectual Roots of the Population Bomb”; Donald Gibson, Environmentalism: Ideology and Power (Huntington, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2002); Linnér, The Return of Malthus; T. B. Robertson, “The Population Bomb: Population Growth, Globalization and American Environmentalism, 1945–1980,” PhD diss., University of Wisconsin– Madison, 2005; and Kolson Schlosser, “Malthus at Mid-Century: Neo-Malthusianism as Bio-political Governance in the Post-WWII United States,” Cultural Geographies 16, no. 4 (2009): 465–84.
94. David Cameron Duffy, “William Vogt: A Pilgrim on the Road to Survival,” American Birds 43, no. 5 (1989): 1256–57, http://elibrary.unm.edu/sora/NAB/v043n05/p01256-p01257.pdf.
95. Patterson, The Mosquito Crusades.
96. Vogt reportedly tried to engineer an internal coup to oust and then replace the association’s sitting president. He was unsuccessful.
97. Ibid.
98. Desrochers and Hoffbauer, “The Post War Intellectual Roots of the Population Bomb”; Duffy, “William Vogt: A Pilgrim on the Road to Survival”; and Gibson, Environmentalism: Ideology and Power.
99. Vogt, Road to Survival, p. 78.
100. Ibid., p. 285.
101. Ibid., p. 56.
102. Ibid., p. 86.
103. Ibid., p. 86.
104. Ibid., p. 87.
105. Ibid., p. 194.
106. Ibid., p. 110.
107. Ibid., p. 72.
108. Ibid., p. 63.
109. Ibid., p. 63.
110. Ibid., p. 68.
111. Ibid., p. 206.
112. Ibid., p. 77.
113. Ibid., p. 186.
114. Ibid., p. 33.
115. The case of rodents was viewed as more complex, inasmuch as their presence was more a consequence of man’s maltreatment of the land.
116. Ibid., pp. 28 and 31.
117. In his only other significant comment on DDT, Vogt (p. 30) denounced its “widespread and unselective use that destroyed not only pests, but also valuable insects which “pollinate fruit trees and parasitize destructive insects.”
118. Ibid., p. 257.
119. The “lifeboat ethics” was proposed in 1974 by the ecologist Garrett Hardin who described the case of a lifeboat bearing 50 people with room for a few more floating on an ocean surrounded by 100 swimmers. The dilemma stems from whether or not (and under what circumstances) swimmers should be taken aboard. The “economics of spaceship earth” is economist Kenneth E. Boulding’s 1966 discussion of earth as a spaceship devoid of unlimited resources in which men must find their place in a cyclical ecological system. See Garrett Hardin, “Lifeboat Ethics: The Case against Helping the Poor,” Psychology Today 8 (1974): 38–43; and K. E. Boulding, “The Economics of the Coming Spaceship Earth,” in Environmental Quality in a Growing Economy, ed. H. Jarrett (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press for Resources for the Future, 1966), pp. 3–14.
120. Vogt, Road to Survival, p. 13.
121. Ibid., p. 48.
122. Ibid., p. 59.
123. Ibid., p. 33.
124. Ibid., p. 147.
125. Ibid., pp. 43–44.
126. Ibid., pp. 34–37.
127. Ibid., p. 38.
128. Ibid., pp. 129–30.
129. Ibid., p. 262.
130. Ibid., p. 145.
131. Ibid., p. 67.
132. Ibid.
133. Ibid., p. 148.
134. Ibid.
135. Ibid., p. 28.
136. Rent-seeking occurs when an individual, organization, or firm seeks to earn money by manipulating the economic and/or legal environment rather than through trade and the creation of wealth. “Perverse subsidies” have both economic and environmentally negative impacts.
137. Ibid., p. 35.
138. Ibid., p. 43.
139. Ibid., p. 127.
140. Ibid., pp. 183–86. Although he occasionally stumbled upon some of the key insights of the perspective later known as “free-market environmentalism,” Vogt failed to ask why polluting industries could not be sued for the damage they inflicted upon others—as was traditionally the custom in market economies until these rights were taken away or drastically curbed by politicians seeking to “balance” economic growth and environmental protection—or why agricultural producers had become so dependent on subsidies or were often taking a short-term perspective on the impact of their activities. While he was well aware that the “subsidized industrialist” and the farmer benefiting from subsidy payments were very keen “to protest any real attempt at free enterprise” (p. 43), he was nonetheless more inclined to favor greater (although obviously better) as opposed to lesser political management.
141. Ibid., p. 264.
142. Ibid., p. 265.
143. Chase, The Legacy of Malthus, p. 381.
144. Vogt, Road to Survival, p. 24.
145. H. von Storch and N. Stehr, “Anthropogenic Climate Change: A Reason for Concern since the 18th Century and Earlier,” Geografiska Annaler: Series A, Physical Geography 88, no. 2 (2006): 107–13.
146. William Vogt, “On Man the Destroyer,” Natural History 72, no. 1 (1963): 3–5.
147. Ibid., pp. 3, 5.
148. Ibid., p. 4.
149. Ibid.
150. Ibid., p. 5.
151. Ibid.
152. Coit Murphy, What a Book Can Do, p. 144.
153. Lear, Rachel Carson: Witness for Nature.
154. William J. Darby, “Silence, Miss Carson,” Chemical & Engineering News, October 1, 1962, pp. 62–63.
155. Diamond, “The Myth of the ‘Pesticide Menace,’” p. 18, reprinted in Dulap, DDT, Silent Spring, and the Rise of Environmentalism: Classic Texts, p. 115.
Chapter 4
1. See Robert H. Nelson, “The Office of Policy Analysis in the Department of the Interior,” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management (Summer l989), reprinted in Carol H. Weiss, Organizations for Policy Analysis: Helping Government Think (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1992).
2. Robert H. Nelson, “Unoriginal Sin: The Judeo-Christian Roots of Ecotheology,” Policy Review (Summer 1990).
3. Robert H. Nelson, Reaching for Heaven on Earth: The Theological Meaning of Economics (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1991).
4. See most recently Robert H. Nelson, The New Holy Wars: Economic Religion versus Environmental Religion in Contemporary America (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2010). See also Robert H. Nelson, Economics as Religion: From Samuelson to Chicago and Beyond (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2001); Robert H. Nelson, “What Is ‘Economic Theology,’” The Princeton Seminary Bulletin (February 2004); and Robert H. Nelson, “Environmental Religion: A Theological Critique,” Case Western Reserve Law Review (Fall 2004). A complete listing including electronic versions of many other past writings on economic religion and environmental religion can be found at my website at http://www.publicpolicy.umd.edu/faculty/nelson.
5. Paul Tillich, Dynamics of Faith (New York: HarperOne, 2001 [1st ed. 1957]), p. 5.
6. Karl Lowith, Meaning in History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1949).
7. Ian Buruma, “Who Did Not Collaborate?” New York Review of Books, February 24, 2011, p. 16.
8. Igal Halfin, From Darkness to Light: Class, Consciousness, and Salvation in Revolutionary Russia (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000), p. 39.
9. Ibid., p. 40.
10. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1994 [1st ed. 1962]).
11. See Hal K. Rothman, The Greening of a Nation: Environmentalism in the United States since 1945 (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1998); and Philip Shabecoff, A Fierce Green Fire: The American Environmental Movement, rev. ed. (Washington, DC: Island Press, 2003).
12. On environmentalism as a religion, see Thomas R. Dunlap, Faith in Nature: Environmentalism as Religious Quest (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2004); Andrew P. Morriss and Benjamin Cramer, “Disestablishing Environmentalism,” Environmental Law 39 (2009); and Joel Garreau, “Environmentalism as Religion,” The New Atlantis (Summer 2010).
13. See Wallace Kaufman, chapter 2, this volume. See also Linda J. Lear, Rachel Carson: Witness for Nature (New York: Henry Holt, 1997); and Mark Hamilton Lytle, The Gentle Subversive: Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, and the Rise of the Environmental Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007).
14. See Robert Bellah, “Civil Religion in America,” Daedalus (Winter 1967).
15. Text of State of the Union address available at http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/25/AR2011012506398.html
16. Sacvan Bercovitch, The Puritan Origins of the American Self (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1975).
17. See Robert William Fogel, The Fourth Great Awakening & the Future of Egalitarianism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000).
18. See Emilio Gentile, Politics as Religion, trans. George Staunton (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006).
19. See Robert J. Samuelson, The Good Life and Its Discontents: The American Dream in the Age of Entitlement, 1945–1995 (New York: Times Books, 1995).
20. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 113.
21. See Robert H. Nelson, Public Lands and Private Rights: The Failure of Scientific Management (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1995); and Richard Wahl, Markets for Federal Water: Subsidies, Property Rights and the Bureau of Reclamation (Washington, DC: RFF Press, 1989). It might be noted that both Nelson and Wahl served in the Office of Policy Analysis in the Office of the Secretary of the Interior during the 1980s.
22. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 66, 67.
23. Ibid., p. 277.
24. See Pierre Desrochers and Hiroko Shimizu, chapter 3, this volume.
25. Mark A. Noll, A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1992).
26. See Nelson, “Calvinism Minus God,” in The New Holy Wars, Part II.
27. Mark Stoll, Protestantism, Capitalism and Nature in America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997), p. 49.
28. The contemporary philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre declares that “Marxism shares in good measure both the content and the functions of Christianity as an interpretation of human existence, and it does so because it is the historical successor of Christianity”—or at least so it appeared to many people for much of the 20th century. See Alasdair MacIntyre, Marxism and Christianity (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1984), p. 6.
29. See Samuel P. Huntington, Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005).
30. See Nelson, Economics as Religion.
31. Frank and Fritzie Manuel, Utopian Thought in the Western World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), pp. 723, 727, 728.
32. Quoted in Friedrich A. Hayek, The Counter-revolution of Science: Studies on the Abuse of Reason (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1979 [1st ed. 1952]), p. 355.
33. Richard Ely, Social Aspects of Christianity and Other Essays (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1899), p. 72.
34. Samuel Haber, Efficiency and Uplift: Scientific Management in the Progressive Era, 1890–1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), p. ix.
35. Dwight Waldo, The Administrative State: A Study of the Political Theory of American Public Administration (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1984 [1st ed. 1948]), pp. 19–20.
36. J. B. Bury, The Idea of Progress (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1982 [1st ed. 1932]), p. 4.
37. Environmentalists such as Carson were not the only strong critics of American economic religion. John Cobb, a leading American Protestant theologian, writes that in the 20th century “neoclassical economics became the theology of those who saw economic growth as the savior of humankind.” Although economic religion “does not dominate the spirituality of all peoples, it is the ‘religion’ that governs planetary affairs,” based on an idolatrous “devotion” to the “increase of economic production.” See John B. Cobb, Jr., Sustaining the Common Good: A Christian Perspective on the Global Economy (Cleveland: The Pilgrim Press, 1994), pp. 49, 28, 40.
38. See Robert H. Nelson, “Is ‘Libertarian Environmentalist’ an Oxymoron? The Crisis of Progressive Faith and the Environmental and Libertarian Search for a New Guiding Vision,” in The Next West: Public Lands, Community and Economy in the American West, ed. John A. Baden and Donald Snow (Washington, DC: Island Press, 1997).
39. James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998).
40. Ibid., pp. 89–90.
41. Fogel, The Fourth Great Awakening & the Future of Egalitarianism, p. 172.
42. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 267.
43. Ibid., p. 255.
44. Ibid., pp. 252, 253.
45. Ibid., pp. 92, 93, 96.
46. Ibid., p. 93.
47. See Desrochers and Shimizu, chapter 5, this volume.
48. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 162–63.
49. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Modern Library, 1993 [1st ed. 1961]).
50. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 165–66, 167.
51. Ibid., pp. 165, 163.
52. See John McPhee, Conversations with the Archdruid (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1971).
53. Ibid., p. 159.
54. Quotation in Steven F. Hayward, Mere Environmentalism: A Biblical Perspective on Humans and the Natural World (Washington, DC: AEI Press, 2011), p. 44.
55. Robert Royal, The Virgin and the Dynamo: The Use and Abuse of Religion in Environmental Debates (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 1999), p. 14.
56. William C. Dennis, “Wilderness Cathedrals and the Public Good,” The Freeman 37, no. 5 (May 1987).
57. Robert H. Nelson, “Dick Cheney Was Right: The Energy Debate Is about Virtue,” The Weekly Standard, June 11, 2001.
58. See Roger Meiners, chapter 6, this volume.
59. See also Roger Meiners and Andrew P. Morriss, chapter 9, this volume.
60. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 173–74.
61. Ibid., p. 242.
62. See Nathan Gregory, chapter 7, this volume.
63. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 219.
64. Ibid., pp. 219, 220.
65. Ibid., p. 208.
66. R. Doll and R. Peto, “The Causes of Cancer: Quantitative Estimates of Avoidable Risks of Cancer in the United States Today,” Journal of the National Cancer Institute (June 1981).
67. Bruce N. Ames and Lois Swirsky Gold, “Environmental Pollution and Cancer: Some Misconceptions,” in Phantom Risk: Scientific Inference and the Law, ed. Kenneth R. Foster, David E. Bernstein, and Peter W. Huber (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993), pp. 153, 154.
68. Ibid., p. 157.
69. Ibid., p. 164.
70. Nelson, The New Holy Wars.
71. See Nathan Gregory, chapter 7, this volume.
72. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 1, 2.
73. Ibid., pp. 2, 3.
74. Ibid., p. 6.
75. See Nathan Gregory, chapter 7, this volume.
76. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 5–7.
77. Ibid., pp. 7, 8, 13.
78. Ibid., pp. 12, 13.
79. David R. Williams, Searching for God in the Sixties (Newark, DE: University of Delaware Press, 2010), pp. 45, 39.
80. See Donald Roberts and Richard Tren, chapter 8, this volume.
81. Daniel B. Botkin, Discordant Harmonies: A New Ecology for the Twenty-First Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
82. Ibid., pp. 9, 188–89, 191.
83. See also Wallace Kaufman, No Turning Back: Dismantling the Fantasies of Environmental Thinking (New York: Basic Books, 1994).
84. Botkin, pp. 6, 10, 193.
85. See Donald Worster, Nature’s Economy: A History of Ecological Ideas, 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
86. Donald Worster, “The Ecology of Order and Chaos,” in The Wealth of Nature: Environmental History and the Ecological Imagination, ed. Donald Worster (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 155.
87. Ibid., 158.
88. D. Foster and J. Aber, “Background and Framework for Long-Term Ecological Research,” in Forests in Time: The Environmental Consequences of 1,000 Years of Change in New England, ed. David R. Foster and John D. Aber (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), pp. 5–6.
89. See also Charles C. Mann, 1491: New Revelations of the Americas before Columbus (New York: Knopf, 2005).
90. D. Foster, et al., “The Environmental and Human History of New England,” in Forests in Time: The Environmental Consequences of 1,000 Years of Change in New England, ed. David R. Foster and John D. Aber (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), pp. 64, 62.
91. Ibid., pp. 43–44.
92. See Robert Royal, 1492 and All That: Political Manipulations of History (Washington, DC: Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1992).
93. See Charles T. Rubin, The Green Crusade: Rethinking the Roots of Environmentalism (New York: Free Press, 1994).
94. William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983).
95. William Cronon, “Getting Back to the Wrong Nature,” Utne Reader (May–June 1996), pp. 76–78.
96. See Alan Weisman, The World without Us (New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2007).
97. Bill McKibben, The End of Nature (New York: Random House, 1989), pp. 180, 186.
98. Quoted in “Bulletin Board,” High Country News, September 23, 1991, p. 16.
99. See Tobias Lanz, “Calvinism without God,” Chronicles, August 2011.
Chapter 5
1. Adam J. Lieberman and Simona C. Kwon, Facts versus Fears: A Review of the Greatest Unfounded Health Scares of Recent Times, 4th ed. (New York: American Council on Science and Health, 2004), p. 7, available at http://www.acsh.org/docLib/20040928_fvf2004.pdf
2. Clarence Dean, “Cranberry Sales Curbed; 45 Million Loss Feared Cranberry Crop Facing Huge Loss,” New York Times, November 11, 1959, p. 1; Richard E. Mooney, “Color Additives to Stir New Feud; Debates Similar to Those of Cranberry Tiff Will Be Heard in Congress Questions: What’s Safe? Delaney Readies a Clause to Prohibit Chemicals That Produce Cancer,” New York Times, November 30, 1959, p. 39.
