1 Quoted in Breitman, ed., Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 34—35.
2 Franklin, Color Line, pp. 31—51; Fraser and Gordon, “Genealogy of Dependency,” pp. 309—36.
3 Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 US 537 (1896), in Joseph Tussman, ed., The Supreme Court on Racial Discrimination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963), p. 80.
4 Moss, American Negro Academy.
5 Lott, “Love and Theft,” pp. 23—50; Lubiano, “Black Ladies, Welfare Queens,” pp. 323—63.
6 Cornel West, “The Dilemma of the Black Intellectual,” in West, Keeping Faith, p. 85.
7 The contributions include Hall, “Notes on Deconstructing ”The Popular,’” pp. 227—39; Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood; Bell, Faces at the Bottom; Morrison, ed., Race-ing Justice, En-gendering Power; Gates, ed., “Race,” Writing, and Difference; Wallace, Invisibility Blues.
8 Morrison, Playing in the Dark; Baldwin, Price of the Ticket.
1 Frazier, Black Bourgeoisie.
2 Hine, “Rape and the Inner Lives of Black Women,” pp. 292—97.
3 Redding, No Day of Triumph, pp. 30—31.
4 Ibid., pp. 31—39.
5 Gwaltney, Drylongso, pp. 84—86.
6 Du Bois, Souls of Black Folk.
7 Ibid.
8 Ibid., p. 5.
9 Annotation of Du Bois’s text is quoted in Pemberton, Hottest Water, pp. 74—77.
10 Du Bois, Autobiography of W. E. B. Du Bois, p. 122.
11 Williams, Marxism and Literature, pp. 55—71; Jewell, From Mammy to Miss America, pp. 4—5.
12 Santino, Miles of Smiles, pp. 6—31.
13 Joel A. Rogers, From Superman to Man (Plainview, N.Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1976).
14 Santino, Miles of Smiles, pp. 17—18.
15 “More Slavery at the South,” by a Negro Nurse, Independent, 72, no. 3295 (January 25, 1912): 196—200, reprinted in Lerner, ed., Black Women in White America, pp. 227—29. See also Tucker, ed., Telling Memories; Jaynes, Branches Without Roots, p. 275.
16 The self-help, inspirational literature of racial uplift is voluminous; for several examples, see Pipken, Story of a Rising Race; Northrop, College of Life; and Penn, United Negro.
1 Meier, Negro Thought in America, pp. 210—11; Bardolph, Negro Vanguard, p. 172; Baker, Following the Color Line, p. 92. See James G. Spady, “Richard Robert Wright, Sr.,” Dictionary of Negro Biography, ed. Rayford Logan and Michael Winston (New York: Norton, 1982), pp. 674—75. This notion of uplift endured in the minds of progressive reformers. In 1892, at a Sunset Club discussion, the temperance leader Frances Willard cited the “little fellow[’s]” response to “General Fisk” as evidence that “the masses are sending us word that they are rising, and I do not believe that the question ”How would you uplift the masses?’ will be germane to any program ten years from now, for they will be up and at it themselves.” Willard is quoted in “How Would You Uplift the Masses?” The Sunset Club, Forty-Second Meeting, February 4, 1892.
2 See George W. Reid, “George Henry White,” Dictionary of Negro Biography, pp. 645—46; and Krislov, Negro in Federal Employment, p. 17.
3 Logan, Betrayal of the Negro.
4 Although such attempts at periodization are useful, they also risk distortion. As will be seen, the idea of uplift was not confined to the post-Reconstruction era. F. E. W. Harper, “An Address Delivered at the Centennial Anniversary of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery,” Philadelphia, April 14, 1875, in Dunbar, ed., Masterpieces of Negro Eloquence, pp. 104—6.
5 Anderson, Education of Blacks in the South, pp. 4—32.
6 Berry, Black Resistance, pp. 61—78.
7 Jaynes, Branches Without Roots, pp. 264—65.
8 Ibid., pp. 269—72.
9 Rachleff, Black Labor, pp. 86—91; Berry, Black Resistance, pp. 103—21; Harris, Harder We Run, pp. 9—14; Painter, Exodusters, pp. 93—94.
10 Fortune, Black and White, pp. 95, 105—6.
11 Straker, New South Investigated, pp. 84—91.
12 Berry, Black Resistance, p. 116; Stein, “Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others,” pp. 422—63; Krislov, Negro in Federal Employment, pp. 7—27.
13 On Frances Willard and her public feud with Ida B. Wells in England over lynching, see Giddings, When and Where I Enter, pp. 90—91, and Gossett, Race, pp. 269—71.
14 Gossett, Race, p. 236; Kovel, White Racism, pp. 211—13; Jackson, “From Our Friends in the Far East,” pp. 145—49; Fletcher, Black Soldier; Eduardo Galleano, Century of the Wind (New York: Pantheon, 1988); Bessie L. Pierce, Public Opinion and the Teaching of History in the United States (New York: Knopf, 1926), pp. 281—82.
15 A good example of textual and visual representations of racial ideology involving black soldiers can be found in The Race Crisis (n.p., 1904), pp. 10—11.
16 Langford and Vardamann quoted in Henri, Black Migration, pp. 22—23. See Marks, ed., Black Press, p. 109.
17 Henri, Black Migration, p. 22.
18 The Atlanta Exposition Address is reprinted in Washington, Up From Slavery, pp. 217—37. Berry, Black Resistance, pp. 118—19; Harper, Iola Leroy; Cooper, Voice from the South.
19 Bardolph, Civil Rights Record, pp. 149—52.
20 Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 US 537 (1896).
21 Herd, “Prohibition, Racism and Class Politics,” pp. 85—86; Woodward, Origins of the New South, pp. 327—49.
22 Rev. J. P. Campbell, editor of the A.M.E. Christian Recorder, insisted that blacks “have to wait for nothing. The right [to freedom] is a natural one.” To Frederick Douglass, religious, egalitarian claims of human rights rendered racist scientific theories based on anatomical differences irrelevant. Douglass insisted that claims to liberty and freedom were not based on so-called natural differences or similarities, but on a higher law, “registered in the Courts of Heaven, . . . enforced by the eloquence of the God of all the earth.” Campbell quoted in Sernett, Black Religion and American Evangelicalism, pp. 140—41. Douglass quoted in Stepan and Gilman, “Appropriating the Idioms of Science,” p. 81. Equal rights antislavery discourse is discussed in Quarles, Black Mosaic, pp. 92—108; and McPherson, Struggle for Equality. See Garnet’s “Address to the Slaves,” in Stuckey, ed., Ideological Origins of Black Nationalism.
23 Berry and Blassingame, Long Memory, pp. 57—69; Moss, American Negro Academy, pp. 9—17; Quarles, Black Abolitionists; George, Segregated Sabbaths, pp. 135—59; Stuckey, Ideological Origins of Black Nationalism; Franklin, George Washington Williams, pp. 100—133; Cromwell, Negro in American History; Meier, Negro Thought in America, pp. 260—64.
24 Julia De Cora, “My People,” Southern Workman, 26, no. 6 (June 1897): 115—16.
25 For letters to Armstrong from “Chinese, Japanese, Indian and Colored students,” see “Letters from Hampton Graduates and Ex-Students,” Southern Workman, 21, no. 1 (January 1892): 7; Harlan, Booker T. Washington: Making of a Black Leader, pp. 102—8. Quotations from Benjamin Brave, “The Old and The New,” Southern Workman, 26, no. 4 (April 1897): 72.
26 Anderson, Education of Blacks in the South, pp. 28—30; Wells, quoted in Duster, ed., Crusader for Justice, p. 22; “A Message to the Race,” Voice of the Negro 2, no. 1 (January 1905): 696.
27 Anderson, Education of Blacks in the South, pp. 33—40; Bardolph, Negro Vanguard, pp. 99—101; Kelly Miller, “Howard University,” in From Servitude to Service: Being the Old South Lectures on the History and Work of Southern Institutions for the Education of the Negro (New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969), pp. 24—26. Du Bois, “Hampton Idea,” pp. 632—35.
28 Hovenkamp, “Social Science and Segregation,” p. 648; Ida B. Wells, “”Iola’ on Discrimination,” New York Freeman (January 15, 1887): 4; Wells, Crusader for Justice, pp. 18—20.
29 Harper, Iola Leroy, p. 116.
30 Buck, Road to Reunion; John L. Thomas, “Romantic Reform in America, 1815—1865,” in Davis, ed., Antebellum Reform, pp. 153—76; Gossett, Race, pp. 146—47; Washington, “Storm Before the Calm,” pp. 199—213.
31 See the review of W. E. B. Du Bois’s “The Souls of Black Folk” in Southern Workman 32, no. 6 (June 1903): 263. Washington, Up From Slavery, pp. 16, 80, 111.
32 Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, pp. 3—31.
33 Williams, Black Americans and Evangelization; Bowen, ed., Africa and the American Negro. On Crummell, see Moses, Alexander Crummell. Source quoted is William T. Alexander, History of the Colored Race in America (Kansas City, Mo.: Palmetto Publishing, 1888), pp. 530—31, quoted in Williams, Black Americans and Evangelization, p. 96.
34 Washington, Up From Slavery, pp. 94—97.
35 Washington, “Industrial Education,” pp. 87—92; Washington, Up From Slavery, pp. 80—83. Quoted in Woodward, Origins of the New South, p. 95. Governor James Vardamann of Mississippi spoke more directly to the risks inherent in educating blacks: “What the North is sending South is not money, but dynamite; this education is ruining our Negroes. They’re demanding equality.” Quoted in Baker, Following the Color Line, p. 247.