3. Lieberman and Kwon, Facts versus Fears, p. 7.
4. Thomas H. Jukes. “People and Pesticides,” American Scientist 51 (3) (1963): 355–61; John A. Osmundsen, “Food Trade Waits Impacts on U.S. Law on Additives,” New York Times, February 23, 1959, p. 1; Desrochers and Shimizu, chapter 3, this volume; Meiners and Morriss, chapter 9, this volume.
5. Gladwin Hill, “Atom Test Studies Show Area Is Safe: Radiation Is Found Well below Hazardous Level–Damage to Property Remains Small,” New York Times, May 25, 1953, p. 21; Harry Schwartz, “Long-Deadly Part Found in Atom Ash; Japanese Doctors Concerned because of the Presence of Dangerous Strontium 90,” New York Times, March 26, 1954, p. 5; New York Times, “Hot Ashes,” June 24, 1954, p. E6; New York Times, “Stevenson Sees Cover-Up on Bomb; Says Administration Kept Secret Contamination of U.S. Milk by Strontium,” New York Times, November 3, 1956, p. 20; Richard K. Plumb, “Fall-Out of Bomb a Defense Factor; Shower of Radioactive Dust after the Explosion Makes Wide Area Unsafe Experts Split on Text. A. E. C. Scientists Discount Genetic Dangers but Others Have Doubts,” New York Times, June 10, 1955, p. 10; Waldemar Kaempffert, “Special International Body Is Proposed to Consider Danger of Atomic Fall-Out,” New York Times, June 26, 1955, p.E9.
6. Indur M. Goklany, Clearing the Air: The Real Story of the War on Air Pollution (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 1999); Edith Evans Asbury, “Smog Is Really Smaze; Rain May Rout It Tonight; Four-Day Concentration of Smoke and Haze Causes Optical Illusions and Discomfort—Two Airports Close as Fog Is Added Heavy, Heavy Hangs Over: Smaze, a Blend of Smoke and Haze, Smothers City Area With a Grayish Pall Rain May Wash Out 4-Day Smog Tonight,” New York Times, November 21, 1953, p. 1; New York Times, “Smog and Ire Fill Los Angeles Air; City Has Worst Atmospheric Pall and Clamor for Action Reaches Insistent High,” October 17, 1954, p. 34.
7. Lieberman and Kwon, Facts versus Fears, p. 7.
8. New York Times, “Rachel Carson’s Warning,” July 2, 1962, p. 28.
9. John W. Finney, “Curbs on ‘Wonder Drugs’ Urged to Avoid Harm to Unborn Babies,” New York Times, May 11, 1962, p. 36.
10. National Toxicological Program, Thalidomide. Available at http://cerhr.niehs.nih.gov/common/thalidomide.html, visited April 15, 2011.
11. Wallace F. Janssen, “The Story of the Laws behind the Labels,” FDA, June 1981, available at http://www.fda.gov/AboutFDA/WhatWeDo/History/Overviews/ucm056044.htm.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid.
14. New York Times, “Transcript of the President’s News Conference on Domestic and Foreign Matters,” August 30, 1962, p. 10.
15. Marjorie Hunter, “U.S. Sets Up Panel to Review the Side Effects of Pesticides; Controls Studied—Kennedy Finds Work Spurred by Rachel Carson Book,” New York Times, August 31, 1962, p. 9.
16. Rachel Carson, “What’s the Reason Why: A Symposium by Best-Selling Authors,” New York Times Book Review, December 2, 1962, p. 3.
17. For a broader critical discussion of the issue that is not limited to the years before the publication of Silent Spring, see J. Gordon Edwards. “DDT Effects on Bird Abundance and Reproduction” in Jay Lehr, ed., Rational Readings on Environmental Concerns (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1992) pp. 195–216. For a defense of Carson’s stance written by an Audubon staffer, see Robert C. Clement, “The Pesticides Controversy,” Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review 2, no. 3 (1972): 445–68.
18. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962), p. 3.
19. Thomas H. Jukes. “People and Pesticides,” American Scientist 51, no. 3 (1963): 355–61, p. 360.
20. Thomas H. Jukes, “The Tragedy of DDT,” In Rational Readings on Environmental Concerns, ed. Jay Lehr (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1992), pp. 217–20.
21. Philip H. Marvin, “Birds on the Rise,” Bulletin of the ESA 10, no. 3 (1964): 194–96.
22. Audubon Society, History of the Christmas Bird Count, available at http://birds.audubon.org/history-christmas-bird-count, visited February 22, 2011. For the specific claim of increases in the population of 26 different kinds of birds, see J. Gordon Edwards, “DDT Effects on Bird Abundance and Reproduction,” In Rational Readings on Environmental Concerns, ed. Jay Lehr (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1992) pp. 195–216.
23. Eugene E. Kenaga, “Are Birds Increasing in Numbers?” Bulletin of the ESA 11, no. 2, (1965): 81–83. The Aubudon Society justifies its bird count on the grounds that “local trends in bird populations can indicate habitat fragmentation or signal an immediate environmental threat, such as . . . improper use of pesticides.” Audubon Society website,”How CBC Helps Birds,” http://web4.audubon.org/bird/cbc/howcbchelpsbirds.html, accessed May 2012.
24. Arlene Rodda Quaratiello, Rachel Carson: A Biography (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2004), pp. 37 and 136.
25. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 93, 103, 112, 118.
26. Ibid., pp. 93, 103.
27. Ibid., pp. 93, 166.
28. Ibid., pp. 103–04, 111.
29. Ibid., p. 17.
30. Ibid., p. 118.
31. Ibid., p. 119.
32. Christmas Bird Count, Historical Results, available at http://birds.audubon.org/historical-results, visited March 2012.
33. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 118–19.
34. Mark V. Stalmaster, The Bald Eagle (New York: Universe, 1987), p. 135.
35. Thomas H. Jukes, 115 Congressional Record, 1969, pp. 11338–340.
36. J. C. Howell, “The 1966 Status of 24 Nest Sites of the Bald Eagle in East-Central Florida,” Auk 85 (1968): 680–81.
37. Howell, ibid., p. 681; Stalmaster, The Bald Eagle, p. 136.
38. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 91–92.
39. Ibid., p. 95.
40. Jennifer Price, “Hats Off to Audubon,” Audubon (December 2004), http://archive.audubonmagazine.org/features0412/hats.html.
41. William T. Hornaday, Our Vanishing Wild Life (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), nonpaginated version, chapter 11, retrieved August 1, 2008, from http://www.fullbooks.com/Our-Vanishing-Wild-Life.html.
42. For instance, in 1969, one commentator was “now convinced” that the decline of the peregrine falcon was “due to a climate change, with increasing annual temperatures, decreasing precipitation, and a shrinkage of the aquatic habitats on lake edges which peregrines probably use in that region.” Quoted by J. Gordon Edwards, “DDT Effects,” p. 202.
43. That these facts were well known is attested by their discussion to various degrees in Jukes, 115 Congressional Record, and a number of sources listed in Desrochers and Shimizu, chapter 3, this volume.
44. For more detailed overview on the subject and additional references, see P. E. Russell, “Centenary Review: A Century of Fungicide Evolution,” Journal of Agricultural Science 145, no. 1 (2005): 11–25; Erich Christian Oerke, “Centenary Review: Crop Losses to Pests,” Journal of Agricultural Science 144, no. 1 (2006): 31–43. For a broad overview of plant diseases, see the website of the American Phytopathological Society at http://www.apsnet.org/Pages/default.aspx. For more detailed yet relatively concise cases on behalf of synthetic pesticides, see Leonard Gianessi, “The Quixotic Quest for Chemical-Free Farming,” Issues in Science and Technology 10, no. 1 (1993): 29–37 and Alex Avery, The Truth about Organic Foods (Chesterfield, MO: Henderson Communications L.L.C., 2006).
45. International Institute of Tropical Agriculture, “Maize,” http://www.iita.org/maize.
46. International Potato Center. “‘Amarilis’ – Late Blight Resistant Potato Improves Andean Smallholders’ Production, press release, June 28, 2010,” http://www.cipo-tato. org/pressroom/press_releases_detail.asp?cod=84.
47. For a book-length treatment of the issue, see John I. Pitt and Ailsa D. Hocking, Fungi and Food Spoilage, 3rd ed. (New York: Springer, 2009).
48. Dennis Normile, “Holding Back a Torrent of Rats,” Science 327 (5967) (2010): 806.
49. See Avery, The Truth about Organic Foods, chapter 10; Nathan Gregory, chapter 7, this volume.
50. Avery, The Truth about Organic Foods, chapter 10.
51. Homer, Odyssey (8th century BC), Scroll 22, line 12 ff (from Samuel Butler’s Homer. The Odyssey. Rendered into English prose for the Use of Those who cannot Read the Original (A. C. Fifield, 1900), http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0218%3Abook%3D22%3Acard%3D12.
52. The background story of Bordeaux mixture is well known, but is worth retelling. Its inventor originally devised the mixture to keep small boys from stealing his grapes, telling them in no uncertain terms that it was as deadly a poison as it looked. It then turned out to be an excellent fungicide whose use spread rapidly all over the world.
53. Avery, The Truth about Organic Foods, p. 113. For a video short during World War II that illustrates how farmers of the time mixed themselves a few potent ingredients and how they sprayed them without any protection to themselves, see USDA’s Victory Gardens (1942) available at http://archive.org/details/victory_garden.
54. Avery, The Truth about Organic Foods.
55. Carson, Silent Spring., p. 74.
56. Oerke, “Centenary Review”; Indur M. Goklany, “Saving Habitat and Conserving Biodiversity on a Crowded Planet,” BioScience 48 (1998): 941–53; Indur M. Goklany and Merritt W. Sprague, “Sustaining Development and Biodiversity: Productivity, Efficiency and Conservation,” Policy Analysis No. 175, Cato Institute, Washington, DC, 1992.
57. Daniel Simberloff, “Introduced Species: The Threat to Biodiversity and What Can Be Done,” ActionBioscience, American Institute of Biological Science, 2000, available at http://www.actionbioscience.org/biodiversity/simberloff.html.
58. National Agricultural Statistics Service, QuickStats 1.0 (2010), available at http://www.nass.usda.gov/Statistics_by_Subject/index.php?sector=CROPS.
59. Ibid.
60. Roger Meiners and Andrew P. Morriss, Chapter 9, this volume.
61. See, among others, William J. White, “Economic History of Tractors in the United States,” Eh.Net Encyclopedia of Economic and Business History, 2008, http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/white.tractors.history.us. At the peak of animal power, American farms hosted 21 million horses and 5 million mules—about three or four animals per average farm, more than was theoretically needed because of causes ranging from peak work periods (such as plowing) to animal sickness.
62. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 254–55.
63. David A. Pimentel, Lori McLaughlin, Andrew Zepp, et al., “Environmental and Economic Effects of Reducing Pesticide Use in Agriculture,” Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 46 (1993): 273–88, table 2.
64. Oerke, “Centenary Review.”
65. David Zilberman, Andrew Schmitz, Gary Casterline, Erik Lichtenberg, and Jerome B. Siebert, “The Economics of Pesticide Use and Regulation,” Science 253 (1991): 518–22.
66. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 9.
67. New York Times, Search Engine, available at http://query.nytimes.com/search/ alternate/query?query= &st=fromcse (requires payment).
68. New York Times, “Surplus Food and Progress,” December 15, 1961, p. 36.
69. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States from Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1975), p. 510.
70. Edward H. Faulkner, Ploughman’s Folly (London: Michael Joseph, 1945), available at http://journeytoforever.org/farm_library/folly/follyToC.html.
71. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 68–69.
72. David Pimentel, “Environmental and Economic Costs of the Application of Pesticides Primarily in the United States,” Environment, Development and Sustainability 7 (2005): 229–52.
73. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 11.
74. Simberloff, “Introduced Species.”
75. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 289–90.
76. University of California, San Diego. Bacillus thurengiensis: History of Bt, available at http://www.bt.ucsd.edu/bt_history.html, undated, visited April 15, 2011.
77. Economic Research Service, http://www.ers.usda.gov/Data/BiotechCrops/ (2011).
78. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 12.
79. Ibid., p. 183.
80. See Donald R. Roberts and Richard Tren, chapter 8, this volume.
81. Donald R. Roberts and Richard Tren, “International Advocacy against DDT and Other Public Health Insecticides for Malaria Control,” Research and Reports in Tropical Medicine 2011, available at http://www.dovepress.com/articles.php?article_id=6101.
82. New York Times, “Rachel Carson’s Warning,” July 2, 1962, p. 28.
Chapter 6
1. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962), p. 1.
2. Ibid., p. 3.
3. Ibid.
4. Central Intelligence Agency, “Life Expectancy at Birth,” World Factbook, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2102rank.html.
5. Laura B. Shrestha, Life Expectancy in the United States, Table 1 (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2006), p. CRS-3, http://aging.senate.gov/crs/ aging1.pdf.
6. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 3.
7. Ibid., p. 15.
8. Ibid., p. 219.
9. Ibid., p. 221.
10. For statistics on the rise of cancer as we age, see Bruce N. Ames, The Causes and Prevention of Cancer: Do Federal Regulations Help? (Washington, DC: Marshall Institute, 2002), p. 2.
11. See Siddhartha Mukherjee, The Emperor of All Maladies: A Biography of Cancer (New York: Scribner, 2010) for a discussion of the rise of public awareness of cancer in the 1950s. While the disease had been known for centuries, the scientific knowledge was abysmal.
12. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 220.
13. Ibid., pp. 222–23; see also pp. 58–59.
14. “War on Smoking Asked in Britain,” New York Times, March 8, 1962, p. 33.
15. “New Study Adds Data on Smoking; Confirms Cancer-Tobacco Link,” New York Times, May 8, 1959, p. 17.
16. “Experts on Cancer Voice Differences on Heavy Smoking,” New York Times, October 13, 1960, p. 48.
17. Hueper was noted for more than his science work. An early Nazi enthusiast, he ended his letters with “Heil Hitler” as he was much impressed by Hitler’s environmental purity. Apparently his enthusiasm waned in the 1930s as the atrocities became more apparent. See Robert N. Proctor, The Nazi War on Cancer (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).
18. Wilhelm Hueper, “Lung Cancers and Their Causes,” CA Cancer Journal for Clinicians 5 (1955): 95–100. For a review of the role of the tobacco industry at that time, see Subcommittee on Health and the Environment, “The Hill and Knowlton Documents: How the Tobacco Industry Launched Its Disinformation Campaign,” Staff Report, Majority Staff, Subcommittee on Health and the Environment, House Committee on Energy and Commerce, May 26, 1994, p. 7, http://tobaccodocuments.org/lor/95527328–7343.html.
19. Devra Davis, The Secret History of the War on Cancer (New York: Basic Books, 2007).
20. Hanspeter Witschi, “A Short History of Lung Cancer,” Toxicological Sciences 64 (2001): 4–6.
21. Colin Talley, Howard J. Kushner, and Claire E. Sterk, “Lung Cancer, Chronic Disease Epidemiology, and Medicine, 1948–1964,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 59 (2004): 329–74.
22. Ibid., pp. 330–31. See also, Witschi, “A Short History of Lung Cancer,” p. 6.
23. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 258–59.
24. Richard Doll and Richard Peto, “Causes of Cancer: Quantitative Estimates of Avoidable Risks of Cancer in the United States Today,” Journal of the National Cancer Institute 66, no. 6 (1981): 1191–308.
25. Ames, The Causes and Prevention of Cancer, pp. 3–5.
26. Bruce N. Ames, Lois Swirsky Gold, and William C. Willett, “The Causes and Prevention of Cancer,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences USA 92 (1995): 5258.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid.
29. Bureau of the Census, Mortality Statistics—1936 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1938), p. 132.
30. Public Health Service, Vital Statistics of the United States—1956, (Washington, DC: GPO, 1958), Table 59. Carson knew of this data source—she cites it in the book when discussing leukemia.
31. Doll and Peto, “Causes of Cancer,” Table 20.
32. Richard W. Clapp, Genevieve K. Howe, and Molly Jacobs, “Environmental and Occupational Causes of Cancer Re-visited,” Journal of Public Health Policy 27 (2006): 63.
33. Julian Peto, “Cancer Epidemiology in the Last Century and the Next Decade,” Nature 411 (2001): 390–95.
34. P. Boffetta et al., “The Causes of Cancer in France,” Annals of Oncology 20 (2009): 550–55.
35. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 242.
36. Ibid., p. 219.
37. “With the advent of man the situation began to change, for man, alone of all forms of life, can create cancer-producing substances, which in medical terminology are called carcinogens. A few man-made carcinogens have been part of the environment for centuries. An example is soot, containing aromatic hydrocarbons. With the dawn of the industrial era the world became a place of continuous, ever-accelerating change. Instead of the natural environment there was rapidly substituted an artificial one composed of new chemical and physical agents, many of them possessing powerful capacities for inducing biologic change. Against these carcinogens which his own activities had created man had no protection, for even as his biological heritage has evolved slowly, so it adapts slowly to new conditions. As a result these powerful substances could easily penetrate the inadequate defenses of the body.” Ibid., pp. 219–20.
38. Ames, Gold, and Willett, “The Causes and Prevention of Cancer,” p. 5262.
39. Ibid., p. 5256.
40. “‘It is scarcely possible . . . to handle arsenicals with more utter disregard of the general health than that which has been practiced in our country in recent years,’ said Dr. W. C. Hueper, of the National Cancer Institute, an authority on environmental cancer. ‘Anyone who has watched the dusters and sprayers of arsenical insecticides at work must have been impressed by the almost supreme carelessness with which the poisonous substances are dispensed.’” Carson, Silent Spring, p. 18.
41. Boffetta et al., “The Causes of Cancer in France,” p. 554.
42. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 226–27.
43. Alexander G. Gilliam and William A. Walter, “Trends in Mortality from Leukemia in the U.S., 1921–55,” Public Health Reports 73, no. 9 (1958): 773–84. The authors were epidemiologists with the National Cancer Institute.
44. Ibid., p. 776.
45. Ibid., p. 784.
46. S. Milham and E. M. Ossiander, “Historical Evidence that Residential Electrification Caused the Emergence of the Childhood Leukemia Peak,” Medical Hypotheses 56, no. 3 (2001): 290–95.
47. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 221.
48. Ibid., p. 226.
49. Arnold L. Aspelin, Pesticide Usage in the United States: Trends during the 20th Century (Raleigh, NC: Center for Integrated Pest Management, North Carolina State University, 2003), Part 1, p. 5; Part 4, pp. 4, 18.
50. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 7–8.
51. Ibid., p. 222.
52. Ibid., p. 223.
53. Aspelin, Pesticide Usage in the United States, Table 2.1.
54. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 222–24.
55. Nonetheless, as discussed by Roger Meiners and Andrew P. Morriss, chapter 9, this volume, the Fish and Wildlife Service where Carson worked publicly attacked DDT starting in 1945.
56. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 58.
57. Ibid., chapter 16.
58. See Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry (ATSDR), Toxicological Profile for DDT, DDE, and DDD (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, 2002), pp. 17–19; and AMAP, Arctic Pollution 2009 (Oslo: Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme, 2009), pp. 26, 29, http://amap.no/documents/index.cfm?action=getfile&dirsub=&filename=SOAER%5F2009.pdf&sort=default.
59. “Rachel Carson’s Warning,” New York Times, July 2, 1962, p. 28.
60. Apparently, this should have been “confounders.”
61. ATSDR, Toxicological Profile, p. 24.
62. Donald R. Roberts and Richard Tren, chapter 8, this volume.
63. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 12.
64. Ibid., p. 189.
65. Ibid., p. 183.
66. Donald R. Roberts and Richard Tren, chapter 8, this volume.
67. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 99.
68. Online Ethics Center for Engineering and Research, “Rachel Carson—Silent Springs” (National Academy of Engineering, Washington, DC, 2006), http://www.onlineethics.org/Topics/ProfPractice/Exemplars/BehavingWell/carsonindex.aspx.
Chapter 7
1. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962), p. 297.
2. John Bellamy Foster and Brett Clark, “Rachel Carson’s Ecological Critique,” Monthly Review 59, no. 9 (2008), http://monthlyreview.org/080201foster-clark.php.
3. Linda J. Lear, “Bombshell in Beltsville: The USDA and the Challenge of ‘Silent Spring,’”Agricultural History 66, no. 2 (1992): 151–70.
4. See chapters 8 through 12, this volume.
5. Simon A. Levin, “The Evolution of Ecology,” in The Chronicle of Higher Education, August 8, 2010, http://chronicle.com/article/The-Evolution-of-Ecology/123762, accessed March 2, 2011. See also Desrochers and Shimizu, chapter 3, this volume.
6. Maril Hazlett, “‘Woman vs. Man vs. Bugs’: Gender and Popular Ecology in Early Reactions to Silent Spring,” Environmental History 9, no. 4 (2004): 701–29.
7. Michael B. Smith, “‘Silence, Miss Carson!’ Science, Gender, and the Reception of Silent Spring,” Feminist Studies 27, no. 3 (2001): 733–52.
8. See Meiners and Morriss, chapter 9, this volume.
9. Yaakov Garb, “Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring,” Dissent (Fall 1995): 539–46; and Smith, “‘Silence Miss Carson!’”
10. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 113–14.
11. Garb, “Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring.”
12. Ibid.
13. Mark Sagoff, “Biodiversity and the Culture of Ecology,” Bulletin of the Ecological Society of America 74, no. 4 (1993): 374–81; D. E. Jelinski, “There Is No Mother Nature—There Is No Balance of Nature: Culture, Ecology and Conservation,” Human Ecology 33, no. 2 (2005): 271–88; John Kricher, The Balance of Nature: Ecology’s Enduring Myth (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009; and Jason Simus, “Metaphors and Metaphysics in Ecology,” a submission to the Sixth Annual Joint Meeting of the International Association for Environmental Philosophy and the International Society for Environmental Ethics, Allenspark, CO, June 16–19, 2009), accessed February 28, 2011, http://www.environmentalphilosophy.org/ISEEIAEPpapers/2009/Simus.pdf.
14. Quoted in Simus, “Metaphors and Metaphysics in Ecology.”
15. Sagoff, “Biodiversity and the Culture of Ecology.”
16. See Nelson, chapter 4, this volume.
17. Carson, Silent Spring, chapter 15, pp. 245–61.
18. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 57.
19. Charles S. Elton, The Ecology of Invasions by Plants and Animals (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958), p. 142.
20. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 246.
21. Smith, “‘Silence, Miss Carson!’”
22. Tim Lambert, “The Unending War on Rachel Carson,” ScienceBlogs, May 19, 2007, accessed March 6, 2011, http://scienceblogs.com/deltoid/2007/05/the_unending_war_on_rachel_car.php.
23. Ira L. Baldwin, “Chemicals and Pests: Man’s Use, Misuse, and Abuse of the Products of Science Determine Whether These Valuable Assets Are Also Harmful,” Science 137, no. 3535 (1962): 1042–43.
24. R. M. MacPherson, “A Modern Approach to Pest Control,” Canadian Journal of Comparative Medicine and Veterinary Science 11, no. 4 (1947): 108–13.
25. Frank N. Egerton, “Changing Concepts of the Balance of Nature,” Quarterly Review of Biology 48, no. 2 (1973): 322–50.
26. See Nelson, chapter 4, this volume.
27. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 64–65.
28. Sewall Wright, “The Roles of Mutation, Inbreeding, Crossbreeding, and Selection in Evolution,” Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress on Genetics 1 (1932): 355–66.
29. Henry A. Gleason, “The Individualistic Concept of the Plant Association,” Bulletin of the Torrey Botany Club 53 (1926): 7–26.
30. Charles S. Elton, Animal Ecology and Evolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1930), p. 17.
31. Herbert George Andrewartha and L. Charles Birch, The Distribution and Abundance of Animals (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954).
32. Simon A. Levin and R. T. Paine, “Disturbance, Patch Formation, and Community Structure,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 71, no. 7 (1974): 2744–47.
33. Simon A. Levin, “The Problem of Pattern and Scale in Ecology: The Robert H. MacArthur Award Lecture,” Ecology 73, no. 6 (1992): 1943–67.
34. Jiangero Wu and Orie L. Loucks, “From Balance of Nature to Hierarchical Patch Dynamics: A Paradigm Shift in Ecology,” Quarterly Review of Biology 70, no. 4 (1995): 439–66.
35. Simus, “Metaphors and Metaphysics in Ecology.”
36. Wu and Loucks, “From Balance of Nature to Hierarchical Patch Dynamics.”
37. Carson, “The Other Road,” chapter 17 in Silent Spring.
38. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 10.
39. F. J. Simmons, J. M. Franz, and R. I. Sailer, “History of Biological Control,” in Theory and Practice of Biological Control, ed. C. B. Huffaker and P. S. Messenger (New York: Academic, 1976), pp. 17–39.
40. See Meiners and Morriss, chapter 9, this volume.
41. J. Eilenberg, Ann Hajek, and C. Lomer, “Suggestions for Unifying the Terminology in Biological Control,” Biocontrol 46, no. 4 (2001): 387–400.
42. See Desrochers and Shimizu, chapter 5, this volume.
43. Garb, “Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring,” p. 541.
44. David H. Jennings, William Threlfall, and Donald G. Dodds, “Metazoan Parasites and Food of Short Tailed Weasels and Mink in Newfoundland, Canada.” Canadian Journal of Zoology 60, no. 2 (1982): 180–83.
45. Jeffrey A. Lockwood, “Competing Values and Moral Imperatives: An Overview of Ethical Issues in Biological Control,” Agriculture and Human Values 14, no. 3 (1997): 205–10.
46. Ann E. Hajek, Natural Enemies: An Introduction to Biological Control (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
47. L. E. Caltagirone and Richard L. Doutt, “The History of the Vedalia Beetle Importation to California and Its Impact on the Development of Biological Control,” Annual Review of Entomology 34, no. 1 (1989): 1–16, p. 13.
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid.
50. Mark S. Hoddle, “Classical Biological Control of Arthropods in the 21st Century,” Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Biological Control of Arthropods (2002): 3–16.
51. Simmons, Franz, and Sailer, “History of Biological Control.”
52. Caltagirone and Doutt, “The History of the Vedalia Beetle Importation,” p. 12.
53. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 292.
54. Hajek, Natural Enemies.
55. Jeff K. Waage et al., “Biological Control: Challenges and Opportunities [and Discussion],” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 318, no. 1189 (1998): 111–28.
56. Paul DeBach, Biological Control by Natural Enemies (London: Cambridge University Press, 1974); Richard L. Doutt, “Biological Control: Parasites and Predators,” in Pest Control Strategies for the Future (Washington, DC: National Academy of Sciences Printing and Publishing, 1972), pp. 288–97; and F. J. Simmonds and F. D. Bennett, “Biological Control of Agricultural Pests,” in Proceedings of the 15th International Congress of Entomology, ed. D. White (Washington, DC: Entomological Society of America, 1977), pp. 464–72.
57. Francis G. Howarth, “Classical Biocontrol: Panacea or Pandora’s Box?” Proceedings of the Hawaii Entomological Society 24 (1983): 239–44.
58. Francis G. Howarth, “Environmental Impacts of Classical Biological Control,” Annual Review of Entomology 36 (1991): 485–509.
59. René E. Honegger, “List of Amphibians and Reptiles Either Known or Thought to Have Become Extinct since 1600,” Biological Conservation 19 (1981): 141–58.
60. See Katzenstein, chapter 11, this volume.
61. Jay A. Rosenheim, “Intraguild Predation of Orius Tristicolor by Geocoris spp. and the Paradox of Irruptive Spider Mite Dynamics in California Cotton,” Biological Control 5 (2005): 303–35; Daniel Simberloff and Peter Stiling, “How Risky Is Biological Control?” Ecology 77, no. 7 (1996): 1965–74; and Svata M. Louda and Peter Stiling, “The Double-Edged Sword of Biological Control in Conservation and Restoration,” Conservation Biology 18, no. 1 (2004): 50–53.
62. Mark Sagoff, “Do Non-Native Species Threaten the Natural Environment?” Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics 18 (2005): 215–36; and Joop C. Van Lenteren et al., “Assessing Risks of Releasing Exotic Biological Control Agents of Arthropod Pests,” Annual Review of Entomology 51 (2006): 609–34.
63. Svata M. Louda et al., “Nontarget Effects—The Achilles’ Heel of Biological Control? Retrospective Analyses to Reduce Risk Associated with Biocontrol Introductions,” Annual Review of Entomology 48 (2003): 365–96.
64. Mark S. Hoddle, “Restoring Balance: Using Exotic Species to Control Invasive Exotic Species,” Conservation Biology 18, no. 1 (2004): 38–49.
65. Van Lenteren et al., “Assessing Risks of Releasing Exotic Biological Control Agents.”
66. Dylan Parry, “Beyond Pandora’s Box: Quantitatively Evaluating Non-Target Effects of Parasitoids in Classical Biological Control,” Biological Invasions 11, no. 1 (2008): 47–58.
67. Diana N. Kimberling, “Lessons from History: Predicting Successes and Risks of Intentional Introductions for Arthropod Biological Control,” Biological Invasions 6, no. 3 (2004): 301–18.
68. Louda et al., “Nontarget Effects—The Achilles’ Heel of Biological Control?”
69. David Pimentel, Rodolfo Zuniga, and Doug Morrison, “Update on the Environmental and Economic Costs Associated with Alien-Invasive Species in the United States,” Ecological Economics 52 (2004): 273–88.
70. Sagoff, “Do Non-Native Species Threaten the Natural Environment?”; and A. D. Rodewald, “Spreading Messages about Invasives,” Diversity and Distributions (2011): 1–3.
71. David Tilman, “Biodiversity: Population versus Ecosystem Stability,” Ecology 77, no. 2 (1996): 350–63; J. Loreau et al., “Biodiversity and Ecosystem Functioning: Current Knowledge and Future Challenges,” Science 294, no. 5543 (2001): 804–8; and David Tilman et al., “Diversity and Productivity in a Long-term Grassland Experiment,” Science 294, no. 5543 (2001): 843–45.
72. Daniel Simberloff, “Non-Native Species DO Threaten the Natural Environment!” Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics 18, no. 6 (2005): 595–607.
73. Elton, The Ecology of Invasions by Plants and Animals.
74. Taylor H. Ricketts et al., “Economic Value of Tropical Forest to Coffee Production,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 101, no. 34 (2004): 12579–82; and Rachael Winfree, “Wild Bee Pollinators Provide the Majority of Crop Visitation across Land-use Gradients in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, USA,” Journal of Applied Ecology 45, no. 3 (2008): 793–802.
75. Kimberling, “Lessons from History”; and R. H. Messing, “Hawaii as a Role Model for Comprehensive U.S. Biocontrol Legislation: The Best and the Worst of It,” in Proceedings of the Second International Symposium on Biological Control of Arthropods, Davos, Switzerland, September 12–16, 2005, USDA Forest Service, Publication FHTET-2005–08.
76. Lloyd Knutson and Jack R. Coulson, “Procedures and Policies in the USA regarding Precautions in the Introduction of Classical Biological Control Agents,” EPPO Bulletin 27, no. 1 (1997): 133–42.
77. Peter G. Mason, Robert G. Flanders, and Hugo A. Arrendondo-Bernal, “How Can Legislation Facilitate the Use of Biological Control of Arthropods in North America?” in Proceedings of the Second International Symposium on Biological Control of Arthropods, Davos, Switzerland, September 12–16, 2005, USDA Forest Service, Publication FHTET-2005–08; and David M. Lodge et al., “Biological Invasions: Recommendations for U.S. Policy and Management,” Ecological Applications 16, no. 6 (2006): 2035–54.
78. Jorge Hendrichs et al., “Medfly Area Wide Sterile Insect Technique Programmes for Prevention, Suppression or Eradication: The Importance of Mating Behavior Studies,” Florida Entomologist 85, no. 1 (2002): 1–13.
79. Ibid.
80. Marc J. B. Vreysen et al., “Glossina austeni (Diptera: Glossinidae) Eradicated on the Island of Unguja, Zanzibar, Using the Sterile Insect Technique,” Journal of Economic Entomology 93, no. 1 (2000): 123–35.
81. Waldenar Klassen, “Introduction: Development of the Sterile Insect Technique for African Malaria Vectors,” Malaria Journal 8, suppl. 2 (2009): page II.
82. Carson, Silent Spring, “The Other Road,” chapter 17.
83. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 163.
84. Marina S. Ascunce et al., “Global Invasion History of the Fire Ant Solenopsis invicta,” Science 331, no. 6020 (2011): 1066–68.
85. Sanford Porter, “Host Specificity and Risk Assessment of Releasing the Decapitating Fly Pseudacteon curvatus as a Classical Biocontrol Agent for Imported Fire Ants,” Biological Control 19, no. 1 (2000): 35–47.
86. Ibid.
87. Micky Eubanks, “Estimates of the Direct and Indirect Effects of Red Imported Fire Ants on Biological Control in Field Crops,” Biological Control 21, no. 1 (2001): 35–43.