36 Proceedings, Hampton Negro Conference (Hampton, Va.: Hampton Institute, 1901), p. 34.
37 Luker, Social Gospel.
38 Meier, Negro Thought in America, pp. 161—70. John E. Bruce to John W. Cromwell, December 1, 1902, Alain Locke Papers. Griggs, Imperium in Imperio; Cooper, Voice from the South, p. 35.
39 E. W. Blyden to Rev. Edward Cooke, March 7, 1910, John E. Bruce Collection. Du Bois, “St. Francis of Assisi”; Du Bois, Souls of Black Folk, pp. 68—69.
40 On Washington, D.C., black intellectuals, see Moses, “Lost World of the New Negro,” pp. 61—84. Crummell, “Civilization, The Primal Need of the Race.”
41 Cooper, Voice from the South, pp. 25—28, 192.
42 Fannie Williams, in Women’s Era (March 24, 1894): 4, cited in Giddings, When and Where I Enter, p. 83. Cooper, Voice from the South. See Williams, “Work Attempted and Missed,” pp. 281—85. Ida B. Wells also denounced petty ambition among clubwomen, referring specifically to her feud with Mary Church Terrell. See Duster, ed., Crusade for Justice, p. 260.
43 Krislov, Negro in Federal Employment, pp. 18—19. Examples of the reform efforts of black women abound; see, for example, R. Antoine Rogers, “Mrs. Frances A. Joseph: President of the Frances Willard W.C.T.U. and Superintendent of Prison Mission,” Colored American Magazine 6, no. 3 (January 1903): 218—21. Harper and Wells’s remarks on temperance are recorded in “Symposium—Temperance,” A.M.E. Church Review 7, no. 4 (April 1891): 372—81.
44 Stemons, “Unmentionable Crime,” pp. 636—41. Washington arranged a dinner with Boston opponents in an unsuccessful attempt to negotiate a reconciliation in 1898. Fox, Guardian of Boston, pp. 25—30, 49—58. For an example of northern opposition to Washington, see “An Editorial” in the Cleveland Gazette, July 20, 1901, reprinted in Harlan, ed., Booker T. Washington Papers 6: 178—79; Meier, Negro Thought in America, pp. 163—64, 171—89.
45 Hopkins, Contending Forces, pp. 127—29. For more information on the occupational and social status of northern blacks, see Nielson, Black Ethos, pp. 56—60; Woodward, Strange Career, pp. 18—21; Kusmer, Ghetto Takes Shape, pp. 66—90; New York Times editorial cited in Osofsky, Harlem, p. 40.
46 “The Niagara Movement,” Colored American Magazine 13, no. 4 (October 1907): 247—48. On student teachers in the rural South, see Johnson, Along This Way, pp. 104—12.
47 Colored American Magazine 13, no. 4 (October 1907): 247. By this time, the magazine was edited by Fred Moore, and subsidized by Washington. The black American poet and critic William Stanley Braithwaite had attempted to buy a controlling interest in the magazine in 1903. See Butcher, ed., William Stanley Braithwaite Reader, p. 240.
1 Du Bois, Souls of Black Folk, p. 4; Terrell, Colored Woman, pp. 22—23; Garvey, “The Negro’s Greatest Enemy,” in Wagstaff, ed., Black Power, pp. 77—78.
2 White, Man Called White, pp. 3—5.
3 Quoted in ibid., p. 8.
4 Ibid., p. 9. Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, p. 299.
5 Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, pp. 8—13.
6 Outlook (September 29, 1906): 241—42, reprinted in Joseph Boskin, ed., Urban Racial Violence in the Twentieth Century (Beverly Hills, Calif.: 1969), pp. 6—8.
7 My discussion of social equality is indebted to Nell Irvin Painter, “”Social Equality,’ Miscegenation, Labor and Power,” in Numan V. Bartley, ed., The Evolution of Southern Culture (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1988), pp. 47—67.
8 White, Man Called White, pp. 135—38. The controversy surrounding Bessie Smith’s death from an automobile accident, and her son’s insistence that she died from medical neglect, is discussed in Chris Albertson, Bessie (New York: Stein and Day, 1972), pp. 216—26. On blacks’ abhorrence of hospitalization, see Hine, Black Women in White, pp. 70—71. Platt, E. Franklin Frazier Reconsidered, p. 100.
9 Arna Bontemps, “Why I Returned,” in Black Voices: An Anthology of Afro-American Literature, ed. Abraham Chapman (New York: New American Library, 1968), pp. 322—23.
10 “The Student Strike at Talladega,” Voice of the Negro 3, no. 3 (March 1906): 166—67.
11 Griggs, Imperium in Imperio, pp. 129—31. Middle-class black women preferred the independence they enjoyed as teachers or seamstresses to the more common urban occupation of domestic labor. W. E. B. Du Bois noted that women outnumbered men in the Philadelphia black community because “the industrial opportunities of Negro women in cities have been far greater than those of men.” Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, pp. 54—55. Jacqueline Jones discusses the occupational status of black women and the relation of their material condition to the threat of “white men’s persistent violation of black women that served as a backdrop for periodic lynchings . . . during the years 1890 to 1910.” Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow, pp. 134—51. Alexander Crummell denounced the persecution of black women in the South, who, regardless of status, fell prey to “the ruffianly element in Southern society, who think that black men have no rights which white men should regard, and black women no virtue which white men should respect.” Quoted in Shapiro, White Violence, pp. 59—60. Dittmer, Black Georgia, p. 137, also addresses the sexual harassment of black women and its relation to lynching, as black men who themselves resorted to violence to defend their female relatives from such assaults often faced immediate mob retribution.
12 Du Bois, College-Bred Negro, pp. 62—63; Du Bois, “The Talented Tenth,” in The Negro Problem: A Series of Articles by Representative American Negroes of To-Day (Miami: Mnemosyne, 1969), p. 51. Benjamin Brawley to James Weldon Johnson, October 17, 1933, ser. 1, folder 57, James Weldon Johnson Collection.
13 Lightfoot, Balm in Gilead, pp. 164—66.
14 Ibid., p. 166. Southern white newspapers were given to referring to black women by such generic names as Jane, Annie, Matilda, and the like. See “What is a Good Negro?” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 12 (December 1904): 618—19.
15 Alda Marion Johnson, “Atlanta Beautiful,” Voice of the Negro 3, no. 7 (July 1906): 508—9.
16 Powdermaker, After Freedom, pp. 150—51, 191.
17 Ibid., p. 151; John D. Swain, “A Warning to the South,” Voice of the Negro 3, no. 6 (June 1906): 427—28; Wells, Crusade for Justice, pp. 42—45.
18 Du Bois, “Conservation of Races,” (1897) in Wagstaff, ed., Black Power, p. 70. Cooper, Voice from the South, pp. 24—25. Cooper’s use of the phrase “fatally beautiful” refers to the vulnerability of black women to the attacks of white men. For examples of racist slanders of the morals of black women in the mainstream press, and on the black clubwomen’s movement response, see Giddings, When and Where I Enter, pp. 82, 75—131. For primary source documents on black clubwomen, see Davis, ed., Lifting as They Climb.
19 Page, “The Negro,” pp. 548—54. For brief reviews of negrophobic literature, see Fullenwider, Mind and Mood of Black America, pp. 3—4; Woodward, Origins of the New South, p. 352; and Meier, Negro Thought in America, pp. 161—62. A valuable survey of antiblack opinion in Progressive Era journalism is provided in Shapiro, “Muckrakers and Negroes,” pp. 76—88.
20 Williamson, New People, pp. 61—109.
21 Frederick Douglass, “The Future of the Colored Race,” North American Review 142 (May 1886): 437—40, reprinted in Moses Rischin, ed., The American Gospel of Success: Individualism and Beyond (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1965): 254—57; Fortune, “Race Absorption,” pp. 54—66; Daniel Murray’s views are discussed in Gatewood, Aristocracy of Color, pp. 174—75.
22 Page is quoted in Gossett, Race, p. 273. See Thomas Nelson Page, The Negro: The Southerner’s Problem (New York: Young People’s Missionary Movement of the United States and Canada, 1904). For an accommodationist black position on social equality, see W. H. Councill, Address to the White People of Alabama (Normal, Ala.: n.p. 1901); Kelly Miller, “The Attitude of the Intelligent Negro Toward Lynching,” Voice of the Negro (May 1905): 307—12; and William Pickens, “Social Equality,” Voice of the Negro 3, no. 1 (January 1906): 25—27.
23 Dittmer, Black Georgia, pp. 127—28.
24 Luker, Social Gospel, pp. 184—85.
25 A representative example of uplift success literature was “The Progress of a Race,” which promised up to date “race statistics” measuring business and professional activity, “The Colored Woman and Her Social Standing,” and “The Negro in War.” For typical advertisements, see Voice of the Negro 1, no. 2 (December 1904); “Render Unto Caesar that Which is Caesar’s,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 9 (October 1904): 410—11.
26 John E. Bruce, “The Necessity for Business Leagues,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 8 (August 1904): 338—39; W. P. Burrell, “History of the Business of Colored Richmond,” ibid., pp. 317—22; J. R. E. Lee, “The Negro National Business League,” ibid., p. 327; William P. Moore, “Progressive Business Men of Brooklyn,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 7 (July 1904): 304—8; Daniel Murray, “The Industrial Problem of the United States and the Negro’s Relation to It,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 9 (September 1904): 403—8.
27 Archibald A. Grimke, “An Education and Property Basis,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 9 (September 1904): 384—85.
28 John H. Adams, “Rough Sketches: A Study of the Features of the New Negro Woman,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 8 (August 1904): 323—26; John Henry Adams, “Rough Sketches: The New Negro Man,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 10 (October 1904): 447—52.