88. Mark Sagoff, “Why Exotic Species Are Not as Bad as We Fear,” The Chronicle of Higher Education, June 23, 2000, B7.
89. Nicholas Gotelli and Aaron E. Arnett, “Biogeographic Effects of Red Fire Ant Invasion,” Ecology Letters 3, no. 4 (2002): 257–61.
90. George H. Boettner, Joseph S. Elkinton, and Cynthia J. Boettner, “Effects of a Biological Control Introduction on Three Nontarget Native Species of Saturniid Moths,” Conservation Biology 14, no. 6 (2000): 1798–1806; and Louda et al., “Nontarget Effects—The Achilles’ Heel of Biological Control?”
91. Joseph S. Elkington et al., “Interactions among Gypsy Moths, White-Footed Mice, and Acorns,” Ecology 77, no. 8 (1996): 2332–42.
92. Simus, “Metaphors and Metaphysics in Ecology”; Tasos Hovardas and Konstantinos Korfiatis, “Towards a Critical Re-Appraisal of Ecology Education: Scheduling an Educational Intervention to Revisit the ‘Balance of Nature’ Metaphor,” Science & Education (November 2010). See also Nelson, chapter 4.
93. Simus, “Metaphors and Metaphysics in Ecology.”
94. S. T. A. Pickett and J. N. Thompson, “Patch Dynamics and the Design of Nature Reserves,” Biological Conservation 13, no. 1 (1978): 27–37.
95. Sian Sullivan, “Towards a Non-Equilibrium Ecology: Perspectives from an Arid Land,” Journal of Biogeography 23 (1996): 1–5.
96. Peter Westbroek et al., “World Archaeology and Global Change—Did Our Ancestors Ignite the Ice-Age?” World Archaeology 25 (1993): 122–33.
97. Michael I. Bird and J. A. Cali, “A Million-Year Record of Fire in Sub-Saharan Africa,” Nature 394 (1998): 767–69.
98. Hugh J. Christian et al., “Global Frequency and Distribution of Lightning as Observed from Space by the Optical Transient Detector,” Journal of Geophysical Research 108 (2003): 1–15.
99. Caroline Grigson, “An African Origin for African Cattle?—Some Archaeological Evidence,” African Archaeological Review 9 (1991): 119–44.
100. Katherine M. Homewood and W. A. Rodgers, Maasailand Ecology: Pastoralist Development and Wildlife Conservation in Ngorongoro, Tanzania (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. xiii.
101. C. A. D. M. Van de Vijver, P. Poot, and H. H. T. Prins, “Causes of Increased Nutrient Concentrations in Post-Fire Regrowth in an East African Savanna,” Plant and Soil 214 (1999): 173–85; and K. G. Roques, T. G. O’Connor, and A. R. Watkinson, “Dynamics of Shrub Encroachment in an African Savanna: Relative Influences of Fire, Herbivory, Rainfall and Density Dependence,” Journal of Applied Ecology 38 (2001): 268–80.
102. Joseph Thomson, Through Masai Land (London: Sampson Low, Marston and Co., 1895), p. 238.
103. Leslie H. Brown, “The Biology of Pastoral Man as a Factor in Conservation,” Biological Conservation 3 (1971): 93–100.
104. Lotte Hughes, Moving the Maasai: A Colonial Misadventure (Basingstoke, England, and New York: Palgrave Macmillan with St. Antony’s College, 2006), p. xvii.
105. Roy H. Behnke and Ian Scoones, “Rethinking Range Ecology: Implications for Rangeland Management in Africa,” in Range Ecology at Disequilibrium: New Models of Natural Variability and Pastoral Adaptation in African Savannas, ed. Roy H. Behnke, Ian Scoones, and Carol Kerven (London: Overseas Development Institute, 1993), p. xi; James E. Ellis, Michael B. Coughenour, and D. M. Swift, “Climate Variability, Ecosystem Stability, and the Implications for Range and Livestock Development,” in Range Ecology at Disequilibrium: New Models of Natural Variability and Pastoral Adaptation in African Savannas, ed. Roy H. Behnke, Ian Scoones, and Carol Kerven (London: Overseas Development Institute, 1993); Samuel D. Fuhlendorf and David M. Engle, “Restoring Heterogeneity on Rangelands: Ecosystem Management Based on Evolutionary Grazing Patterns,” Bioscience 51 (2001): 625–32; and S. Vetter, “Rangelands at Equilibrium and Non-Equilibrium: Recent Developments in the Debate,” Journal of Arid Environments 62 (2005): 321–41.
106. Katherine Homewood and W. A. Rogers, “Pastoralism, Conservation and the Overgrazing Controversy,” in Conservation in Africa: People, Policies, and Practice, ed. David Anderson and Richard Grove (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
107. Behnke and Scoones, “Rethinking Range Ecology”; Ellis, Coughenour, and Swift, “Climate Variability, Ecosystem Stability, and the Implications for Range and Livestock Development”; and Fuhlendorf and Engle, “Restoring Heterogeneity on Rangelands.”
108. Elliot Fratkin, “East African Pastoralism in Transition: Masai, Boran, and Rendille Cases,” African Studies Review 44 (2001): 1–25; and P. D. Little et al., “Avoiding Disaster: Diversification and Risk Management among East African Herders,” Development and Change 32 (2001): 401–33.
109. David Western and Virginia Finch, “Cattle and Pastoralism—Survival and Production in Arid Lands,” Human Ecology 14 (1986): 77–94.
110. Nathan C. Gregory, Ryan L. Sensenig, and David S. Wilcove, “Effects of Controlled Fire and Livestock Grazing on Bird Communities in East African Savannas,” Conservation Biology 24, no. 6 (2010): 1606–16.
111. William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983), p. 241.
112. Behnke and Scoones, “Rethinking Range Ecology”; Fuhlendorf and Engle,“ Restoring Heterogeneity on Rangelands”; Alexis F. L. A. Powell, “Effects of Prescribed Burns and Bison (Bos Bison) Grazing on Breeding Bird Abundances in Tallgrass Prairie,” The Auk 123 (2006): 183–97; and Charles Curtin and David Western, “Grasslands, People, and Conservation: Over-the-Horizon Learning Exchanges between African and American Pastoralists,” Conservation Biology 22 (2008): 870–77.
113. For example, James E. Lovelock and Lynn Margulis, “Atmospheric Homeostasis by and for the Biosphere: The Gaia Hypothesis,” Tellus 26, no. 1–2 (1974): 2–10.
114. Hovardas and Korfiatis, “Towards a Critical Re-Appraisal of Ecology Education.”
115. Corinne Zimmerman and Kim Cuddington, “Ambiguous, Circular and Polysemous: Students’ Definitions of the ‘Balance of Nature’ Metaphor,” Public Understanding of Science 16, no. 4 (2007): 393–406.
116. Marida Ergazaki and Georgios Ampatzidis, “Students’ Reasoning about the Future of Disturbed or Protected Ecosystems and the Idea of the ‘Balance of Nature,’” Research in Science Education (February 2011).
117. Pickett and Thomson, “Patch Dynamics and the Design of Nature Reserves.”
118. Roderick P. Neumann, Imposing Wilderness: Struggles over Livelihood and Nature Preservation in Africa (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1988).
119. Beatrix E. Beisner, Daniel T. Haydon, and Kim Cuddington, 2003. “Alternative Stable States in Ecology,” Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment 1, no. 7 (2003): 376.
Chapter 8
1. D. Roberts, et al. “A Probability Model of Vector Behavior: Effects of DDT Repellency, Irritancy, and Toxicity in Malaria Control,” J Vector Ecology 25, no. 1 (2000): pp. 48–61.
2. Oswald. T. Zimmerman and Irvin Lavine, DDT, Killer of Killers (Dover, NH: Industrial Research Service, 1946), pp. 31–32.
3. David Tschanz, “Typhus Fever on the Eastern Front in World War I,” http://entomology.montana.edu/_historybug/WWI/TEF.htm; and Epic Disasters, “The Worst Outbreaks of Disease,” http://www.epicdisasters.com/index.php/site/comments/the_worst_outbreaks_of_disease/, accessed April 30, 2012.
4. Zimmerman and Lavine, DDT, Killer of Killers, pp. 31–32.
5. Trustham F. West and George A. Campbell, DDT and Newer Persistent Insecticides (New York: Chemical Publishing Co., Inc., 1952), p. 2.
6. Andrew Spielman and Michael D’Antonio, Mosquito: A Natural History of Our Most Persistent & Deadly Foe (New York: Hyperion, 2001), p. 143.
7. I. D. Hirschy, Memo for Director, Pre. Med. Div., DDT Insecticide, August 11, 1943.
8. Zimmerman and Lavine, DDT, Killer of Killers, p. 39; and West and Campbell, DDT and Newer Persistent Insecticides, p. 7.
9. Müller’s Nobel lecture can be found at http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/medicine/laureates/1948/muller-lecture.html
10. West and Campbell, DDT and Newer Persistent Insecticides, p. 21.
11. Ibid., p. 8.
12. Robert Gottlieb, Typhus FAQ, January 9, 2002, http://homepage.mac.com/msb/163x/faqs/typhus.html.
13. Donald R. Roberts, Impact of Anti-DDT Campaigns on Malaria Control: Outlooks on Pest Management 21, no. 1 (2010): 4–11.
14. Naomi Baumslag, Murderous Medicine: Nazi Doctors, Human Experimentation, and Typhus (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2005), p. 27.
15. I (DR) have a small bottle of DDT powder, dated 1959, issued by the U.S. State Department with instructions for sprinkling in underclothing.
16. Fred C. Bishopp, “Present Position of DDT in the Control of Insects of Medical Importance,” American Journal of Public Health and the Nation’s Health 36, no. 6 (1946): 603–4.
17. Frederick L. Hoffman, A Plea and a Plan for the Eradication of Malaria throughout the Western Hemisphere (Newark, NJ: Prudential Press, 1917).
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. U.S. Public Health Service (PHS), Malaria Control in War Areas: 1944–45 (Washington, DC: Federal Security Agency, 1945), p. 14.
21. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Jul., Aug., Sept. 1946” (Atlanta: Communicable Disease Center [CDC], 1946), p. 1.
22. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Jan., Feb., Mar. 1947” (Atlanta: CDC, 1947), pp. 2–3.
23. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Nov., Dec. 1948” (Atlanta: CDC, 1948), p. 10.
24. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Oct., Nov., Dec. 1946” (Atlanta: CDC, 1946), p. 19.
25. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Oct., Nov., Dec. 1948” (Atlanta: CDC, 1948), p. 10.
26. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Jul., Aug., Sept. 1946,” p. 4.
27. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Oct., Nov., Dec. 1946,” p. 1.
28. Ibid.
29. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: 1946–1947” (Atlanta: CDC, 1947), p. 7.
30. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Jan. 1950” (Atlanta: CDC, 1950), p. 11. Surveys were conducted in 13 southeastern states, and approximately 65,000 houses were inspected. Evaluations of effectiveness were based on inspections of randomly selected sprayed and unsprayed houses for presence or absence of the malaria mosquito.
31. U.S. PHS, Malaria Control in War Areas, p. 18.
32. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, The History of Malaria, an Ancient Disease (Atlanta: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2010), http://www.cdc.gov/malaria/history/.
33. Sonia Shah, The Fever: How Malaria Has Ruled Humankind for 500,000 Years (New York: Sarah Crichton Books, 2010), p. 191.
34. U.S. PHS, “CDC Activities, 1946–1947” (Atlanta: CDC, 1947), p. 11.
35. Ibid.
36. Ibid., p. 10.
37. Ibid., Jul., Aug., Sept. 1946, p. 35; and Oct., Nov., Dec. 1946, pp. 38–39.
38. Ibid., Apr., May, Jun. 1948, p. 28.
39. Ibid., Oct., Nov., Dec. 1949, p. 43.
40. Ibid., Jul., Aug., Sept. 1946, p. 32.
41. Russell E. Fontaine, John A. Mulrennan, and D. J. Schliessmann, “1964 Progress Report of the Aedes Aegypti Eradication Program,” American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 14, no. 6 (1964): 900–3.
42. U.S. PHS, “Aedes Aegypti Eradication Program,” CDC Operations Manual, Operational Letters No. 7.1 and No. 7.2 (Atlanta: CDC, 1966).
43. U.S. PHS, “CDC Activities, 1946–1947,” pp. 151–52.
44. Frederick L. Hoffman, “A Plea for a National Committee on the Eradication of Malaria,” Southern Medical Journal 9, no. 5 (1916): 413–19.
45. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “Trends in Childhood Cancer Mortality—United States, 1990–2004” Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 56, no. 48 (2007): 1257–61, http://www.cdc.gov/MMWR/preview/mmwrhtml/mm5648a1.htm#tab .
46. Hoffman, “A Plea for a National Committee on the Eradication of Malaria.”
46 Ernest C. Faust, “The Distribution of Malaria in North America, Mexico, Central America, and the West Indies,” in A Symposium on Human Malaria, with Special Reference to North America and the Caribbean, ed. Forest R. Moulton, (Washington, DC: AAAS, 1941), p. 9.
47. Robert B. Watson and Redginal Hewitt, “Topographical and Related Factors in the Epidemiology of Malaria in North America, Central America, and the West Indies,” in A Symposium on Human Malaria, with Special Reference to North America and the Caribbean, ed. Forest R. Moulton (Washington, DC: AAAS, 1941), p. 140.
48. Faust, “The Distribution of Malaria in North America, Mexico, Central America, and the West Indies,” p. 11.
49. George W. Cox, Report by the State Health Officer, Texas, undated; and L. J. Trotti, Report from the Assistant State Director of Communicable Disease Control Activities to the State Health Director George W. Cox, M.D., for Fiscal Year 1947, Austin, Texas, August 15, 1947.
50. U.S. PHS, “CDC Activities, 1947–1948” (Atlanta: CDC, 1948), p. 126.
51. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Jan. 1950,” p. 20; and “CDC Bulletin: Oct., Nov., Dec. 1949” (Atlanta: CDC, 1949), p. 42.
52. U.S. PHS, “CDC Activities, 1949–1950” (Atlanta: CDC, 1950), p. 4.
53. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Jul., Aug., Sept. 1952” (Atlanta: CDC, 1952), p. 40.
54. U.S. PHS, “CDC Activities, 1951–1952” (Atlanta: CDC, 1952), p. 28; and Monthly Narrative Report of Insect Vector Control Activities for the Texas State Department of Health, Nov. 1953.
55. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Jul., Aug., Sept. 1952,” p. 30.
56. U.S. PHS, “CDC Bulletin: Dec. 1951” (Atlanta: CDC, 1951), pp. 54 and 56.
57. L. J. Trotti, Report from the Assistant State Director of Communicable Disease Control Activities.
58. Ibid., Monthly Narrative Report of Insect Vector Control Activities for the Texas State Department of Health, Nov. 1953.
59. D. J. Schliessmann, “Initiation of the Aedes aegypti Eradication Programme of the USA,” Bulletin of the World Health Organization 36 (1967): 604–9.
60. U.S. PHS, Fiscal Year 1964 Annual Report, Aedes aegypti Eradication Branch (Atlanta: CDC, 1964), p. 1.
61. Schliessmann, “Initiation of the Aedes aegypti Eradication Programme.”
62. “Deaths from Dengue Fever in Brazil up 90% in 2010,” English.news.cn, November 11, 2010, accessed April 18, 2011, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/health/2010–11/12/c_13603142.htm.
63. National Research Council, The Life Sciences: Recent Progress and Application to Human Affairs, The World of Biological Research Requirements for the Future (Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 1970), p. 432, http://www.nap.edu/openbook.php?record_id=9575&page=432)
64. Arnoldo Gabaldon, “The Nation-wide Campaign against Malaria in Venezuela,” Transactions of the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 43, no. 2 (1949): 113–64; and World Health Organization (WHO), “Part II, Appendix 14: The Place of DDT in Operations against Malaria and Other Vector-Borne Diseases,” in Official Records No. 190, Executive Board, Forty-Seventh Session (Geneva: WHO, 1971), p. 178.
65. Gabaldon, “The Nation-wide Campaign against Malaria in Venezuela.”
66. George Giglioli, “Changes in the Pattern of Mortality following the Eradication of Hyperdemic Malaria from a Highly Susceptible Community,” Bulletin of the World Health Organization 46, no. 2 (1972): 181–202.
67. Ibid.
68. Ibid.; and George Giglioli, Demerara Doctor: An Early Success against Malaria: The Autobiography of a Self-taught Physician: George Giglioli 1897–1975, ed. Chris Curtis (London: Smith-Gordon, 2006).
69. Gabaldon, “The Nation-wide Campaign against Malaria in Venezuela”; and Giglioli, “Changes in the Pattern of Mortality.”