29 “The Louisiana Purchase Exposition,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 8 (August 1904): 342. On imperialism, see Harry H. Pace, “The Philippine Islands and the American Negro,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 10 (October 1904): 482—85, W. S. Scarborough, “Roosevelt: The Man, The Patriot, The Statesman,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 9 (September 1904): 391—93.
30 Addie Hunton, “Negro Womanhood Defended,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 7 (July 1904): 280—82; Josephine Silone Yates, “The National Association of Colored Women,” ibid., pp. 283—87; Josephine B. Bruce, “The Afterglow of the Women’s Convention,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 11 (November 1904): 540—43; Fannie Barrier Williams, “The Woman’s Part in a Man’s Business,” ibid., pp. 543—47; and Gussie Mims Logan, “The Carrie Steele Orphanage,” ibid., pp. 538—40.
31 On lynching, see the editorials “Oh Lord! How Long?” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 9 (September 1904): 411—13; “The Southern Campaign Against Lynching,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 11 (November 1904): 564—65; and L. J. Brown, “Philosophy of Lynching,” ibid., pp. 554—59.
32 “John Mitchell at the Banker’s Convention,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 11 (November 1904): 514—16.
33 “What Is a Good Negro?” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 12 (December 1904): 618—19; “The Frederick Douglass Centre,” ibid., pp. 586—87; “The Menace of Vagrants,” Voice of the Negro 3, no. 7 (July 1906): 475—76; “Three Significant Lynchings,” ibid., p. 468; Fannie Barrier Williams, “The Frederick Douglass Centre; A Question of Social Betterment, and Not of Social Equality,” ibid., pp. 601—4; “What Is an Insolent Negro,” ibid., pp. 619—21; J. Max Barber, “The Niagara Movement at Harper’s Ferry,” Voice of the Negro 3, no. 10 (October 1906): 402—11; and Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, pp. 85—86.
34 “The South and Free Speech,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 11 (November 1904): 510—11. On interracial cooperation in Atlanta, see Luker, Social Gospel, pp. 178—90; Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, pp. 297—98.
35 Berry, Black Resistance, pp. 128—29; “The Colored Soldiers Again,” Voice of the Negro 3, no. 12 (December 1906): 542—43; W. E. B. Du Bois, “The President and the Soldiers,” ibid., pp. 552—53; Mary Church Terrell, “The Disbanding of the Colored Soldiers,” ibid., pp. 554—58. Roosevelt’s message is quoted in Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, 318—20. See “The Negro in the Message,” Voice of the Negro 3, no. 12 (December 1906): 536—37.
36 J. Max Barber, “The Atlanta Tragedy,” Voice of the Negro 3, no. 11 (November 1906): 473—79.
37 Ida B. Wells described the phenomenon of white criminals blackening their faces in her antilynching writings. See Wells, On Lynchings, p. 24. In the 1930s, the Commission on Interracial Cooperation, based in Atlanta, published a pamphlet collecting news dispatches from throughout the South and including Detroit, detailing incidents in which white criminals attempted to frame blacks by wearing blackface disguises. See “Burnt Cork and Crime: Stories Summarized from Press Reports,” Commission on Interracial Cooperation, Inc. Miscellaneous Publications, n.d.
38 Barber, “Why Mr. Barber Left Atlanta,” Voice of the Negro 3, no. 11 (November 1906): 470—72.
39 “The Scarcity of Farm Labor,” Voice of the Negro 3, no. 9 (September 1906): 620—21.
40 Penelope Bullock, “Jesse Max Barber,” Dictionary of Negro Biography, ed. Rayford Logan and Michael Winston (New York: 1982), pp. 27—28. See Proceedings of the National Negro Conference (New York, n.p., 1909), pp. 115—16.
41 Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, p. 300.
1 On minstrelsy, see Toll, Blacking Up; and Lott, “Love and Theft,” pp. 23—50. Mainstream journals such as Century Magazine were crucial in promoting racial stereotypes in dialect stories for white consumption. For blacks’ deviation from gender conventions, see Harry Stillwell Edwards, “Tom’s Strategy,” Century Magazine 16 (May 1889): 84—89. Books and ephemera containing minstrel stereotypes were abundant well into the twentieth century; see, for example, Harry L. Newton, A Bundle of Burnt Cork Comedy (Chicago: T. S. Denison, 1905); and Walter Ben Hare, The Minstrel Encyclopedia (Boston: Walter M. Baker, 1921).
2 For a discussion of the complex responses of desire and aversion minstrelsy evoked in its audiences, see Lott, “Love and Theft.”
3 The pioneering work on this phenomenon is Logan, Negro in American Life. See also Shapiro, “Muckrakers and Negroes,” pp. 76—86.
4 Gates, “Trope of a New Negro,” pp. 129—55, provides examples of racist postcards and ephemera. For an analysis of representations of race in photographs taken to promote the Hampton Institute, see Wexler, “Black and White in Color,” pp. 341—90.
5 Gatewood, Black Americans, pp. 241—43. Shaler is quoted in Jones, “Proving Blacks Inferior,” p. 126. Parkhurst is quoted in Luker, Social Gospel, p. 209.
6 Virginia B. Sherrard, “Recollections of my Mammy,” Southern Workman 30, no. 2 (February 1901): 86—87. On the desexualized image of the mammy, which denied that black women were raped by white men, see Jewell, From Mammy to Miss America, p. 37.
7 Mrs. L. H. Harris, “A Southern Woman’s View,” Independent 57, no. 2633 (May 18, 1899): 1354—55.
8 On Milton’s bill, see Logan, Betrayal of the Negro, 363—64.
9 Hovenkamp, “Social Science and Segregation,” p. 657.
10 Logan, Betrayal of the Negro; Litwack, “Trouble in Mind,” pp. 315—37; and Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow, p. 147. For useful analyses of the Progressive Era, see Burnham, Buenker, and Crunden, Progressivism, pp. 3—29.
11 Booker T. Washington, preface to “Twenty-Four Negro Melodies Transcribed for the Piano by S. Coleridge-Taylor, Op. 59” (Boston: n.p. 1904), ix. See the discussion of minstrelsy in Washington’s speeches and writings in Baker, Modernism and the Harlem Renaissance, pp. 25—36.
12 Booker T. Washington, “Interesting People—Bert Williams,” American Magazine 70 (September 1910): 600, 603.
13 Wexler, “Black and White in Color.”
14 Du Bois, “The College-Bred Negro,” p. 57; Howard, Social History of American Family Sociology, pp. 11—62. In an address before the American Negro Academy, the Wilberforce University classicist W. S. Scarborough reminded his audience that “home is the social center for a race, the real center of race improvement.” Scarborough, “Educated Negro and His Mission,” p. 8. On the significance of marriage and race progress, see the discussion of the novel Iola Leroy (1892), by Frances E. W. Harper, in Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood, pp. 79—80.
15 Duster, ed., Crusader for Justice, p. 255.
16 Cooper, Voice from the South, pp. 68—69.
17 Morrissey, “Hereditary Influences and Medical Progress,” pp. 283—92. The role of black motherhood is stressed in Tucker, “Formation of Child Character,” pp. 258—61. Logan, “Prenatal and Hereditary Influences,” pp. 37—40; Cooper, Voice from the South, p. 235.
18 Johnson, “Penal Sentence,” pp. 180—82. Baker, “The Ethical Significance of the Connection Between Mind and Body.” References to phrenology include Minott, “Phrenology and Child Culture,” pp. 387—89; and Shadrach, “Furnace Blasts: Black or White,” pp. 348—52. Shadrach cites as an “indispensable” authority George Combe, The Constitution of Man (Boston, 1830), which, for a time, was the standard text in phrenology.
19 Hackley, Colored Girl Beautiful, pp. 34, 44. A concern with neutralizing deterministic hereditary traits through morally upright behavior is seen in Stewart, “Heredity in Character,” pp. 22—33. Mrs. A. E. Pride is quoted in proceedings of Hampton Negro Conference (Hampton, Va.: Hampton Institute, 1901), p. 31.
20 Harris, “Physical Condition of the Race,” pp. 20—28. Hampton Negro Conference, pp. 22—24. For similar official moralistic approaches to “Negro problems,” see contributions to Penn, ed., United Negro.
21 Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent, pp. 185—229.
22 Jones, Recreation and Amusement Among Negroes, pp. 45—50, 55—63. On uplift and moral purity, see also Shadrach, “Furnace Blasts: The Growth of the Social Evil,” pp. 259—63.
23 Lewis, “Young American Negro,” pp. 273—75; Du Bois, ed., “College-Bred Negro,” pp. 91—95. Charles Chesnutt, “The Disfranchisement of the Negro,” in The Negro Problem: A Series of Articles by Representative American Negroes of To-Day (1903; reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1969), p. 97. Harper, Iola Leroy, p. 259.
24 For emigrationist movements such as that promoted by Turner, see Redkey, Black Exodus.
25 Du Bois, “College-Bred Negro,” pp. 91—95.
26 Shapiro, White Violence, pp. 34—36.
27 Duster, ed., Crusade for Justice, pp. 69—72; Wells, “A Red Record,” in Wells, On Lynchings, pp. 22—23.
28 Woodward, Origins of the New South, p. 351; Shapiro, White Violence, pp. 37—38, 41—44.
29 For a condemnation of lynching, see Nation 68, no. 1765 (April 27, 1899): 303.
30 Mitchell, “Shall the Wheels,” pp. 386—91. On Mitchell, see Rabinowitz, Race Relations, p. 234.
31 Carole Marks, “The Social and Economic Life of Southern Blacks during the Migration,” in Black Exodus: The Great Migration from the American South, ed. Alfredteen Harrison (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1991), pp. 36—50.