70. Fernando M. de Bustamante, “Distribuição Geográfica e Periodicidade Estacional da Maaria no Brasil e Sua Relação com o Fatores Climáticos. Situação Atual do Problema,” Revista Brasileira de Malariologia e Doenças Tropicais (1957): 187.
71. Musawenkosi L. Mabaso, Brian Sharp, and Christian Lengeler, “Historical Review of Malarial Control in Southern African with Emphasis on the Use of Indoor Residual House-Spraying,” Tropical Medicine & International Health 9, no. 8 (2004): 846–56.
72. WHO, “Part II, Appendix 14,” p. 179.
73. Anthony W. Brown, J. Haworth, and A. R. Zahar, “Malaria Eradication and Control from a Global Standpoint,” Journal of Medical Entomology 13, no. 1 (1976): 1–25.
74. Ibid.
75. Malaria Eradication in Taiwan, May 1991, Department of Health, The Executive Yuan, Republic of China.
76. Ibid.
77. WHO, “Part II, Appendix 14,” Table 1, p. 177; and Brown, Haworth, and Zahar, “Malaria Eradication and Control from a Global Standpoint.”
78. Christa A. Skerry, Kerry Moran, and Kay M. Calavan, Four Decades of Development: The History of U.S. Assistance to Nepal 1951–1991, (Kathmandu, Nepal: U.S. Agency for International Development, 1991), p. 141, http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNABR755.pdf.
79. Ibid., pp. 128 and 130.
80. Ibid., p. 74.
81. Ibid., pp. 50–53, 141–50.
82. WHO, “Part II, Appendix 14,” p. 177.
83. Nepal: People and Society, http://www.nepalhomepage.com/general/people.html.
84. For a full discussion, see Donald Roberts and Richard Tren, The Excellent Powder, DDT’s Political and Scientific History (Indianapolis: DogEar Publishers, 2010).
85. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962), p. 29.
86. Ibid., p. 231.
87. Ibid.
88. Ibid., p. 192
89. Ibid.
90. For a full discussion, see Roberts and Tren, The Excellent Powder, DDT’s Political and Scientific History.
91. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 238
92. Ibid, p. 25
93. World Health Assembly (WHA), Resolution 23.12 includes this statement: “The Twenty-third World Health Assembly . . . Realizing Further that Safe, Effective and Inexpensive Insecticides Are Essential for the Effective Control of Malaria.” See WHA, Resolution 23.12 (Geneva: WHO, 1970).
94. Ibid.
95. WHO Executive Board, Summary Records (Geneva: WHO, 1970), p. 31.
96. Ibid. p. 154
97. WHO Expert Committee on Malaria, “Fifteenth Report,” WHO Technical Report Series No. 467 (Geneva: WHO, 1971), p. 42.
98. WHO, “Official Records of the World Health Organization, No. 205,” The Work of WHO 1972, Annual Report of the Director-General to the World Health Assembly and to the United Nations (Geneva: WHO, 1973), p. 171.
99. WHO, “Official Records of the World Health Organization, No. 229,” The Work of WHO 1975, Annual Report of the Director-General to the World Health Assembly and to the United Nations (Geneva: WHO, 1976), p. 103.
100. Ibid.
101. WHO, “Official Records of the World Health Organization, No. 235,” WHO Executive Board, Fifty-Eighth Session, May 24–25, 1976, p. 37.
102. WHO, “Official Records of the World Health Organization, No. 243,” The Work of WHO, 1976–1977, Biennial Report of the Director-General to the World Health Assembly and to the United Nations (Geneva: WHO, 1978), p. 111.
103. WHO Executive Board, Summary Records, Seventy-Fifth Session, EB75/1985/ REC/2 (Geneva: WHO, 1985), p. 264.
104. WHO Health and Environment Linkages Initiative (HELI), Malaria Control: The Power of Integrated Action, 2005, http://www.who.int/heli/risks/vectors/malariacontrol/en/index.html; WHO, “Countries Move toward More Sustainable Ways to Roll Back Malaria,” News Release, May 2009, http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/releases/2009/malaria_ddt_20090506/en/; WHO, Vector Control: Methods for Use by Individuals and Communities, 1997, http://www.who.int/malaria/publications/atoz/9241544945/en/index.html; WHO, Malaria Vector Control and Personal Protection, 2006, http://www.who.int/malaria/publications/atoz/who_trs_936/en/index.html; WHO, Manual on Environmental Management of Mosquito Control with Special Emphasis on Malaria Vectors, 1982, http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/1982/9241700661_eng.pdf; V. P. Sharma, South-East Asia Advisory Committee on Health Research Twenty-first Session: Research on Newer Strategies for Vector Control (Geneva: WHO, 1995), http://www.searo.who.int/LinkFiles/Technical_Documents_achr-21–8.pdf; and WHO, Regional Framework for an Integrated Vector Management Strategy for the South-East Asia Region, 2005, http://www.searo.who.int/LinkFiles/Kala_azar_VBC-86.pdf.
105. WHO Executive Board, Review of the Malaria Action Programme, Sixty-Seventh Session, EB/67/WP/1, Annex EB67/PC/WP/7 (Geneva: WHO, 1980), Appendix 2, p. 3.
106. Roll Back Malaria, “Part II: The Global Strategy,” Global Malaria Action Plan for a Malaria-Free World, http://rbm.who.int/gmap/2–2b.html.
107. Malaria R&D Alliance, Malaria Research & Development: An Assessment of Global Investment, 2005, http://www.malariavaccine.org/files/MalariaRD_Report_complete.pdf.
108. PATH, Staying the Course? Malaria Research and Development in a Time of Economic Uncertainty (Seattle: PATH, 2011).
109. Donald R. Roberts and Richard Tren, “International Advocacy against DDT and Other Public Health Insecticides for Malaria Control,” Research and Reports in Tropical Medicine 2011, no. 2 (2011): 23–30, http://www.dovepress.com/articles.php?article_id=6101.
Chapter 9
1. Some ecologists argue that Carson embodied a “deeper, more spiritual approach to Nature.” Bill Devall and George Sessions, Deep Ecology: Living as if Nature Mattered (Layton, UT: Gibbs M. Smith, 2001), p. 65. See generally Andrew P. Morriss and Benjamin Cramer, “Disestablishing Environmentalism,” Environmental Law 39 (2009): 309; and Robert H. Nelson, Economic vs. Environmental Religion: The New Holy Wars (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2010).
2. Ciba-Geigy held the original patent on DDT as an insecticide. As part of the negotiations over the production of DDT for use by the Army during World War II, DuPont secured the right to produce it after the war as well. See Edmund Russell, War and Nature: Fighting Humans and Insects with Chemicals from World War I to Silent Spring (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 148.
3. Donald R. Roberts and Richard Tren, The Excellent Powder: DDT’s Political and Scientific History (Indianapolis: Dog Ear Publishing, 2010), pp. 197–203.
4. Paul K. Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm: The Transformation of American Agriculture since 1929 (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 2008), p. 4.
5. Ibid., p. 100.
6. Hiram M. Drache, History of U.S. Agriculture and Its Relevance Today (Danville, IL: Interstate, 1996); and Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm.
7. Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, p. 49.
8. Drache, History of U.S. Agriculture and Its Relevance Today, p. 267. Many farm women saw this as a positive development. Women who started farming in the pre–World War II era commented that getting rid of the chickens, hogs, and dairy cattle caused the greatest change and freed them from some of their most burdensome tasks. The little flock or herd could not compete with large-scale poultry, hog, or dairy enterprises. Women no longer had to make butter or cheese, collect eggs, wash the cream separator, or butcher. Commercialization of food production enabled the farm wife to work on the major enterprises or off the farm. Many women became the farm bookkeepers, “gofers,” and marketeers. Ibid., pp. 285–86.
9. Ibid., p. 358.
10. Ibid., p. 361.
11. Ibid., p. 261.
12. Ibid., p. 98.
13. Sally H. Clarke, Regulation and the Revolution in United States Farm Productivity (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 4.
14. This began during the war. R. Douglas Hurt, American Agriculture: A Brief History (Ames, IA: Iowa State University. Press, 1994), p. 317.
15. Clarke, Regulation and the Revolution in United States Farm Productivity, pp. 5–6.
16. Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, p. 108.
17. Including the Department of War, which funded boll weevil extermination efforts in the 1920s. Russell, War and Nature, p. 64.
18. Clarke, Regulation and the Revolution in United States Farm Productivity, p. 44. See also Russell, War and Nature, p. 47, noting increased appropriations of $441,000 ($7.4 million in 2010 dollars) in 1917 and $811,300 ($11.6 million in 2010 dollars) to the federal Bureau of Entomology to develop and spread pest control methods to ensure production of crops for the war effort.
19. Russell, War and Nature, p. 148, noting Hercules “had spent large sums of money on fellowships and research” in pesticides.
20. Drache, History of U.S. Agriculture and Its Relevance Today, p. 330.
21. Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, p. 112.
22. Noel D. Uri, “A Note on the Development and Use of Pesticides,” Science of the Total Environment 204 (1977): 57, 58. (“The mechanization revolution of the 1930s and 1940s has been augmented since 1945 by a chemical revolution in terms of pesticides.”)
23. Hurt, American Agriculture, p. 300.
24. Russell, War and Nature, pp. 20–21.
25. Clarke, Regulation and the Revolution in United States Farm Productivity, p. 44.
26. Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, p. 115.
27. Drache, History of U.S. Agriculture and Its Relevance Today, p. 337. Aerial spraying was used in 1921 in an orchard in Troy, Ohio, and the technique quickly spread, with 125,485 acres of cotton dusted with calcium arsenate in Louisiana in 1922 and the first planes specifically designed for crop dusting appearing in 1924. Ibid., p. 337. The Army Air Service collaborated with the Bureau of Entomology to develop crop dusting in the 1920s. Russell, War and Nature, p. 79.
28. Drache, History of U.S. Agriculture and Its Relevance Today, p. 338.
29. Ibid., p. 339.
30. See Andrew P. Morriss, “Cattle vs. Retirees: Sun City and the Battle of Spur Industries v. Del E. Webb Development Co.,” in Property Stories, ed. Gerald Korngold and Andrew P. Morriss (New York: Foundation Press, 2004).
31. Bruce L. Gardner, American Agriculture in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002); and Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, p. 28. Until 1930, “almost all prior agricultural policies had worked in the exact opposite direction—to increase production.”
32. Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm.
33. Drache, History of U.S. Agriculture and Its Relevance Today, p. 308; and Hurt, American Agriculture, p. 266.
34. The proposal would have had the federal government purchase surplus farm products and then either store them or sell abroad at a loss. The cost of the program was to be paid by farmers through an equalization fee, which they would then pass on to consumers. See John Philip Gleason, “The Attitude of the Business Community toward Agriculture during the McNary-Haugen Period,” Agricultural History 32, no. 2 (1958): 127–38; and C. Fred Williams, “William M. Jardine and the Foundations for Republican Farm Policy, 1925–1929,” Agricultural History 70, no. 2 (1996): 216–32.
35. Drache, History of U.S. Agriculture and Its Relevance Today, p. 308.
36. Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, p. 53.
37. Drache, History of U.S. Agriculture and Its Relevance Today, p. 302. USDA also organized an agricultural outlook conference in 1923.
38. Gardner, American Agriculture in the Twentieth Century, pp. 245–46.
39. Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, p. 64.
40. Ibid., p. 51. “Over eight years, during two presidential administrations and four Congresses, the federal government, responding to a large array of interest groups and competing policy alternatives, matured a complex body of laws and administrative agencies to gain what everyone hoped would be fair and stable prices for almost all major agricultural products. Details have changed through the years, but aspects of every policy option undertaken in the 1930s have endured until the present, providing the political constraints and opportunities that allowed American agriculture to remain the most productive, and food prices to remain the lowest as a percentage of total spending, in the world.”
41. Ibid., pp. 64–65.
42. Ibid., pp. 52, 76. Roosevelt was, “at one time or another, open to almost all strategies.”
43. Drache, History of U.S. Agriculture and Its Relevance Today, p. 306. Fifteen thousand were in the USDA and 10,000 were in the cooperative groups.
44. Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, pp. 75–76.
45. Ibid., p. 76. Tractors also encouraged consolidation. Hurt, American Agriculture, p. 358. “Tractors enabled farmers to plant and harvest more acres, but small-scale farmers often could not compete with farmers who could afford this implement and had sufficient land to make it profitable. And increased production, resulting from acres planted with a tractor, drove prices down. As a result, farm sizes continued to increase as small-scale farmers withdrew from agriculture.”
46. Drache, History of U.S. Agriculture and Its Relevance Today, p. 266.
47. Hurt, American Agriculture, p. 321. “Congressional wartime agricultural policy proved highly favorable to farmers, and the major agricultural organizations such as the American Farm Bureau, Farmers’ Union, and Grange lobbied effectively for it.”
48. Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, p. 131.
49. Clarke puts great emphasis on the role of farm credit in speeding adoption of new technology: “the FCA in refinancing farm loans created new conditions under which farmers borrowed money, conditions that made debt financing more profitable to a competitive farmer.” Clarke, Regulation and the Revolution in United States Farm Productivity, p. 165. The government’s participation changed loans’ terms from “a year to a generation” in many instances. Ibid., p. 192 (quoting a banker).
50. Uri, “A Note on the Development and Use of Pesticides,” p. 66.
51. Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, pp. 80, 126 (describing struggles over level of parity).
52. Hurt, American Agriculture, p. 325.
53. Ibid., p. 327.
54. Ibid., pp. 352–53; and Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, p. 67. “The ‘capture’ of food aid [for the poor] by the Department of Agriculture proved politically invaluable in future years. It created a second constituency for the department and its programs and often helped deflect criticism from its commodity programs, as it did during debates on a 2007 farm bill.”
55. Roberts and Tren, The Excellent Powder, p. 13 (describing expansion of use).
56. James Whorton, Before Silent Spring: Pesticides & Public Health in Pre-DDT America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974), p. 6.
57. Paris Green sold 500 tons a year in New York City alone in its first decade of use (1867–1877). Ibid., p. 22.
58. John Perkins, Insects, Experts and the Insecticide Crisis: The Quest for New Pest Management Strategies (New York: Plenum Press, 1982), pp. 3–4. “The commercialization of the insecticide industry was accompanied by substantial fraud including adulterating legitimate products and making extravagant claims for absolutely worthless junk.”
59. Roger E. Meiners and Andrew P. Morriss, “Agricultural Commons Problems and Responses,” in Agricultural Policy and the Environment, ed. Roger E. Meiners and Bruce Yandle (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003), pp. 19, 29–31. Whorton discusses the issue at length, noting that state “[e]ntomologists had urged such legislation for some time [by the end of the 19th century], on the grounds that farmers who did not spray imposed unfair financial hardship on their more conscientious neighbors. So long as just one farm in an area was left as an unsprayed refuge for insects, it was maintained, surrounding farmers would have to spray more frequently to prevent reinfestation of their fields.” Whorton, Before Silent Spring, p. 72.
60. Andrew P. Morriss and Roger E. Meiners, “Property Rights, Pesticides and Public Health: Explaining the Paradox of Modern Pesticide Policy,” Fordham Environmental Law Journal 14 (2002): 9.
61. Ibid., p. 5.
62. Maurice B. Green, “Energy in Pesticide Manufacture, Distribution and Use,” in Energy in Plant Nutrition and Pest Control, ed. Zane R. Helsel (New York: Elsevier, 1987), pp. 165, 176–77.
63. Hearings before the House Select Committee to Investigate the Use of Chemicals in Food Products, U.S. House of Representatives, 82nd Cong., 1st Sess., 1951, at 161ff (hereafter “House Select Committee 1951”).
64. Whorton, Before Silent Spring, p. 24.
65. Ibid., pp. 178–81.
66. Ibid., pp. 190–205.
67. Or organochlorides. DDT and other pesticides of that time, such as aldrin and dieldrin, were also popular and are classified in this group.
68. DDT “was the best insecticide ever developed—inexpensive, broad spectrum, and with no apparent threat to humans.” Conkin, A Revolution Down on the Farm, p. 113.
69. Drache, History of U.S. Agriculture and Its Relevance Today, p. 373.
70. Russell, War and Nature, p. 149. Companies were allowed five-year write-offs of either 35 percent or 100 percent of the plant costs (theoretically depending on whether there was postwar value to the plant, but at least DuPont was able to use the 100 percent rate for its DDT plant), and the government built a plant in Parlin, New Jersey, operated by Hercules. Ibid.