32 Osofsky, Harlem, pp. 18—34.
33 Scarborough, “Educated Negro and His Mission,” pp. 6—7; Dunbar, Sport of the Gods. On minstrelsy, see Dormon, “Shaping the Popular Image,” pp. 450—71. On the debate in the South on black labor and migration, and on legislative action taken throughout the region from the late 1880s to the first decade of the twentieth century, see Osofsky, Harlem, 25—26. For a discussion of opposition to migration and racist stereotypes in Progressive Era journalism, see Logan, Negro in the United States, pp. 54—55.
34 Downs, “Educated Fools,” p. 463. On black minstrels who entered blackface minstrelsy after emancipation and exploited plantation nostalgia, see Toll, Blacking Up, 195—263.
35 Pickens, “Educational Condition,” pp. 427—30.
36 Washington, “Storm Before the Calm,” pp. 199—213. Meier, Negro Thought in America, p. 105; Harlan, Separate and Equal, p. 83; Du Bois, College-Bred Negro, p. 114. In this connection, C. Vann Woodward notes the “deeply pessimistic . . . view of the Negro” held by “public-spirited professional people of a humanitarian bent.” Such pessimism was usually focused on the urban black community. The frequent injunctions against urban migration for rural blacks indicate the resistance black leaders and New South industrialists waged against the influx of black labor into New South industries. Washington’s alarmist comments on urbanization as an outcome of black education reflected the probusiness view of Professor Paul B. Barringer, presumably a white man, who told the Southern Education Association in 1900 that “the negro race is essentially a race of peasant farmers and laborers. . . . As a source of cheap labor for a warm climate he is beyond competition; everywhere else he is a foreordained failure, and as he knows this he despises his own color.” Quoted in Woodward, Strange Career of Jim Crow, pp. 94—95. At the time, agriculture was the dominant occupation for black workers, and the eventual demand for blacks as a reserve unskilled labor force at harvest time and the increasing incidence of tenancy among black farmers reduced their educational and economic opportunities for social advancement. Confinement to farm labor was enhanced as black employment in several industries declined through the 1890s and blacks were excluded from craft unions. In this context, leaders like Washington thought it prudent to stress the virtues of farming, thus participating in the commodification of black workers. Meier, Negro Thought in America, p. 105; Harris, Harder We Run, pp. 14—18, 29—50. Bowers’s impressions of Washington are reprinted in Harlan, ed., Booker T. Washington Papers 4: 330—32.
37 Baker, Following the Color Line, pp. 56—59, 178.
38 Baldwin is quoted in Harlan, Separate and Unequal, pp. 76—78. Miller, Radicals and Conservatives, pp. 143—44. Hampton Negro Conference, p. 8.
39 On Turner and Elliott, see Jaynes, Branches Without Roots, pp. 276—77. Morin, “Change, Destructive of Character-Growth,” pp. 182—87.
40 Howe, “Symposium—Temperance,” p. 376.
41 Jaynes, Branches Without Roots. For praise of the Negro Business League, see editorial “Remarkable Progress of the Negro Race as Told at Topeka,” Colored American Magazine 13, no. 4 (October 1907): 257—64. Meier, Negro Thought in America, pp. 124—27; and Weinstein, Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, pp. 3—39. Washington is quoted in Meier, Negro Thought in America, p. 104.
42 Dorkins, “Results of Some Hard Experiences,” pp. 271—72; Andrew F. Hilyer, “Report on Committee on Business and Labor,” Hampton Negro Conference 5 (July 1901): pp. 17—19; Woodson, Negro Professional Man, p. xii; Woodson, Negro as a Business Man, pp. 14—16. See also Harris, Negro as a Capitalist, pp. 14—16.
43 Foner, Antonio Maceo.
44 Editorial, Iowa State Bystander, May 6, 1898, reprinted in Marks, ed., Black Press Views American Imperialism, p. 52.
45 Putnam, “Negro’s Part in New National Problems,” pp. 69—76; R. C. Ransom, “The Negro and Socialism,” A.M.E. Church Review 13, no. 2 (October 1896); Hall, “Old or the New Faith,” pp. 173—79. See also Foner, ed., Black Socialist Preacher, which collects the writings of black socialists Rev. George Washington Woodbey, Ransom, and Rev. James Theodore Holly.
46 Marks, ed., Black Press Views American Imperialism; Gatewood, Black Americans and the White Man’s Burden.
1 “The education of the Negroes, then, the most important thing in the uplift of the Negroes, is almost entirely in the hands of those who have enslaved them and now segregate them.” See Woodson, Mis-education of the Negro, p. 22. For details on his life and career, see the entry on Ferris in Rayford L. Logan and Michael Winston, eds., Dictionary of Negro Biography (New York: Norton, 1982), pp. 221—22.
2 See the obituary, “William Henry Ferris,” Journal of Negro History 26 (1941): 549—50. Much autobiographical material is also contained in Ferris, African Abroad. Wilson Moses has challenged those literary historians who have represented the Harlem Renaissance of the 1920s as a radical departure from the literary and intellectual community based in black Washington, D.C., and the American Negro Academy. See Moses, “Lost World of the New Negro,” pp. 71—72, which situates Ferris within the black intelligentsia centered in Washington, D.C., at the turn of the century.
Not all black nationalists shared Ferris’s antimodern world view. Hubert H. Harrison, a journalist, public school teacher, and socialist, believed that black intellectuals should be more attentive to modern ideas. “I look at Mr. Ferris’s two volumes,” he confided to James Weldon Johnson, “and as a man of the 20th century, I feel thoroughly disgusted at [his] seventeenth century mode of translating ideas.” Harrison to Johnson, May 12, 1915, ser. 1, folder 197, James Weldon Johnson Collection.
3 “Negroes Who Protect American Rights Abroad Must Be Protected at Home,” Congressional Record, U.S. Senate, 55th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 2404—5, March 3, 1898, reprinted in Marks, ed., Black Press Views American Imperialism, pp. 199—200.
4 Ferris, African Abroad, p. 131.
5 Harper, “Nationalism and Social Division,” pp. 234—55. On the range of black intellectuals and organizations in the 1920s, see Cruse, Crisis of the Negro Intellectual.
6 Taylor, “Will He Survive?” pp. 242—50.
7 Negro World, October 4, 1919, cited in Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, p. 81. Ferris, “Marcus Garvey Was Genius,” p. 1.
8 Meier, Negro Thought in America, pp. 262—63. Records of the association between Ferris, Bruce, Cromwell, Locke, Grimké, Blyden, and Schomburg are contained in the Bruce/Cromwell corrspondence in the Alain Locke Papers. I am indebted to Esmé Bhan for calling this corrspondence to my attention. For Locke’s trip to Egypt, see John E. Bruce to Alain L. Locke, October 22, 1923, Alain Locke Papers. See also “The American Negro Academy,” African Times and Orient Review (November-December 1913): 243—44, probably written by Alí, which contains a comprehensive list of members. Fortune served as editor of Garvey’s Negro World from 1923 until his death in 1928. See Thornbrough, T. Thomas Fortune, pp. 356—57. Ida B. Wells addressed a Garveyite convention, and although she objected to his Black Star line steamship venture and Garvey’s megalomania, she considered his movement “wonderful.” See Duster, ed., Crusader for Justice, pp. 380—82. Rayford Logan noted that Ferris contributed valuable information, including a history of the Negro Society for Historical Research, in African Abroad, pp. 863—66.
9 See Theodore Vincent, “The Garveyite Parents of Malcolm X,” Black Scholar (March/April 1989): 10—13. For an antecedent to current Afrocentric perspectives, see “Magazines and Reviews,” A.M.E. Church Review 13, no. 2 (October 1896): 252, for a favorable mention of an article by a white scholar that notes, “The blacks were a fundamental element in the origin not only of the primitive races of Southern Europe, but of the civilized races of antiquity as well.”
10 See Moses, The Wings of Ethiopia, p. 101.
11 On the civilizationist, assimilationist character of black nationalism at the turn of the century, see Moses, Golden Age of Black Nationalism.
12 Ibid., pp. 748, 760.
13 Ferris, African Abroad, pp. 101—2, 198—99.
14 Horton, “Freedom’s Yoke,” pp. 51—76.
15 Hortense Spillers, “Moving on Down the Line: Variations on the African-American Sermon,” in The Bounds of Race: Perspectives on Hegemony and Resistance, ed. Dominick LaCapra, pp. 59—60 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991).
16 J. Max Barber, The Negro of the Earlier World: An Excursion into Ancient Negro History (Philadelphia, n.d.); Ferris, African Abroad, p. 32.
17 On Ethiopianism, see Moses, Golden Age of Black Nationalism, p. 74. Hopkins is quoted in Voice of the Negro 2, no. 3 (March 1905): 189—91.
18 Carby, ed., Of One Blood, pp. 562—63, 621. On the aryanization of ancient history, see Diop, African Origin of Civilization; and Bernal, Black Athena. See Martin R. Delany, Principia of Ethnology: The Origin of Races and Color, with an Archaeological Compendium of Ethiopian and Egyptian Civilization from Years of Careful Examination and Enquiry (Philadelphia: Harper and Brother, 1879). Hopkins, Primer of Facts; Barber, Negro of the Earlier World.
19 On Kipling, see Gossett, Race, pp. 332—33. On Roosevelt and “The Strenuous Life,” see Filene, Him/Her/Self, pp. 71—72. Roosevelt’s speech is found in its entirety in Theodore Roosevelt, The Strenuous Life: Essays and Addresses (New York: Century, 1902; New York: Scholarly Press, 1970), pp. 1—21. “A Nation’s Manhood,” Independent, p. 621.
20 Ferris, African Abroad, pp. 304, 587—88. Ferris cited approvingly the work of Prof. Wilson S. Naylor, who was optimistic concerning “the native African’s capacity to absorb and assimilate civilization. . . . The African is precocious when young, imitative and teachable always. Right example and incentive influence him as perhaps no other race of men.” On Naylor, see Brantlinger, “Victorians and Africans,” pp. 166—203.
21 For Anglo-American concerns over racial purity in the context of debates over imperialism, and the Dos Passos quotation, see Gossett, Race, p. 326, and pp. 145—75, 310—38.
22 For a discussion of “hegemonic masculinity,” see Connell, Gender and Power, pp. 183—88.
23 Ferris, African Abroad, pp. 631—51, 653, 653—70, 707, 721.
24 Griggs, Imperium in Imperio, pp. 132—35, 145.
25 Ibid., p. 57.
26 Ferris, “Alexander Crummell: An Apostle of Negro Culture (1920),” American Negro Academy, Occasional Papers, 1—22, No. 20. See also Ferris, African Abroad, pp. 117, 206, 228—29.
27 Ferris, African Abroad, pp. 264, 70.
28 Ferris to Booker T. Washington, January 1902, in Harlan, ed., Booker T. Washington Papers 6: 384—85. Washington’s opinion of Ferris is clear from a letter to Julius Rosenwald, marked “confidential.” Enclosing Ferris’s prior correspondence with him, Washington advised that “Mr. Ferris represents a very pathetic case. . . . [H]e has tried to do several kinds of work since he graduated, but has proved a failure in everything . . . I have tried several times to find a place he could fill, but have not been successful.” Washington to Rosenwald, August 29, 1912, in Harlan, ed., Booker T. Washington Papers 12: 586. Despite Washington’s statement to the contrary, it is likely that Ferris’s difficulties resulted in part from Washington’s influence.
29 See Washington to William Colfax Graves, December 18, 1913, in Harlan, ed., Booker T. Washington Papers 12: 375; Graves to Washington, December 23, 1913, in ibid., p. 380.
30 Showing irritation and a lack of sensitivity, particularly since Ferris’s father had recently died, Du Bois wrote to Ferris, bluntly attributing Ferris’s difficulties to character flaws. Du Bois went on to suggest that Ferris attend to his financial problems by performing manual labor. Du Bois to Ferris, March 23, 1912, in the W. E. B. Du Bois Papers. For Ferris’s feud with Trotter, see Fox, Guardian of Boston, pp. 108—9; and Ferris to Washington, December 16, 1907, in Harlan, ed., Booker T. Washington Papers 9: 423.
31 Ferris, African Abroad, p. 132.
32 Ibid., pp. 330—31.
33 Ferris, African Abroad, pp. 125—26. A photograph of Ferris is reproduced in the frontispiece of African Abroad.
34 Ferris, African Abroad, pp. 120—24. Ferris to Schomburg, February 19, 1925, in Arthur A. Schomburg Correspondence. Quoted in Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, pp. 80—81. Ferris goes on to state, “I have sent out a few letters to some of my Caucasian friends and colored debtors saying in substance, ”There is a lightening [sic] rod in New Haven waiting and praying to be struck by financial lightening.’” There is no evidence that Ferris ever married.
35 Gatewood, Aristocrats of Color; Bardolph, Negro Vanguard, pp. 131—273; Reuter, Race Mixture, pp. 167—80; John E. Bruce to John W. Cromwell, November 10, 1899, Alain Locke Papers; Crummell to Bruce, April 7, 1896, John Bruce Collection. The desire of a lighter-hued Afro-American elite to maintain a separate identity from the black population is indicated by a letter reprinted in the Colored American Magazine in which the correspondent objected to the use of the term “Negro” to refer to “the colored population of the South” and noted the “impropriety of classing as ”Negroes’ many men and women who are practically more closely allied with the Anglo-Saxonrace.” “Colored people,” the correspondent argued, was far preferable to “Negro, with its opprobrious popular corruption of ”nigger.’” Henry Blackwell, “Colored People Not Negroes,” Colored American Magazine 15, no. 2 (February 1909): 110-11. Among the new black middle-class the term “Negro” carried nationalistic connotations of race pride, serving as a repudiation of an older generation’s desire to preserve a patriotic sense of dual identity (as well as a reference to mixed racial heritage) with the term “colored American.”
36 Ralph W. Tyler, “Real Society,” Colored American Magazine 13, no. 5 (November 1907): 391—92. On Tyler and the Negro Business League, see Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, p. 420. Robert Terrell, “The Negro in Domestic Service,” Colored American Magazine 9, no. 5 (November 1905): 631—32.
37 Hovenkamp, “Social Science and Segregation,” pp. 655—56.
38 Ibid., p. 32. W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Conservation of Races,” American Negro Academy, Occasional Papers, No. 2, p. 12. Fortune’s charge was overdrawn, as several members of the academy were flexible on the question of race mixing. See the discussion of Du Bois’s paper in Moses, Alexander Crummell, pp. 264—65. Durham is quoted in Bruce, Black American Writing, p. 135; Young, “A Race Without an Ideal,” p. 609.
39 Lynch, “Race Assimilation,” pp. 211—13.
40 Alexander, “Appeal for Race Integrity,” pp. 16—17; Baker, “Ideals, Part 1.”
41 See the short story by Hopkins, “Talma Gordon,” pp. 271—90, which favorably portrays the marriage of a black woman to a wealthy northern white man.
42 Roberts, Papa Jack.
43 A Harvard anthropological study of biracial families published in 1932 challenged the social science view of mulatto degeneracy. See Day, Study of Negro-White Families, p. 106.
44 Shadrach, “Furnace Blasts: Black or White?” p. 349; Hopkins, Contending Forces, pp. 220—22, 321. Griggs, Imperium in Imperio, pp. 171—76.
45 Fortune is quoted in “Question of Intermarriage,” pp. 228—29.
46 Hovenkamp, “Social Science and Segregation,” pp. 656—57. On Ransom, see Luker, Social Gospel, p. 174. On the Manassah Society, see Gatewood, Aristocrats of Color, p. 177. Duster, ed., Crusader for Justice, pp. 72—75. Fortune, “Question of Intermarriage.”
47 Burroughs, “Not Color But Character,” p. 277.
48 Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, p. 71; Baker, “Negro Woman,” p. 77.
49 Ferris, African Abroad, pp. 267—68.
1 Cooper, “American Negro Academy,” pp. 35—36. On the history of the academy, see Moss, American Negro Academy.
2 An important exception is Giddings, When and Where I Enter.
3 Gabel, From Slavery to the Sorbonne; Giddings, When and Where I Enter, Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood, pp. 95—107; Mary Helen Washington, introduction to Anna Julia Cooper, Voice from the South, pp. xxxiii—xxxvi.
4 Chateauvert, “The Third Step,” p. 7.
5 Cooper wrote, “It seems to me that the Tragic Era should be answered—adequately, fully, ably, . . . Thou art the Man!” Anna Julia Cooper to W. E. B. Du Bois, December 31, 1929, in Aptheker, ed., Correspondence of W. E. B. Du Bois 1: 411.
6 On the writings and activities of Cooper, Ida B. Wells, Frances Harper, Gertrude Mossell, Pauline Hopkins, and others, along with the organizational efforts of the National Association of Colored Women, see Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood.
7 See “A Voice From the South, By a Black Woman of the South,” A.M.E. Church Review 9, no. 4 (1892): 416; Tillman, “Afro-American Women,” p. 495; Painter, Standing at Armageddon, pp. 47—50, 110—14; Berry, Black Resistance, p. 112.
8 Anna J. Cooper, “Colored Women as Wage-Earners,” Southern Workman 28 (August 1899): 295.
9 On the matter of protecting black women in the South, Cooper cited approvingly Alexander Crummell’s earlier discussion: “I would beg, however, with the Doctor’s permission, to add my plea for the Colored Girls of the South.” Cooper, Voice from the South, p. 24. Crummell had declared in 1883 that black women emerged from slavery in a more degraded condition than black men: “From her childhood she was the doomed victim of the grossest passions. . . . When she reached maturity all the tender instincts of her womanhood were ruthlessly violated.” Even after slavery, educated black women working as school teachers, “as well as their more ignorant sisters in rude huts, are followed and tempted and insulted by the ruffianly element of Southern society, who think that black men have no rights which white men should regard, and black women no virtue which white men should respect!” See Crummell, “The Black Woman of the South: Her neglects and her needs,” in Crumwell, Africa and America, pp. 59—82.
10 Cooper, Voice from the South, pp. 134—35, i-ii.
11 Ibid., p. 25. For documentation of the sexual persecution of black women in the post-Reconstruction era, see Sterling, ed., We Are Your Sisters, pp. 344—55; and Davis, Women, Race and Class, pp. 175—76.
12 Cooper, Voice from the South, pp. 24—31. See also Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood, pp. 103—5.
13 George Henry Murray, “Educated Colored Men and White Women,” Colored American Magazine 8, no. 2 (February 1905): 94. James H. A. Johnson, “Woman’s Exalted Station,” A.M.E. Church Review 8, no. 4 (April 1892): 402. On Amanda Smith, see the biographical sketch in Shockley, ed., Afro-American Women Writers, pp. 225—27. On the history of black women’s efforts to preach in the AME church, see the introduction by Jualynne E. Dodson to the reprint edition of Smith, Autobiography, pp. xxvii—xlii.