71. House Select Committee 1951, pp. 9, 363. Gross domestic product in 1950 was just under $300 billion. See Gross Domestic Product, 1947–2011, Economic Research, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/GDP.
72. House Select Committee 1951, p. 9.
73. Ibid., p. 358.
74. Russell, War and Nature, p. 154.
75. Ibid., p. 155.
76. Department of the Interior, Information Service, Fish and Wildlife Service, For Release to PM’s, Friday, August 10, 1945. The FWS had reported earlier that it was beginning tests of DDT, a substance about which there was concern. Ibid.; For Advance Release to Sunday Papers, June 17, 1945.
77. Ibid., For Release to PM’s of Wednesday, August 22, 1945. FWS’s location in Interior was the result of Ickes’ “larger plan of turning Interior Department into a Department of Conservation,” a plan that included the shift of FWS from Commerce during Carson’s early years at FWS.
78. Russell, War and Nature, p. 159.
79. Rachel Carson, Letter to Harold Lynch, July 15, 1945, quoted in Mark Hamilton Lytle, The Gentle Subversive: Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, and the Rise of the Environmental Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 60.
80. Quoted in Russell, War and Nature, p. 176.
81. Department of the Interior, Information Service, Fish and Wildlife Service, For Release to AM’s, Saturday, May 18, 1946.
82. Lytle, The Gentle Subversive, p. 40.
83. Department of the Interior, Information Service, Fish and Wildlife Service, FWS Releases Annual Report for Fiscal Year 1948.
84. Ibid., For Release June 21, 1959, noting that the agency was seeking an 11 percent increase in authorization for such studies.
85. Ibid., For Release September 7, 1965.
86. For example, “More DDT Victories,” Science News Letter, February 17, 1945, p. 102.
87. A Joint Statement of Policy by the United States Army and the United States Public Health Service, “Use of DDT for Mosquito Control in the United States,” Public Health Reports 60 (April 27, 1945): 469.
88. Frederick L. and Clinton S. Smith, “DDT Residual House Spray—A Method of Malaria Control in Rural Areas,” Public Health Reports 60 (October 26, 1945): 1274.
89. F. D. Mott and M. I. Roemer, “A Federal Program of Public Health and Medical Services for Migratory Farm Workers,” Public Health Reports 60 (March 2, 1945): 229, 234.
90. Justin M. Andrews, “The United States Public Health Service Communicable Disease Center,” Public Health Reports 61 (August 16, 1946): 1203, 1206.
91. J. J. Landers, “Bug Disinfestation in a Prison,” The Journal of Hygiene 45 (August 1947): 354.
92. Arnold B. Erickson, “Effects of DDT Mosquito Larviciding on Wildlife: II,” Public Health Reports 62 (August 29, 1947): 1254, 1257. This study continued over time. Later, it was reported that spraying reduced the population of assorted pests but did not impact bee or aphid populations. Harvey J. Scudder and Clarence M. Tarzwell, “Effects of DDT Mosquito Larviciding on Wildlife: IV,” Public Health Reports 65 (January 20, 1950): 71. The key to not harming fish and wildlife, PHS concluded, was in the method of spraying and dosage. Properly done, there was “little or no significant harm to aquatic organisms.” Clarence M. Tazwell, “Effects of DDT Mosquito Larviciding on Wildlife: V,” Public Health Reports 65 (February 24, 1950): 231, 252.
93. Cornelius W. Kruse, “The Airplane Application of DDT for Emergency Control of Common Flies in the Urban Community,” Public Health Reports 63 (November 26, 1948): 1535.
94. John W. Kirkpatrick and H. F. Schoof, “Fly Production in Treated and Untreated Privies,” Public Health Reports 71 (August 1956): 787; and Frank J. Von Zuben, George R. Hayes, and E. C. Anderson, “Public Health Disaster Air in the Rio Grande Flood of 1954,” Public Health Reports 72 (November 1957): 1009.
95. For example, Samuel W. Simmons, “Insecticides and World Health,” Public Health Reports 67 (May 1952): 451.
96. FDA, “Significant Dates in U.S. Food and Drug Law History,” http://www.fda.gov/AboutFDA/WhatWeDo/History/Milestones/ucm128305.htm. Its location in USDA weakened the bureau’s ability to act on food safety issues, given USDA’s overall mission of promoting agriculture. Whorton, Before Silent Spring, p. 114. Even into the 1920s, the agency was more focused on educating farmers than punitive regulatory actions. Ibid., pp. 116, 120.
97. Philip J. Hilts, Protecting America’s Health: The FDA, Business, and One Hundred Years of Regulation (New York: Knopf, 2003), p. xii.
98. Russell, War and Nature, p. 81.
99. Whorton, Before Silent Spring, p. 96.
100. Ibid., pp. 133–40.
101. Ibid., p. 140.
102. Ibid., pp. 160–64.
103. Ibid., p. 164.
104. Hilts, Protecting America’s Health, pp. 77–78. Tugwell had to battle Agriculture Secretary Henry Wallace over a lead tolerance Tugwell established while Wallace was out of town. Wallace eventually forced Tugwell to loosen the standard. Whorton, Before Silent Spring, p. 222.
105. Samuel Fromartz, Organic, Inc. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2006), pp. 20–21.
106. J. I. Rodale, Pay Dirt: Farming & Gardening with Composts (New York: Devin-Adair Co., 1948). Carson viewed Rodale as “an eccentric” and distanced herself from him. Fromartz, Organic, Inc., p. 21.
107. Russell, War and Nature, p. 75.
108. See Pierre Desrochers and Christine Hoffbauer, “The Post War Intellectual Roots of the Population Bomb,” Electronic Journal of Sustainable Development 1, no. 3 (2009): 37–61; and Frederick Buell, From Apocalypse to Way of Life: Environmental Crisis in the American Century (London: Taylor & Francis, 2003).
109. Russell, War and Nature, p. 151.
110. Professor Ruhl summarizes FIFRA’s approach: “In short, so long as the label instructions are followed, the applicator is properly certified and the applicator follows worker safety and recordkeeping requirements, FIFRA imposes no direct restrictions or requirements on farms. While this does not amount to a complete safe harbor for farm use of pesticides, FIFRA’s hands-off approach to farms—the primary users of pesticides—pales in comparison with the [later] regulatory approach to . . . targeted industries. Under FIFRA, with regard to farmers, no permits are required, no environmental or efficiency performance standards are imposed, no technology-based standards are applied, no regular public reporting of pesticide applications is required, and no monitoring of pesticide levels in soils, runoff, or groundwater is required. Although some states regulate pesticide applications more aggressively than does FIFRA, it is fair to say that the nation has no comprehensive regulatory framework governing farm use of pesticides.” J. B. Ruhl, “The Environmental Law of Farms,” Environmental Law Reporter 31 (2001): 10,203, 10,215.
111. A. Roger Greenway, Environmental Permitting Handbook (New York: McGraw-Hill Professional, 2000), p. 4.1.2.
112. Russell, War and Nature, p. 175.
113. 52 US Stat. 1040.
114. Greenway, Environmental Permitting Handbook, p. 4.1.3. The Delaney Amendment of 1958, which provided for zero risk, caused endless dancing around a standard that was not realistic. While not central to our concern here, the impact on pesticides was the same as for any food additive. The standard was impossible, giving FDA power to prohibit nearly any substance. Ibid., p. 4.1.5. USDA expanded its authority as well, adding authority in 1959 and 1964 to remove chemicals from the market.
115. Whorton, Before Silent Spring, pp. 228–30.
116. Hilts, Protecting America’s Health, pp. 118–19.
117. House Select Committee 1951, pp. 1–2.
118. C. C. Alexander, Notes on DDT Case (1958) (unpublished manuscript on file with authors and available in the Cornell University Library). See also Robert J. Spear, The Great Gypsy Moth War (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 2005), pp. 257–58.
119. Lytle, The Gentle Subversive, pp. 126–27.
120. www.kkblaw.com/history/html, accessed Jan. 16, 2011.
121. “Public Warned on DDT,” New York Times, March 10, 1951; and “Public Health Held Imperiled by Pesticides,” Los Angeles Times, November 24, 1951.
122. In the discussion that follows, we focus on the 1951 hearings, cited in note 63. These were preceded by 20 days of hearings by the same committee in 1950, which covered much the same ground. Kleinfeld’s first witness in 1950 was a retired professor of medicine who stated that you simply could not prevent agricultural chemicals from getting into the nation’s food supply and not enough was known about the toxic effects, so the FDA needed the ability to regulate all such matters. Hearings before the House Select Committee to Investigate the Use of Chemicals in Food Products, U.S. House of Representatives, 81st Cong., 2nd Sess., 1950, p. 12.
123. House Select Committee 1951, p. 4f.
124. Ibid., p. 60f.
125. Ibid., p. 89f.
126. Ibid., p. 113. On the virus X scare, see Aaron Wildavsky, But Is It True? (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1995), p. 56. (“In 1949 New York physician Morton Biskind published a series of articles claiming that DDT caused the mysterious ‘virus X’ in humans—a disease that had been linked with polio. His claims were refuted a few months later, but the scare had nonetheless increased public concern about DDT.”) The article Wildavsky cites as evidence that the link had been refuted was published in Science Digest in 1949, long before the hearings. See “DDT Danger Refuted,” Science Digest 26 (July 1949): 47.
127. House Select Committee 1951, p. 149.
128. Ibid., p. 151.
129. Ibid., p. 154.
130. Ibid., p. 156.
131. Ibid., p. 162.
132. Ibid., p. 177f.
133. Ibid., p. 191.
134. Ibid., p. 183.
135. Ibid., p. 192.
136. Ibid., p. 194.
137. Ibid., p. 193.
138. Ibid., p. 195. Note that the elements of the so-called precautionary principal were present in the argument made by Kleinfeld and others supporting the FDA position.
139. Ibid.
140. Ibid., p. 249f. Rat studies do not settle matters, but they have been beneficial in understanding the potential consequences of many chemicals on humans. Nevertheless, when the results are contrary to one side or the other of an issue, the methodology will be disputed as not dispositive.
141. Ibid., p. 217f.
142. Ibid., p. 206.
143. Ibid., p. 237f.
144. Ibid., p. 295.
145. Apparently a false belief. At another session, a member of the committee from Washington state asserted that French grape growers pioneered the use of the previous generation of highly toxic sprays. Ibid., 162. That account is given credence in a Cornell University posting, A Brief History of Pest Management, which notes that Paris Green was sprayed on grapes beginning in the 1860s to deter theft but was found also to deter insects. See http://instruct1.cit.cornell.edu/courses/ipm444/test/01Intro/01intro_2.html.
146. House Select Committee 1951, p. 305.
147. Ibid., p. 308.
148. Ibid., p. 314f.
149. Ibid., p. 321f.
150. These hearings were held before the widespread acknowledgment of the link between cigarette smoking and lung cancer, which first came to public attention in 1953. See Bruce Yandle, Joseph Rotondi, Andrew P. Morriss, and Andrew Dorchak, “Bootleggers, Baptists and Televangelists: Regulating Tobacco by Litigation,” University of Illinois Law Review (2008): 1225, 1247.
151. House Select Committee 1951, p. 344f.
152. Ibid., p. 367f.
153. Ibid., p. 429f.
154. Ibid., pp. 917f, 924f.
155. Ibid., p. 931f.
156. Ibid., p. 948f.
157. A representative of Ortho Pharmaceutical; Ibid., p. 444f.
158. Ibid., p. 134. Apparently an ingredient improperly used in baking was mislabeled or not labeled at all. No one ever claimed the maker tried to pass off the product as suitable for consumption; the product simply ended up in the wrong place. But this was taken as evidence that there are dangerous chemicals in the food chain.
159. Ibid., p. 547f.
160. Ibid., pp. 562f, 695f.
161. Ibid., p. 585f.
162. Ibid., p. 603f.
163. Ibid., p. 833.
164. Ibid., p. 889f.
165. Ibid., p. 858f. The president of the company that made the product in question explained that the woman died of a heart attack, not instant poisoning by the hair treatment product. The FDA had condemned the product based on hysteria, not science. Furthermore, if the product caused the death, he asked, why was the company not sued? Kleinfeld pressed the attack, noting that the company did not have evidence that its products would not cause any harm.
166. Ibid., p. 1047f.
167. James Delaney, “Peril on Your Food Shelf,” American Magazine (July 1951): 1–4.
168. Whorton, Before Silent Spring, p. 252.
169. As seen in similar incidents, dubious quality research that does not meet the generally accepted standards of quality work is presented as a point of view that is equally valuable to the accepted wisdom. In recent years, a there was great concern over the safety of vaccines based on a claim of one physician, published in The Lancet, asserting that childhood vaccines were related to autism. The claim was complete bosh, but it took more than a decade to fully expose the fraud. For a brief summary, see “Journal Retracts 1998 Paper Linking Autism to Vaccines,” New York Times, February 2, 2010, http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/03/health/research/03lancet.html.
170. Morriss and Meiners, “Property Rights, Pesticides and Public Health,” pp. 8–13.
171. See, for example, Alexander, Notes on DDT Case, on February 13, 1958, p. 1 (“During testimony, [Dr. Malcolm] Hargraves [witness for plaintiffs, physician at Mayo Clinic, and blood expert] indicated that the U.S. Public Health Service is a reputable organization. Kleinfeld tried to bring out that they could make mistakes— brought up the Salk vaccine trouble, but this line of questioning was ruled out.”); on February 24, 1958, p. 1 (“Kleinfeld pressed [a defense witness who was a Public Health Service doctor] for an opinion as to the lowest level that could cause damage to the human body and the witness replied that he didn’t know since the feeding experiments have been at levels too low to show damage.”); and on February 24, 1958, p. 1 (“Kleinfeld asked Hayes if DDT is a poison like strychnine, lead arsenate.”)
172. For example, in 1942 the Texas Supreme Court had held a sausage manufacturer liable on an implied warranty theory for contaminated sausages, even when the contamination was not the fault of the manufacturer. Jacob E. Decker & Sons, Inc.v. Capps, 164 S.W.2d 828 (Tex. 1942). That same day, it held a retailer liable for an “unwholesome” can of spinach, despite the retailer’s defense that the can was sealed and so the retailer could not have been at fault. Griggs Canning Co. v. Josey, 164 S.W.2d 835 (Tex. 1942). In a large number of states, the Uniform Sales Act had been held to preclude such implied warranties. See, for example, Rinaldi v. Mohican Co., 121 N.E. 471 (N.Y. 1918). However, food processors and retailers would have been concerned (correctly) about states such as Texas where the statute did not apply and about the direction of the law because the then-proposed Uniform Commercial Code provided for strict liability for food sellers without privity limitations.
173. See, for example, Reed Dickerson, Products Liability and the Food Consumer (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1951), a 300-page treatise that the ABA Journal praised in a review, saying it “could not have come at a better time” to help lawyers with its analysis of “more than 1,000 American cases as well as English cases.” William Tucker Dean, Jr., “Products Liability and the Food Consumer,” ABA Journal 38 (February 1952): 145.
174. “Food Man Depicts Fight on Pesticides,” New York Times, February 1, 1952.
175. House Select Committee 1951, p. 296. The scientist from Swift explained that the company did extensive rat tests to assure the public of safety and that such tests could take years. The representative of the American Bakers Association endorsed expanded FDA powers over any chemicals used in baking products. Ibid., p. 573. The technical director of Pet Milk, a major producer of processed milk used in commercial food products, endorsed extensive FDA controls of chemicals that entered the food system and stated that DDT is not safe; the company used no pesticides but could not stop farmers from using them. Ibid., p. 596. The manager of the central laboratories of General Foods stated that the company’s 150 to 175 research chemists frequently consulted with the FDA and that there was concern about the cumulative effects of chemicals that entered into processed foods one way or another. Ibid., pp.762–69.
176. Hilts, Protecting America’s Health, p. 120 (quoting Winton Rankin on George Larrick).
177. Lytle, The Gentle Subversive, p. 145.
178. A few years later, cranberry sales collapsed amid talk of poisoning from cranberries. William H. Rodgers, Jr., “The Persistent Problem of the Persistent Pesticides: A Lesson in Environmental Law,” Columbia Law Review 70 (1970): 567, 593–94.
179. House Select Committee, p. 760f. California public health officials testified that fly-by-night companies are hard to monitor with respect to food safety; the big ones are not the problem; they advocated stronger FDA controls.
180. Roberts and Tren, The Excellent Powder, p. 13.
181. Department of Agriculture Appropriations fiscal year 1971, Subcommittee on Agriculture of the House Committee on Appropriations, 91st Cong., February 18, 1970, p. 28.