14 Cooper, Voice from the South, p. 44.
15 See Tillman, “Afro-American Women”; L. A. Scruggs, “Inflence of Negro Women in the Home,” in Scruggs, ed., Women of Distinction, pp. 372—82; Brown, Homespun Heroines; Majors, Notable Negro Women; and Lee, “The Home-Maker,” pp. 63—66 for arguments for women’s natural place as mothers and homemakers. Interestingly, both sources also make explicit claims in support of sexual equality and extravagantly praise the nobility and sacrifice of motherhood. For a somewhat more varied treatment of black women’s public activities that nonetheless endorses dominant assumptions of motherhood and domesticity, see Mossell, Work of the Afro-American Woman, pp. 9—47. While Mossell departs from convention by discussing black women’s work in a variety of male-dominated occupations and politics, her use of her husband’s married name and the authenticating introduction of AME church bishop Benjamin E. Lee were strategic acts in conformity with the ideology of “true womanhood.” The Women’s Era is quoted in Giddings, When and Where I Enter, p. 108.
16 Cooper, Voice from the South, pp. 134—35. For examples of anthologies of representative black women with biographical sketches and illustrations, see Majors, Noted Negro Women; and Scruggs, ed., Women of Distinction. The quotation is from the introduction, written by Mrs. Josephine Turpin Washington, to Women of Distinction, p. xi. Anna Julia Cooper to Francis J. Grimké, January 1, 1934, in Woodson, ed., Works of Francis Grimke, pp. 497—98.
17 For misogynist arguments against woman suffrage in the 1890s, see Aileen Kraditor, Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, pp. 12—26.
18 Cooper, “Colored Women as Wage-Earners,” pp. 295—98.
19 Cotson is quoted in Majors, Notable Negro Women, p. 253. Wells’s recollection is in Duster, ed., Crusader for Justice, pp. 221—22. See “Iola’s Southern Field,” New York Age (November 19, 1892): 2.
20 Anderson, Education of Blacks in the South, pp. 33—109. Kelly Miller, “Surplus Negro Women,” in Miller, Radicals and Conservatives, p. 189. For general arguments against higher education for women, see Newman, ed., Men’s Ideas/Women’s Realities, pp. 54—104.
21 Newman, ed., Men’s Ideas/Women’s Realities. Baker is quoted in Noble, Negro Woman’s College Education, p. 157.
22 Miller saw the presence of single women in the cities, with diminished prospects for marriage, as a vulnerable, morally suspect group: “These left-over, or to-be-left-over, Negro women, falling as they do in the lower stratum of society, miss the inhibitive restraint of culture and social pride, and, especially if they be comely of appearance, become the easy prey of the evil designs of both races.” Miller, “Surplus Negro Women,” pp. 184—85. Du Bois also notes this phenomenon in Philadelphia Negro. S. B. Stevens, “The Development of Stronger Womanhood,” paper read at the Hampton Negro Conference No. 2, July 1898, pp. 69—75, quoted in Noble, Negro Woman’s College Education, 156—58. Davis is quoted in Bruce, Black American Writing, p. 117.
23 “Colored Women’s Influence,” Southern Workman 27, no. 11 (November 1898): 217; Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent, pp. 97—101.
24 Cooper, “Colored Women as Wage-Earners,” p. 62.
25 Ibid., 127—31.
26 Ibid., pp. 51—53. See Higham, Strangers in the Land, p. 113. Examples of black comment on the subject are “Immigration and the Negro,” Alexander’s Magazine 2, no. 2 (June 1906): 16—17; and Kent, “Afro-American Problem,” pp. 724—26.
27 Cooper, “Colored Women as Wage Earners,” pp. 80, 101. On racial divisions within the woman suffrage movement, see Kraditor, Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, pp. 138—71.
28 Cooper, “Colored Women as Wage Earners,” pp. 53—54.
29 Ibid., pp. 54, 123, 125.
30 Ibid., p. 173.
31 Ibid., pp. 252—56. In a survey of black college graduates distributed in 1930 by Charles S. Johnson, Cooper described herself as a member of the “National N[egro] Association for Suppression of Atheism and Communism among colored youth.” In Anna Julia Cooper Papers. See also Johnson, Negro College Graduate.
32 Charles Flynn, White Land, Black Labor: Caste and Class in Nineteenth Century Georgia (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1983), pp. 84—114, 152—54.
33 Anna Julia Cooper, “Do Two and Two Make Four?” Independent 46 (July 26, 1894): 7.
34 For Crummell’s position on democracy, see Moses, Alexander Crummell, pp. 59—82.
35 Ibid., pp. 172—73.
36 Cooper, Voice from the South, pp. 208—9, 179—80, 185—86. See also Cooper’s letter praising Hampton Institute’s project of collecting Negro folklore: “The black man is readily assimilated to his suroundings and the original simple or distinct type is in danger of being lost or outgrown.” Southern Workman 23, no. 1 (January 1894): 5.
37 Cooper, Voice from the South, pp. 211—19.
38 An accommodationist attitude toward whites’ sexual conduct was expressed in a curious statement by the journalist and publisher Charles Alexander. “Nothing makes us prouder of our race than the doggedness with which it refuses to lose its common sense and spirit of fair play, and brand the white race as a race of rapists, because some white men have raped, and do rape black women.” It might be argued, however, that Alexander was “signifying,” saying one thing while meaning its opposite. See “Marks of True Greatness,” Alexander’s Magazine 3, no. 2 (December 15, 1903): 59—60.
39 Cooper, Voice from the South, pp. 217—21.
40 Ibid., 287, 295—300, 303—4.
41 Ibid., pp. ii.
1 Du Bois, Autobiography of W. E. B. Du Bois, pp. 159, 162, 170—71, 197, 183. For a groundbreaking psychological analysis of the significance of his background and early childhood, see Davis, Leadership, Love and Aggression, pp. 105—52.
2 Du Bois, Autobiography of W. E. B. Du Bois, 195, 198, 194, 198—99. On the sponsorship of the study, see Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, pp. 50—51. Eaton contributed a study of domestic service in Philadelphia that appeared in an appendix to Philadelphia Negro. See Isabel Eaton, “Special Report on Negro Domestic Service In the Seventh Ward, Philadelphia” in Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, pp.437—509.
3 Du Bois, “The Negro and Crime,” Independent 57, no. 2633 (May 18, 1899): 1355—56.
4 Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, pp. 53, 299.
5 Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois. Du Bois is quoted in Michael Goldstein, “Preface to the Rise of Booker T. Washington: A View from New York City of the Demise of Independent Black Politics, 1889—1902,” Journal of Negro History 62, no. 1 (January 1977): 89.
6 See “The Souls of Black Folk,” Southern Workman 32, no. 6 (June 1903): 262—63.
7 Du Bois, Autobiography of W.E. B. Du Bois, pp. 142—43.
8 W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Conservation of Races,” in Wagstaff, ed., Black Power, p. 69.
9 Du Bois, Autobiography of W. E. B. Du Bois, pp. 205—6.
10 Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, p. 1.
11 See the reviews “The Philadelphia Negro,” Southern Workman 29, no. 2 (February 1900): 121; and “The Negro Problem in the North,” Nation 69, no. 1791 (October 26, 1899): 310. See E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966). The Moynihan report and contemporary commentaries on it are collected in Lee Rainwater and William Yancey, eds., The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1967). On the culture of poverty thesis, see Charles Valentine, Culture and Poverty: Critique and Counter-Proposals (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968).
12 For background information of urban politics and the black community in Philadelphia in the nineteenth century, see Lane, Roots of Violence, esp. pp. 45—81. For the association of “pathological forms of recreation” with urban life, see Jones, Recreation and Amusement Among Negroes, pp. 87—189.
13 Hoffman quoted in Bardolph, ed., The Civil Rights Record, p. 105.
14 Brief reviews of popular negrophobic writings can be found in Fullenwider, Mind and Mood of Black America, pp. 3—4, and Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, p. 60.
15 Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, pp. 21—22.
16 Ibid., pp. 25—30.
17 Ibid., pp. 43—44.
18 Ibid., p. 98.
19 Ibid., p. 8.
20 Ibid., pp. 120—22.
21 Ibid., pp. 7, 310.
22 Ibid., p. 92. See Mary White Ovington, The Walls Came Tumbling Down (New York: Harcourt, 1947), pp. 37—38.
23 Hine, Black Women in White, pp. 34—35.
24 Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, pp. 113—14, 147—63. On urban mortality in antebellum times, see Curry, Free Black in Urban America, pp. 136—46.
25 Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, pp. 192—93.
26 Ibid., pp. 58—61.
27 Bryan S. Green, Knowing the Poor: A Case Study in Textual Reality Construction (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983).
28 Du Bois was well aware that “the best available methods of sociological research” were “liable to inaccuracies.” Indeed, he was deeply sensitive to the inevitable intrusions of personal bias, but this “bias” pertained more to his antiracist intentions. Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, pp. 2—3.
29 Du Bois, Souls of Black Folk, pp. 96—108.
30 As we have seen, among certain exponents of uplift, black migration to cities was feared as a departure from the evolutionary plan of uplift. Compared with the stresses of urban life, some spokesmen invoked nostalgic myths of rural freedom and innocence, however dubious their relevance for oppressed southern blacks. Following Booker T. Washington’s peculiar notion of enslavement as an industrial school for black workers, black writers like Kelly Miller romanticized the “discipline of slavery” compared with the city, which “indisposes [the Negro] to hard work,” and which fostered black disease, immorality, and pathology. For examples of racist representations of urban blacks, see Takaki, Iron Cages, pp. 207—8; Rabinowitz, Race Relations, p. 243. For a representative view of anxiety over black urban migration, see Miller, Radicals and Conservatives, pp. 107—8, 146.
31 Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, pp. 309—16. Joseph DeMarco, The Social Thought of W. E. B. Du Bois (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1983), pp. 48—53.
32 Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, pp. 316—17, 11.
33 Arnold Rampersad has observed that, unlike The Souls of Black Folk, it was impossible to tell in the work under present consideration that its author was “flesh of the flesh” of his subject. See Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, p.53.
34 W. E. B. Du Bois, “A Program of Social Reform,” College Settlement News 3, no. 3 (March 1897): 4, reprinted in Aptheker, ed., Writings by W. E. B. Du Bois, p. 31.
35 Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, pp. 69—72, 164—68, 269—309, 322—58.
36 Ibid., pp. 58—59.
37 Ibid., pp. 108—11.
38 Ibid., pp. 66—67, 136—41.
39 Symanski, Immoral Landscape, pp. 5, 99—106, 125—47. For Du Bois’s discussion of prostitution, see Philadelphia Negro, pp. 313—14.
40 In a study of black residential districts along the Philadelphia “Main Line,” it was found that more than half the men were laborers and that “the practice is general for the woman of the household to work outside of the home.” See Marvin E. Porch, “The Philadelphia Main Line Negro: A Social, Economic and Educational Survey” (Ph.D. diss., Temple University, 1938).
41 Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, p. 72.
42 “Why the Men Don’t Marry,” Colored American Magazine 13, no. 5 (November 1907): 328—29.
43 “How to Keep Women at Home,” Colored American Magazine 14, no. 1 (January 1908): 7—8.
44 These angry words were spoken by Douglass’s master, Hugh Auld, when he discovered that his wife, Sophia, was defying southern law and custom by teaching the young Douglass to read. See Douglass, My Bondage, pp. 145—46.
45 For a treatment of the tensions created by changing sex roles, or more accurately, shifting social relations between the sexes, see Filene, Him/Her/Self.
46 Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, pp. 383—84.
47 Ibid., p. 61.
48 Ibid., pp. 112, 195, 205—7.
49 Ibid., pp. 220, 229.
50 Ibid., pp. 127—29.
51 Ibid., pp. 322—53.
52 Ibid., pp. 119—26, 129.
53 Ibid., pp. 388—93.
54 Ibid., p. 350.
55 Du Bois, Souls of Black Folk, pp. 111—32.
56 For an example of the mainstreaming of uplift ideology in social science discourse on urban blacks and family disorganization, and its reliance on minstrelsy and the plantation legend, see Corinne Sherman, “Racial Factors in Desertion,” Family (January 1923): 221—25. For a rebuttal to Sherman by a black social worker, see Helen B. Pendleton, “Case Work and Racial Traits,” Family (February 1923): 252—54.
57 C. Wright Mills, “The Professional Ideology of Social Pathologists,” American Journal of Sociology 47, no. 2 (September 1943): 165—80.
58 Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, pp. 54—58.
59 Du Bois, “Two Negro Conventions,” p. 2425. Shapiro, White Violence, p. 63.
60 Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, p. 351.
1 Alexander Crummell, “The Need of New Ideas and New Aims,” in Crummell, Africa and America, 22—24.
2 Osofsky, Harlem, pp. 13—16, 45—46; Spear, Black Chicago, pp. 11—27; Williams, “Social Bonds in the Black Belt of Chicago,” Charities 15 (October 7, 1905): 40—41, cited in Spear, Black Chicago, p. 25.
3 The concept “cultural capital” as formulated by the sociologist Pierre Bordieu broadly describes the matrix of middle-class values and habits inherited by young people in the course of their education. See Bordieu, “Cultural Reproduction and Social Reproduction,” in Power and Ideology in Education, ed. Jerome Karabel and A. H. Halsey (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971).
4 Faduma, “Defects of the Negro Church,” pp. 4—5. On minstrelsy, see Dormon, “Shaping the Popular Image,” pp. 450—71.
5 Paul Laurence Dunbar, “The Negroes of the Tenderloin,” New York Sun, n.d., clipping in the Paul Laurence Dunbar Collection, box 16, reel 4.
6 Johnson, Along This Way, pp. 152, 159—62. “Paul Laurence Dunbar,” Southern Workman 35, no. 3, pp. 136—37.
7 Review of “Lyrics of the Hearthside,” Independent 51, no. 2640 (July 6, 1899): 1829.
8 James Weldon Johnson, the intellectual and activist, faced a similar dilemma. For a discussion of his early career as a composer of vaudeville songs for the Broadway stage based on racial stereotypes, and of his subsequent attempts to distinguish these activities from that which trafficked in demeaning minstrel stereotypes, see James Robert Saunders, “The Dilemma of Double Identity: James Weldon Johnson’s Artistic Acknowledgment,” Langston Hughes Review 8, nos. 1 and 2 (Spring/Fall 1989): 68—75.
9 Du Bois, Souls of Black Folk, pp. 204—15.
10 Johnson, Book of American Negro Spirituals, pp. 13—14.
11 Osofsky, Harlem, p. 50.
12 My reading of Dunbar and Corrothers in the context of American social realism was greatly assisted by Kaplan, Social Construction of American Realism.
13 Dunbar, Sport of the Gods. Subsequent page number references are noted in parentheses. An exception to the general apprehension surrounding black migration to cities is Pickens, New Negro; Bruce, Black American Writing, p. 93.
14 Dunbar, Sport of the Gods, pp. 13, 29, 45. Alice Moore Dunbar voiced dismay over her husband’s reputation as “prince of the coon song writers.” Their marriage ended in separation in 1902. See Jean Wagner, Black Poets of the United States from Paul Laurence Dunbar to Langston Hughes, trans. Kenneth Douglas (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973), p. 78 cited in Bruce, Black American Writing, p. 67.
15 In poems and stories from this period, Dunbar angrily attacked lynching, the consolidation of wage slavery among black farmers, and the convict-lease system. See Bruce, Black American Writing, pp. 81—88.
16 Dunbar, Sport of the Gods, pp. 49—50.
17 Ibid., pp. 53—54.
18 Ibid., pp. 77, 84.
19 Ibid., pp. 98—103, 203. James Dornon notes that black composers composed some of the most popular coon songs. Unfortunately, this point seems to have little bearing on his analysis of coon songs. See Dormon, “Shaping the Popular Image,” pp.454, 458—59.
20 Dunbar, Sport of the Gods, p. 98.
21 Ibid., p. 113.
22 Ibid., pp. 198—200.
23 Ibid., pp. 237, 255.
24 Washington, Up From Slavery; Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap. Recent scholarly surveys of black autobiography include Andrews, To Tell a Free Story; and Braxton, Black Women Writing Autobiography. On the subject of autobiography in the Progressive Era, see Stinson, “S. S. McClure’s My Autobiography,” pp. 203—12.
25 James D. Corrothers, “At the End of the Controversy,” American Magazine 77 (March 1914): 36. Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, p. 37.
26 Cassandra Smith-Parker, “James D. Corrothers,” in Dictionary of Negro Biography, ed. Rayford Logan and Michael Winston (New York: Norton, 1982), pp. 135—36.
27 Bruce, Black American Writing, discusses literary experiments with Negro dialect. On black migration and intraracial class conflicts over urban popular amusements and black women’s sexuality, see Hazel Carby, “Policing the Black Woman’s Body in an Urban Context,” Critical Inquiry 18 (Summer 1992): 738—55.
28 Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, 22, 26—27.
29 On racist stereotypes, see Logan, Betrayal of the Negro, 242—75; Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, 85; James D. Corrothers, “A Man They Didn’t Know,” Crisis 7 (December 1913—January 1914): 85—87, 135—38; Corrothers, “At the End of the Controversy.”
30 Corrothers, Black Cat Club, 20, 137. The black poet and critic William Stanley Braithwaite and the black journalist Charles Alexander reviewed The Black Cat Club favorably. See Bruce, Black American Writing, 121; Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, 137—38, 189, 193.
31 George McClellan, “The Negro as a Writer,” in Twentieth Century Negro Literature, ed. D. W. Culp (Naperville, 111.: J. L. Nichols, 1902), p. 280.
32 In Charles Chesnutt’s Conjure Woman (1899), the reminiscences of slavery in Negro dialect by the shrewd and venerable servant “Uncle” Julius McAdoo enable their teller to subtly negotiate power relations with his employers, a northern white couple who have invested in the New South economic order. As Frances Ellen Watkins Harper used it in her 1892 novel Iola Leroy, dialect signaled the oppositional folk consciousness of Harper’s former slave characters. See Charles Chesnutt, The Conjure Woman (Ridgewood, N.J.: Gregg Press, 1968); Harper, Iola Leroy. For dialect humor in black periodicals, see, for example, “Young Men’s Congressional Club Mock Trial,” Colored American Magazine 1 (August 1900): 144—45. In 1931, James Weldon Johnson pronounced Negro dialect dead as a literary form in the introduction to his Book of American Negro Poetry. Johnson’s collection includes seven poems by James Corrothers.
33 For Douglass’s account of Jenkins within a general discussion of conjuring, see Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness, pp. 67—69.
34 Corrothers, Black Cat Club, 65—77, 23—25. On coon song “razor” stereotypes, see Dormon, “Shaping the Popular Image,” 455.
35 Corrothers, Black Cat Club, 58—59.
36 On the complex racial “structures of feeling” in nineteenth-century minstrelsy and the extent to which the threatening image of the black male body, subjected to control, could also effect in white audiences a return of the repressed, see Eric Lott, “”The Seeming Counterfeit’: Racial Politics and Early Blackface Minstrelsy,” American Quarterly 43 (June 1991): 223—54.