182. Russell, War and Nature, p. 147.
183. Geigy, Allied Chemical, Olin Corp., Diamond Shamrock, and Lebanon Chemicals. EPA, DDT: A Review of Scientific and Economic Aspects of the Decision to Ban Its Use as a Pesticide (Washington, DC: National Technical Information Service, 1975), p. 148.
184. Agriculture Appropriations FY1971, pp. 29–30.
185. EPA, DDT: A Review, p. 16.
186. Ibid., pp. 168, 184.
187. Ibid., pp. 184, 189.
188. Agriculture Appropriations FY1971, p. 28.
189. Ibid., p. 29. Delaney and Kleinfeld won that battle.
190. Ibid.
191. Desrochers and Hoffbauer, “The Post War Intellectual Roots of the Population Bomb.” Moreover, as the debate developed over a domestic ban, some pointed out that if U.S. agriculturalists were forced to use higher-priced substitutes, foreign producers would gain a small cost advantage by using pesticides banned in the United States. Hence, a world ban on DDT was in order. If foreign farmers wanted to use pesticides, they should have to do so on a level playing field—that is, using higher-priced proprietary products dominated by U.S. manufacturers.
192. Bruce Yandle, “Baptists and Bootleggers: The Education of a Regulatory Economist,” Regulation (1983): 12–16.
193. Stewart Udall, The Quiet Crisis (New York: Avon Books, 1964).
194. Lytle, The Gentle Subversive, p. 164.
195. See Walter B. Shurden, Turning Points in Baptist History (Macon, GA: Center for Baptist Studies, Mercer University, 2001), http://www.centerforbaptiststudies.org/pamphlets/style/turningpoints.htm.
Chapter 10
1. The author would like to thank Daniel Smith and Lisa Peters for their research assistance.
2. William Cronon, “Foreword: Silent Spring and the Birth of Modern Environmentalism,” in DDT, Silent Spring, and the Rise of Environmentalism, ed. Thomas R. Dunlap (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008), p. x.
3. Andrew P. Morriss, “Pesticides and Environmental Federalism: An Empirical and Qualitative Analysis of §24(c) Registrations,” in Environmental Federalism, ed. Terry L. Anderson and Peter J. Hill (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1997), p. 136.
4. Angus A. MacIntyre, “Why Pesticides Received Extensive Use in America: A Political Economy of Agricultural Pest Management to 1970,” Natural Resources Journal 27 (1987): 546.
5. Ibid.; and National Research Council, Regulating Pesticides (Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 1980), p. 20. (Congress passed the Insecticide Act “in response to pressure from the U.S. Department of Agriculture and farm organizations.”)
6. Christopher J. Bosso, Pesticides and Politics: The Life Cycle of a Public Issue (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburg Press, 1987), p. 48.
7. Insecticide Act, ch. 191, 36 Stat. 331 (1910).
8. Benjamin Ross and Steven Amter, The Polluters: The Making of Our Chemically Altered Environment (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 46. (“Environmental protection and public health were not the concerns of the Insecticide Act of 1910, which remained in effect until 1947.”)
9. John T. Coyne, “Pesticide Regulation in the Department of Agriculture,” Food, Drug & Cosmetic Law Journal 12 (1957): 632.
10. James Whorton, Before Silent Spring: Pesticides and Public Health in Pre-DDT America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974), p. 99.
11. Bosso, Pesticides and Politics, p. 48.
12. Ibid., p. 50.
13. Thomas R. Dunlap, DDT: Scientists, Citizens, and Public Policy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981), p. 41.
14. Ibid.
15. Douglass F. Rohrman, “Pesticide Laws and Legal Implications of Pesticide Use—Part I,” Food, Drug & Cosmetic Law Journal 23 (1968): 142, 146, n. 11. After enactment of the 1910 Insecticide Act, several more states adopted laws similar to the federal law.
16. Jeffrey D. Huffaker, “The Regulation of Pesticide Use in California,” U.C. Davis Law Review 11, no. 2 (1978): 273, 275.
17. Morriss, “Pesticides and Environmental Federalism,” p. 138; and Whorton, Before Silent Spring, p. 72.
18. Morriss, “Pesticides and Environmental Federalism,” p. 138.
19. Whorton, Before Silent Spring, p. 122. (“The states essentially merely understudied, and often without much enthusiasm, the federal role in residue control.”)
20. California Environmental Protection Agency, “The History of the California Environmental Protection Agency,” January 19, 2006, http://www.calepa.ca.gov/about/history01/.
21. Huffaker, “The Regulation of Pesticide Use in California,” p. 276.
22. Ibid.
23. CalEPA, “The History.”
24. Huffaker, “The Regulation of Pesticide Use in California,” p. 277.
25. Harrison C. Dunning, “Pests, Poisons, and the Living Law: The Control of Pesticides in California’s Imperial Valley,” Ecology Law Quarterly 2 (1972): 642–43.
26. John Wargo, Our Children’s Toxic Legacy: How Science and Law Fail to Protect Us from Pesticides (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998), p. 69.
27. Gerald Malkan, “Pesticide Residues: A Study in Federal Law,” UCLA Law Review 2 (1954–55): 515, 516; and Bosso, Pesticides and Politics, p. 63.
28. Ross and Amter, The Polluters, pp. 57–58.
29. Morriss, “Pesticides and Environmental Federalism,” p. 138.
30. Ibid. (citing industry testimony from a 1946 congressional hearing).
31. Bosso, Pesticides and Politics, p. 54.
32. Ibid., pp. 10–11. FIFRA “essentially was the product of close cooperation among members of the House Committee on Agriculture, mid-level personnel within the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), and those representing the major agricultural pesticide makers—a classic ‘iron triangle.’”
33. Ibid., p. 35.
34. Wargo, Our Children’s Toxic Legacy, p. 73.
35. MacIntyre, “Why Pesticides Received Extensive Use in America,” p. 569.
36. Rohrman, “Pesticide Laws—Part I,” p. 147, n. 16 (quoting Harris and Cummings, “Enforcement of the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide and Rodenticide Act in the United States,” Residue Reviews 6 (1964): 104, 106.
37. Coyne, “Pesticide Regulation,” p. 632.
38. Bosso, Pesticides and Politics, p. 11.
39. Morriss, “Pesticides and Environmental Federalism,” p. 140.
40. MacIntyre, “Why Pesticides Received Extensive Use in America,” p. 259.
41. NRC, Regulating Pesticides, p. 21.
42. Bosso, Pesticides and Politics, p. 21.
43. Donald T. Hornstein, “Lessons from Federal Pesticide Regulation on the Paradigms and Politics of Environmental Law Reform,” Yale Journal of Regulation 10 (1993): 369, 424.
44. Bosso, Pesticides and Politics, p. 31.
45. NRC, Regulating Pesticides, p. 21.
46. Dunlap, DDT: Scientists, Citizens, and Public Policy, p. 129.
47. Morriss, “Pesticides and Environmental Federalism,” p. 142.
48. MacIntyre, “Why Pesticides Received Extensive Use in America,” p. 259.
49. Ibid., p. 254.
50. Dunlap, DDT: Scientists, Citizens, and Public Policy, p. 200.
51. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, 40th anniversary edition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2002), pp. 115, 165.
52. Ibid., p. 172.
53. Rachel Carson, “Interagency Coordination in Environmental Hazards (Pesticides),” testimony before the Subcommittee on Reorganization and International Organizations of the Senate Committee on Government Operations, 88th Cong., 1st sess., June 4, 1963 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1964), pp. 210–11, 232.
54. Dunlap, DDT: Scientists, Citizens, and Public Policy, p. 87.
55. Mrak Commission, Report of the Secretary’s Commission on Pesticides and Their Relationship to Environmental Health (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, 1969), p. 80.
56. Brian P. Baker, “Pest Control in the Public Interest: Crop Protection in California,” UCLA Journal of Environmental Law & Policy 8 (1988–89): 31, 49–50.
57. Dunning, “Pests, Poisons, and the Living Law,” p. 668; and Robert van den Bosch, “Insecticides and the Law,” Hastings Law Journal 22 (1971): 615, 621.
58. Douglass F. Rohrman, “The Law of Pesticides: Present and Future,” Journal of Public Law 17 (1968): 351, 363–64. The three exceptions were Indiana, Delaware, and Alaska, though Indiana and Alaska did have some other regulations of pesticides in place.
59. Huffaker, “The Regulation of Pesticide Use in California,” p. 283.
60. van den Bosch, “Insecticides and the Law,” pp. 621–22.
61. Rohrman, “Pesticide Laws—Part I,” p. 396–401.
62. Bosso, Pesticides and Politics, p. 138.
63. Dunlap, DDT: Scientists, Citizens, and Public Policy, p. 152.
64. Ibid., p. 171.
65. Ibid., p. 177.
66. Ibid., pp. 178–79. The cancellation order made exceptions for control of mice, bats, and body lice.
67. Ibid., p. 205.
68. Council on Environmental Quality, Environmental Quality: The Third Annual Report of the Council on Environmental Quality (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1972), pp. 178–79.
69. Rohrman, “Pesticide Laws—Part I,” p. 154.
70. Ibid., p. 155.
71. Morriss, “Pesticides and Environmental Federalism,” p. 148 (quoting testimony by Florida officials).
72. Douglass F. Rohrman, “Pesticide Laws and Legal Implications of Pesticide Use—Part II,” Food, Drug & Cosmetic Law Journal 23 (1968): 172, 180.
73. Ibid., p. 181. The aerial sprayer was generally considered the “agent” and the farm owner the “principal,” so the property owner would be liable for the improper application by the sprayer.
74. Ibid., p. 180–81.
75. Ibid., p. 184.
76. Richard J. Gross, “Pesticide Use and Liability in North Dakota,” North Dakota Law Review 47 (1970–71): 35, 345.
77. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 158–59
78. 439 F.2d 584 (D.C. Cir. 1971).
79. MacIntyre, “Why Pesticides Received Extensive Use in America,” p. 257.
80. 439 F.2d 584, p. 594.
81. Ibid., p. 593.
82. Dunlap, DDT: Scientists, Citizens, and Public Policy, p. 236.
83. Mary Jane Large, “The Federal Environmental Pesticide Control Act of 1972: A Compromise Approach,” Ecology Law Quarterly 3 (1973): 290.
84. NRC, Regulating Pesticides, p. 22. (“The courts adopted a conservative strategy by giving USDA and, subsequently, EPA the discretion to ban pesticides on the basis of a comparison of benefits and risks that took a very conservative view of socially acceptable risk. Congress accepted the necessity of basing decisions based upon risk as opposed to proof of harm, but attempted to ensure that risk would be only one of the relevant factors considered by EPA. To this end, Congress posed a process that based all decisions on a balanced benefit-cost analysis derived from neoclassical welfare economics.”)
85. William E. Reukauf, “Regulation of Agricultural Pesticides,” Iowa Law Review 62 (1976–77): 909.
86. Ibid., pp. 915–16.
87. Ibid., p. 918.
88. See Jonathan H. Adler, “The Fable of Federal Environmental Regulation,” Case Western Reserve Law Review 55 (2004): 93.
89. See Malkan, “Pesticide Residues,” p. 517. (“Since foods containing pesticide residue are frequently marketed on a nationwide basis, uniform control seems best suited to give certainty or protection and ease of compliance.”)
90. Dunlap, DDT: Scientists, Citizens, and Public Policy, p. 68.
91. See Malkan, “Pesticide Residues,” pp. 519–21.
92. Morriss, “Pesticides and Environmental Federalism,” p. 134.
93. See Jonathan H. Adler, “When Is Two a Crowd: The Impact of Federal Action on State Environmental Regulation,” Harvard Environmental Law Review 31 (2007): 67.
94. Dunlap, DDT: Scientists, Citizens, and Public Policy, p. 235.
Chapter 11
1. Ellen Levine, Rachel Carson: A Twentieth-Century Life (New York: Viking, 2007), p. 191.
2. Gregory Conko, “The Precautionary Principle: Protectionism and Environmental Extremism by Other Means,” paper presented at the International Society of Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology Workshop on the Precautionary Principle, Arlington, Virginia, June 20, 2002, http://cei.org/outreach-regulatory-comments-and-testimony/precautionary-principle-protectionism-and-environmental-e.
3. World Commission on the Ethics of Scientific Knowledge and Technology, The Precautionary Principle (Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 2005).
4. Jonathan Adler, “The Precautionary Principle’s Challenge to Progress,” in Global Warming and Other Eco-Myths, ed. Ronald Bailey (New York: Crown Publishing Group, 2002), http://earthlink.net/~jhadler/prec.html.
5. Ragnar E. Löfstedt, “The Swing of the Regulatory Pendulum in Europe: From Precautionary Principle to (Regulatory) Impact Analysis,” Working Paper 04–07, AEI–Brookings Joint Center for Regulatory Studies, Washington, DC, March 22, 2004.
6. John Graham, “Risk and Precaution,” paper presented at the AEI–Brookings Conference on Risk, Science, and Public Policy, Washington, DC, October 12, 2004, citing David Vogel, “Risk Regulation in Europe and the United States,” in The Yearbook of European Environmental Law, vol. 3, ed. H. Somsen (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003).
7. John Graham, “The Perils of the Precautionary Principle: Lessons from the American and European Experience,” paper presented at the Heritage Foundation Regulatory Forum, Washington, DC, October 20, 2003.
8. Indur M. Goklany, The Precautionary Principle: A Critical Appraisal of Environmental Risk Assessment (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2001), p. 2.
9. The Wingspread Conference on the Precautionary Principle has some interesting connections to Rachel Carson. One of the conference participants was Peter Montague, Ph.D., cofounder and director of the Environmental Research Foundation, which used the URLs www.rachel.org and www.precaution.org. Montague edited Rachel’s Precaution Reporter, which billed itself as “the only publication dedicated to tracking the spread of precaution and prevention worldwide.” Among the stated goals of Rachel’s Precaution Reporter were the following: “expand[ing] the application of the precautionary principle from chemicals-and-health to land-use, waste, energy, food-policy and local economic development” and “continu[ing] to develop the precautionary approach into an overarching philosophy for community decision-making.” Since February 2009, Rachel’s Precaution Reporter has been published by the Science and Environmental Health Network, the organization that convened the Wingspread Conference on the Precautionary Principle.
10. Wingspread Conference on the Precautionary Principle, Racine, Wisconsin, January 26, 1998, http://www.sehn.org/wing.html.
11. Ronald Bailey, “Precautionary Tale,” Reason, April 1999, http://reason.com/ archives/1999/04/01/precautionary-tale.
12. “Are Hair Dyes Safe?” Consumer Reports, August 1979.
13. Larry Katzenstein, “Food Irradiation: The Story behind the Scare,” American Health (December 1992): 62–68.
14. Ibid.
15. Larry Katzenstein, “Good Food You Can’t Get,” Reader’s Digest, July 1993.
16. “The Truth about Irradiated Meat,” Consumer Reports, August 2003.
17. Löfstedt, “The Swing of the Regulatory Pendulum.”
18. Robert Percival, “Who’s Afraid of the Precautionary Principle?” Pace Environmental Law Review 23, no. 1 (Winter 2005–2006): 21–81.
19. Löfstedt, “The Swing of the Regulatory Pendulum.”
20. Al Gore, “Introduction,” in Silent Spring, by Rachel Carson (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1994), p. i.
21. John Henricksson, Rachel Carson: The Environmental Movement (Brookfield, CT: The Millbrook Press, 1991), p. 85.
22. Ibid., p. 86.
23. Levine, Rachel Carson, pp. 182–83, 190.
24. Patricia Coit Murphy, What a Book Can Do: The Publication and Reception of Silent Spring (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 2005), p. 18.
25. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962).
26. Mark Hamilton Lytle, The Gentle Subversive: Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, and the Rise of the Environmental Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 186.
27. Levine, Rachel Carson, p. 190.
28. Edwin O. Wilson, “On Silent Spring,” in Courage for the Earth: Writers, Scientists, and Activists Celebrate the Life and Writing of Rachel Carson, ed. Peter Matthiessen (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2007).
29. C. J. Van Leeuwen, B. G. Hansen, and J. H. M. deBruijn, “The Management of Industrial Chemicals in the EU,” in Risk Assessment of Chemicals: An Introduction, 2nd edition, ed. C. J. van Leeuwen and T. G. Vermeire (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer, 2007).
30. Ibid, p. 514.
31. Goklany, The Precautionary Principle, p. 4.
32. United Nations General Assembly, World Charter for Nature, October 28, 1982, Section 11(b), http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/37/a37r007.htm.
33. Cass Sunstein, “Throwing Precaution to the Wind: Why the ‘Safe’ Choice Can Be Dangerous,” Boston Globe, July 13, 2008.
34. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 16.
35. Bruce N. Ames and Lois Swirsky Gold, “The Causes and Prevention of Cancer,” in Risks, Costs and Lives Saved: Getting Better Results from Regulation, ed. Robert W. Hahn (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 22–23.
36. Lytle, The Gentle Subversive, p. 220.
37. Cass Sunstein, “The Paralyzing Principle,” Regulation (Winter 2002–2003): pp. 33, 37.
38. Ibid., p. 34.
39. Ibid.
40. Murphy, What a Book Can Do, p. 9.
41. See Roger Meiners, chapter 6, this volume.
42. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 221.
43. Ibid., p. 237.
44. Ibid., p. 238.
45. Randy Harris, “Other-Words in Silent Spring,” in And No Birds Sing: Rhetorical Analyses of Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring, ed. Craig Waddell (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), p. 150.
46. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 238–39.
47. Adler, “The Precautionary Principle’s Challenge to Progress,” p. 202, quoting Soren Holm and John Harris, “Precautionary Principle Stifles Discovery,” Nature 400 (1999).
48. Charles F. Wilkinson, “The Science and Politics of Pesticides,” in Silent Spring Revisited, ed. Gino J. Marco, Robert M. Hollingworth, and William Durham (Washington, DC: American Chemical Society, 1987), p. 34.
49. Katzenstein, “Food Irradiation,” p. 23.
50. Robert N. Proctor, Cancer Wars: How Politics Shapes What We Know and Don’t Know About Cancer (New York: Basic Books, 1995), p. 160.
51. Ibid.
52. Kenneth Smith, “Rachel Carson’s Curse: How Safety Got So Dangerous,” Washington Times, February 10, 2000.
53. Jon Hamilton, “A Chemical Conundrum: How Dangerous Is Dioxin?” National Public Radio, December 28, 2010, transcript.
54. Ibid.
55. Ibid.
56. Ibid.
57. Wingspread Conference 1998.
58. Lytle, The Gentle Subversive, p. 146.
59. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 8.
60. Ibid., p. 85.
61. Ibid., p. 70.
62. Ibid., p. 112.
63. Ibid., p. 227.
64. The article by Cross is the only other reference I encountered that makes a connection between Silent Spring and creation of the precautionary principle. But Cross’s discussion of that link is limited to the following sentence: “The [precautionary principle] can be traced back to Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring, the environmentalist bible that warned against human tampering with nature with particular reference to pesticides.”
65. Conko, “The Precautionary Principle.”
66. Frank B. Cross, “Paradoxical Perils of the Precautionary Principle,” Washington & Lee Law Review 53 (1996): 851.
67. Carson, Silent Spring, pp. 2–3.
68. Lytle, The Gentle Subversive, p. 214.
69. Ronald Bailey, “Silent Spring at 40: Rachel Carson’s Classic Is Not Aging Well,” Reason, June 12, 2002, http://reason.com/archives/2002/06/12/silent-spring-at-40/print.
70. Lytle, The Gentle Subversive, p. 216.
71. Michelle Malkin and Michael Fumento, Rachel’s Folly: The End of Chlorine (Washington, DC: Competitive Enterprise Institute, 1996).
72. Carol Gartner, “When Science Writing Becomes Literary Art,” in And No Birds Sing: Rhetorical Analyses of Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring, ed. Craig Waddell (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), p. 110.
73. Goklany, The Precautionary Principle, p. 14.
74. Ibid.
75. Malkin and Fumento, Rachel’s Folly.
76. Goklany, The Precautionary Principle, p. 25.
77. Ibid., p. 27.
78. “NCQA Report: Autism Fears Suspected as Children’s Vaccinations Decrease in Private Plans,” National Committee for Quality Assurance news release, October 13, 2010, http://www.ncqa.org/tabid/1259/Default.aspx.
79. Will Dunham, “Measles Outbreak Hits 127 People in 15 States,” Associated Press, July 9, 2008. See also Steve Karnowski, “Autism/Vaccine Fears Cause Measles Outbreak in Minn. Somalis,” Associated Press, April 3, 2011.
Chapter 12
1. The author appreciates the valuable research assistance of Cason Schmit.
2. See, generally, Edith Efron, The Apocalyptics: Cancer and the Big Lie (New York: Simon and Shuster, 1984).
3. Mark Sagoff, “The Principles of Federal Pollution Control Law,” Minnesota Law Review 71 (1986): 19, 20, n. 5.
4. See, for example, Michael S. Pak, “Environmentalism Then and Now: From Fears to Opportunities, 1970–2010,” Environmental Science and Technology 45 (2011): 5–9.
5. Ibid.
6. Julian Simon, The State of Humanity (Boston: Basil Blackwell, 1995).
7. Ted Nordhaus and Michael Shellenger, Break Through: From the Death of Environmentalism to the Politics of Possibility (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2007), p. 130.
8. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962), pp. 1–3.
9. Ibid., p. 3.
10. See Donald R. Roberts and Richard Tren, chapter 8, this volume.
11. Ira L. Baldwin, “Chemicals and Pests,” Science 137 (1962): 1042–43.
12. See Roger Meiners, chapter 6, this volume.
13. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 8.
14. Ibid., p. 6.
15. Ibid.
16. Gregg Easterbrook, A Moment on the Earth: The Coming Age of Environmental Optimism (New York: Penguin Books, 1995), p. 85.
17. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 10.
18. See, for example, Frances Gies and Joseph Gies, Life in a Medieval Village (New York: Harper and Row, 1990).
19. Alex Gregory, cartoon published in the New Yorker, May 22, 2006, http://www.condenaststore.com/-sp/Something-s-just-not-right-our-air-is-clean-our-water-is-pure-we-all-ge-Prints_i8545559_.htm.
20. Bruce N. Ames, Renae Magaw, and Lois Swirsky Gold, “Ranking Carcinogenic Hazards,” Science 236 (1987): 271; and Lois Swirsky Gold, Thomas H. Slone, Bonnie R. Stern, Neela B. Manley, and Bruce N. Annes, “Rodent Carcinogens: Setting Priorities,” Science 258 (1992): 261.
21. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 16.
22. Aaron Wildavsky, Searching for Safety (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1988), p. 25.
23. Peter L. Bernstein, Against the Gods: The Remarkable Story of Risk (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1996).
24. See H. W. Lewis, Technological Risk (New York: W. H. Norton, 1990), pp. 22–23.
25. Keith Schneider, “As Earth Day Turns 25, Life Gets Complicated,” New York Times, April 16, 1995.
26. Carson, Silent Spring, p. 224.
27. Ibid., p. 242.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. National Research Council, Science and Judgment in Risk Assessment (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1994), p. 31.
31. Gary Flamm, “Critical Assessment of Carcinogenic Risk Policy,” Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology 9, no. 3 (1989): 218.
32. Cass R. Sunstein, “Is the Clean Air Act Unconstitutional?” Michigan Law Review 98 (1999): 315.
33. Stephen Breyer, Breaking the Vicious Circle: Toward Effective Risk Regulation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), p. 11.
34. Flamm, “Critical Assessment,” p. 218.
35. See, for example, Jerry M. Melillo and Ellis B. Cowling, “Reactive Nitrogen and Public Policies for Environmental Protection,” Ambio 31 (2002): 150; and Gary Kroll, “The ‘Silent Springs’ of Rachel Carson: Mass Media and the Origins of Modern Environmentalism,” Public Understanding of Science 10 (2001): 403.
36. John P. Dwyer, “The Pathology of Symbolic Legislation,” Ecology Law Quarterly 17 (1990): 233.
37. Ibid., pp. 277–82.
38. John M. Mendeloff, The Dilemma of Toxic Substance Regulation: How Overregulation Causes Underregulation (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1988).
39. As shown by Meiners and Morriss, chapter 9 this volume, the groundwork for the Delaney Clause was laid in hearings held earlier in the decade, which raised the specter of rampant dangers in our foods from agricultural chemicals.
40. Food Additive Amendments of 1958, Public Law 85–929 § 4, 72 Stat. 1784, 1786 (1958), codified at U.S. Code § 341 (repealed in 1996).
41. Color Additive Amendments of 1960, Public Law 86–618, 74 Stat. 397 (1960), codified at U.S. Code § 376.
42. Animal Drug Amendments of 1968, Public Law 90–399, 82 Stat. 342 (1968), codified at U.S. Code § 360b.
43. Zygmunt J. B. Plater, “Environmental Law and Three Economies: Navigating a Sprawling Field of Study, Practice, and Societal Governance in Which Everything Is Connected to Everything Else,” Harvard Environmental Law Review 23 (1999): 384.
44. Richard A. Merrill, “FDA’s Implementation of the Delaney Clause: Repudiation of Congressional Choice or Reasoned Adaptation to Scientific Progress?” Yale Journal on Regulation 5 (1988): 13.
45. Nicholas Wade, “Delaney Anti-Cancer Clause: Scientists Debate an Article of Faith,” Science 177 (1972): 588–91.
46. Merrill, “FDA’s Implementation of the Delaney Clause,” p. 13.
47. David A. Kessler, “Food Safety: Revising the Statute,” Science 223 (1984): 1034.
48. Public Citizen v. Young, 831 F.2d 1108, 1119 (D.C. Cir. 1987).
49. Merrill, “FDA’s Implementation of the Delaney Clause,” p. 15–16 (citing Hueper, “Potential Role of Non-Nutritive Food Additives and Contaminants as Environmental Carcinogens,” A.M.A. Archives Pathology 62 [1957]: 222–24).
50. Gold et al., “Rodent Carcinogens,” p. 261.
51. Philip H. Abelson, “Testing for Carcinogens with Rodents,” Science 249 (1990): 1357.
52. International Agency for Research on Cancer, Agents Classified by the IARC Monographs, Volumes 1–101, accessed April 13, 2011, http://monographs.iarc.fr/ENG/Classification/index.php.
53. Bruce Ames, “Cancer and Diet (Letter),” Science 224 (1984): 668.
54. Andrew J. Miller, “The Food Quality Protection Act of 1996: Science and Law at a Crossroads,” Duke Environmental Law & Policy Forum 7 (1997): 400.
55. James Smart, “All the Stars in the Heavens Were in the Right Places: The Passage of the Food Quality Protection Act of 1996,” Stanford Environmental Law Journal 17 (1998): 285.
56. Public Citizen v. Young, 1109.
57. Carl Winter, director, Foodsafe Program of the University of California, Testimony on the Food Quality Protection Act of 1995 before the Subcommittee on Health and Environment of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, 104th Cong., June 7, 1995, 34–35.
58. Gold et al., “Rodent Carcinogens,” p. 262.
59. National Research Council, Regulating Pesticides in Food: The Delaney Paradox (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1986).
60. Samuel M. Cohen et al., “Delaney Reform (Letter),” Science 268 (1995): 1829–30.
61. Quoted in John Walsh, “Environment: Focus on DDT, the ‘Uninvited Additive,’” Science 166 (1969): 977.
62. Smart, “All the Stars in the Heavens,” pp. 283–84.
63. Ibid., p. 283.
64. Les v. Reilly, 968 F.2d 985 (9th Cir. 1992).
65. Environmental Protection Agency, The Benefits and Costs of the Clean Air Act from 1990 to 2020 (Washington, DC: EPA Office of Air and Radiation, 2011), http://www.epa.gov/air/sect812/feb11/fullreport.pdf.
66. Clean Air Act § 109(b)(1), codified at U.S. Code 42 § 7409(b)(1).
67. Lead Indus. v. EPA, 647 F.2d 1130, 1153 (D.C. Cir. 1980).
68. Whitman v. American Trucking Associations, 531 U.S. 457, 464–70 (2001).
69. Ibid., p. 457.
70. Lead Indus v. EPA, p. 1150, quoting S. Rep. 91–1196, 1970, pp. 2–3.
71. See Sen. Edmund Muskie, member, Statement on Clean Air Act Amendments of 1977 at hearing of the Subcommittee on Environmental Pollution of the Senate Committee on the Environment and Public Works, 95th Cong., 1st sess., pt. 3, p. 8 (1977).
72. William K. Reilly, “foreword,” in Sensitive Populations and Environmental Standards, by Robert D. Friedman (Washington, DC: Conservation Foundation, 1981), p. vii.
73. Cary Coglianese and Gary E. Marchant, “Shifting Sands: The Limits of Science in Setting Risk Standards,” Pennsylvania Law Review 152 (2004): 1283–90.
74. See Muskie, Statement on Clean Air Act Amendments of 1977.
75. See Clean Air Act Amendments of 1977: Hearings before the Subcommittee on Environmental Pollution of the Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works, 95th Cong., 1st sess., (1977), H. Rep. 95–294, pp. 111, 127.
76. Senator Muskie, Congressional Record 123 (1977): 18,463.
77. H. Rep. 95–294, p. 127.
78. Christopher T. Giovinazzo, “Defending Overstatement: the Symbolic Clean Air Act and Carbon Dioxide,” Harvard Environmental Law Review 30 (2006): 99; and James A. Henderson, Jr., and Richard N. Pearson, “Implementing Federal Environmental Policies: The Limits of Aspirational Commands,” Columbia Law Review 78 (1978): 1429.
79. National Wildlife Federation v. Gorsuch, 683 F.2d 156, 178 (D.C. Cir. 1982).
80. Coglianese and Marchant, “Shifting Sands.”
81. Ibid.
82. See, for example, Sagoff, “The Principles of Federal Pollution Control Law,” p. 86 (collecting examples).
83. Clean Water Act, § 101(a).
84. Id. § 101(a)(1).
85. Id. § 101(a)(3).
86. Sagoff, “The Principles of Federal Pollution Control Law,” p. 87.
87. American Petroleum Institute v. EPA, 540 F.2d 1023, 1028 (10th Cir. 1976).
88. Congressional Research Service, “History of the Water Pollution Control Act Amendments of 1972,” ser. 1, 93rd Cong., 1st sess. (1972), p. 164.
89. Ibid., pp. 161–62.
90. Aaron Wildavsky, “Economy and Environment/Rationality and Ritual,” 29 Stanford Law Review 183, 191 (1976).
91. National Commission on Water Quality, Report to Congress by the National Commission on Water Quality, Washington, DC (1976), pp. 29–30.
92. John Hernandez, deputy administrator, EPA, Testimony on the Clean Water Act Amendments of 1982, S. 777 and S. 2652, before the Subcommittee on Environmental Protection of the Senate Committee on the Environment and Public Works, 97th Cong., 2d sess., 1982, pp. 9–10.
93. Robert L. Glicksman and Matthew R. Batzel, “Science, Politics, Law, and the Arc of the Clean Water Act: The Role of Assumptions in the Adoption of a Pollution Control Landmark,” Washington University Journal of Law and Policy 32 (2010): 105.
94. Ibid., pp. 105–109.
95. See, for example, Robert W. Adler, Jessica C. Landman, and Diane M. Cameron, The Clean Water Act: 20 Years Later (Washington, DC: Island Press, 1993).
96. William H. Rodgers, Jr., “The Seven Statutory Wonders of U.S. Environmental Law: Origins and Morphology,” Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review 27 (1994): 1016.
97. Miguel A. Receurda, “Dangerous Interpretations of the Precautionary Principle and the Foundational Values of European Food Law: Risk Versus Risk,” Journal of Food Law and Policy 4 (2008): 5.
98. See, for example, David Santillo and Paul Johnston, “Is There a Role for Risk Assessment within Precautionary Legislation?” Human and Ecological Risk Assessment 5 (1999): 930–31.
99. Gary E. Marchant and Kenneth L. Mossman, Arbitrary and Capricious: The Precautionary Principle in the European Union Courts (Washington, DC: AEI Press, 2004).
100. Pfizer Animal Health SA v. Council of the European Union, Case T-13/99, 1999 E.C.R. II-1961 (Celex No. 699B00113) (President of Court of First Instance), p. 76.
101. Commission v. Germany, Case C-184/97, 1999 E.C.R. I-7837, 27 (opinion of Advocate General).
102. Gary E. Marchant, “From General Policy to Legal Rule: The Aspirations and Limitations of the Precautionary Principle,” Environmental Health Perspectives 111 (2003): 1802.
103. Frank B. Cross, “Paradoxical Perils of the Precautionary Principle,” Washington and Lee Law Review 53 (1996): 851.
104. See Marchant and Mossman, Arbitrary and Capricious, p. 101.
105. Flamm, “Critical Assessment of Carcinogenic Risk Policy,” p. 218.
106. Martin W. Lewis, Green Delusions: An Environmentalist Critique of Radical Environmentalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1992), p. 250.