37 Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, 8.
38 Ibid., 29—30, 83—86.
39 Ibid., 93—98. For Wells’s antilynching position, see Gail Bederman, “”Civilization, ’ the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells’ Antilynching Campaign (1892—1894),” Radical History Review 52 (Fall 1992): 5—30. For the dispute between Wells and Frances Willard over the latter’s justification for lynching, see Vron Ware, Beyond the Pale: White Women, Racism, and History (London: Verso, 1992), 198—209.
40 Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, 109.
41 Michael Denning, Mechanic Accents: Dime Novels and Working Class Culture in America (London: Verso, 1987), 167—84. Of the “quadroon girl,” Corrothers wrote that after an unescorted evening with him she complained to her girlfriends, “He walked to church with me . . . through the rain, under an umbrella, in the night; and never kissed me!” Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, 114—15.
42 Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, 120.
43 Ibid., 92.
44 Ibid., 101, 107—8, 112.
45 Ibid., pp. 105, 163.
46 Ibid., p. 20.
47 Ibid., pp. 69—71.
48 Ibid., p. 38.
49 Ibid., 60—61.
50 Ibid., 229.
51 “An Indignation Dinner,” Century Magazine 91 (December 1915): 320. Corrothers also published poems in standard English in the Century Magazine, Crisis, and Voice of the Negro. See “At the Closed Gate of Justice,” Century Magazine 86 (June 1913): 272; “Lincoln,” Voice of the Negro 2 (January 1905): 686.
52 “In the Matter of Two Men,” Crisis 9 (January 1915): 138; Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, 176.
53 Corrothers, “At the End of the Controversy.”
54 “A Man They Didn’t Know,” Crisis 7 (December 1913-January 1914): 85—87, 136—38.
55 “At the Closed Gate of Justice,” p. 272.
1 Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day.
2 Ibid., p. 41.
3 For Dunbar-Nelson’s secret marriage to Callis, see Hull, ibid., p. 144. Callis, a graduate of Cornell who later became a prominent Washington, D.C., physician, helped found the black college fraternity Alpha Phi Alpha. See Charles H. Wesley, Henry Arthur Callis: Life and Legacy (Chicago: Foundation Publishers, 1977).
Apparently such marriages were common enough to merit public notice; see “The Evils of Secret Marriages,” Negro World, December 27, 1924.
4 Biograhical details are from Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 13—32.
5 “I know,” she wrote to the black bibliophile Arthur A. Schomburg in 1918, “yea verily do Mr. Nelson and I[?] about $2000 worth of know—how apathetic is this race of ours . . . on matters literary.” Alice Dunbar-Nelson to Arthur A. Schomburg, May 29, 1918, in the Arthur A. Schomburg Correspondence. Dunbar-Nelson’s entrepreneurial publications were not unlike those of the historian Carter G. Woodson, who brought out his Negro Orators and Their Orations in 1925. Dunbar-Nelson and Woodson, it seems, collaborated on several projects during the 1920s, none of which seem to have been completed. See Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, p. 425.
6 Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, 57—58, 75—77, 95. On Micheaux, see Cripps, “Race Movies,” pp. 39—55.
7 Cripps, “Race Movies,” pp. 67, 93.
8 Jackson, Ku Klux Klan in the City; “From the South” Crisis (August 1911): 166—67, reprinted in Aptheker, ed., Documentary History of the Negro People, pp. 30—32. For an account of Washington’s assault and the ensuing trial, see Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, pp. 379—404.
9 Fox, Guardian of Boston, pp. 179—82. Trotter is quoted in Aptheker, ed., Documentary History of the Negro People, p. 76.
10 Fox, Guardian of Boston, pp. 183—87.
11 Rudwick, Race Riot in East St. Louis; Berry, Black Resistance, pp. 139—54.
12 The account of the lynching of Henry Lowery is taken from a Memphis newspaper and is reprinted in Johnson, Along This Way, p. 361.
13 For an account of the trial, see “A Celebrated Case,” Washington Evening Star, ca. 1902, n.p., clipping in Paul Laurence Dunbar Collection, reel 6, nos. 899—900.
14 See Hull, ed., Works of Alice Dunbar-Nelson 2: no, 123, 140, 241. Another expression of the particular dilemmas of educated black women is Bonner, “On Being Young—a Woman—and Colored,” pp. 63—65.
15 Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 29, 373—382.
16 Hull, ed., Works of Alice Dunbar-Nelson 2: 194. Elsewhere, she criticized the GOP, comparing its abandonment of blacks with that of the fair-skinned black who “passes for white” (ibid., 2: 238—39).
17 Ibid., pp. 183—84.
18 Green, Secret City, pp. 171—73.
19 Julianne Malveaux demonstrates the irrelevance of “feminization of poverty” thesis for black women whose poverty is often the result of the institutional racism that bars black men from employment. See Malveaux, “The Political Economy of Black Women,” in The Year Left 2: Toward a Rainbow Socialism, ed. Mike Davis, Manning Marable, Fred Pfeil, and Michael Sprinker (London: Verso, 1987), pp. 52—73.
20 In a satirical vein, Wallace Thurman observed that “people who are moral in every other respect, church going folk, who damn drinking, dancing or gambling in any other form, will play the numbers. . . . I guess I will play fifty cents on the number I found stamped inside the band of my last year’s straw hat.” Thurman, Negro Life in New York’s Harlem (Girard, Kans.: Haldeman-Julius, 1928), 47.
21 See Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 270—71, 304, for marital tensions; on Dunbar-Nelson’s attitude toward the Industrial School, p. 234; on playing the numbers, see pp. 188—89, 252, 257, 323. For her views on her husband’s prospects for a political appointment, see pp. 119—20.
22 Hull, ed., Works of Alice Dunbar-Nelson 2: 227, 430.
23 “Our Book List,” A.M.E. Church Review 9, no. 4 (1892): 416—17.
24 Nannie H. Burroughs, “Not Color but Character,” Voice of the Negro 1, no. 7 (July 1904): 277—79.
25 Edwina Kruse to Alice Moore Dunbar, March 31, 1908, roll 6, no. 138, Paul Laurence Dunbar Collection.
26 Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 250, 283, 313.
27 Hull, ed., Works of Alice Dunbar-Nelson 2: 141.
28 See Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, pp. 146—47, on Du Bois’s support for the war. See Du Bois, “Close Ranks,” Crisis 16 (July 1918): 111.
29 Hull, ed., Works of Alice Dunbar-Nelson 2: 212, 207—8. Dunbar-Nelson’s view of war and imperialism as a struggle between the capitalist Western nations and colonized African peoples essentially followed an earlier critique made by Du Bois. See Du Bois, Darkwater, pp. 56—74.
30 Lester A. Walton, “Art is Helping in Obliterating the Color Line,” in Aptheker, ed., Documentary History, p. 485.
31 Langston Hughes, “The Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain,” Nation 122 (June 23, 1926): 692—94.
32 Lewis, When Harlem Was in Vogue.
33 Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, p. 54.
34 Hull, ed., Works of Alice Dunbar-Nelson 2: 221, 197.
35 Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 143, 167, 252.
36 Ibid., p. 460.
37 Ibid., p. 22.
38 See, for example, the diary entry for March 20, 1930, in Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 360, 363.
39 See the entry for March 18, 1931, for Dunbar-Nelson’s feelings of separation from her lover, in ibid., pp. 421—22. See Shadrach, “Furnace Blasts: The Growth,” p. 261 for a statement attributing prostitution to lesbianism practiced within the female house of refuge in Baltimore. In a discussion of Dunbar-Nelson within the context of lesbian historiography, Bettina Aptheker notes that her “lesbian connections were forged in secrecy and through a labyrinth of personal and political hazard.” See Aptheker, Tapestries of Life, pp. 98—100. See also Rich, “Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence,” Signs 5 (Summer 1980): 4.
40 Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 282, 264. Dunbar-Nelson’s assessment of the interracial conference of church women is also reprinted in Hull, ed. Works of Alice Dunbar-Nelson 2: 232.
41 Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 23, 305, 314, 311, 327, 330, 371—72.
42 For Dunbar-Nelson’s estimate of the number of blacks who pass, see ibid., p. 248. For examples of black activists who were white in appearance, but chose a black identity, see Theophilus Gould Steward, “Robert Purvis, Last Survivor of the American Anti-Slavery Society,” A.M.E. Church Review 13, no. 2 (October 1896): 214—18; White, Man Called White, pp. 3—12. For general discussions of passing, see Gatewood, Aristocrats of Color, pp. 175—77; Green, Secret City, pp. 207—8. For literary treatments, see Larsen, Passing. Dunbar-Nelson’s review of Passing is reprinted in Hull, ed., Works of Alice Dunbar-Nelson 2: 261—63.
43 Williamson, New People, pp. 100—109.
44 On Dunbar-Nelson’s occasional passing, see Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 113—14. See also White, Man Called White, pp. 39—43. Terrell, Colored Woman, p. 378. The Chicago black clubwoman Fannie Barrier Williams admitted to passing to avoid Jim Crow facilities. See Gatewood, Aristocrats of Color, pp. 176—77.
45 Terrell, pp. 375—76.
46 Hull, ed., Works of Alice Dunbar-Nelson 2: 238—39, 247—50.
47 See the editorials “Rhinelander” in Crisis (January 1926): 112—13; “Rhinelander-Jones Romance Goes to Smash on the Color Bar,” Negro World, December 6, 1926.
48 Rodrigue, “The Black Community and the Birth Control Movement,” in Passion and Power: Sexuality in History, ed. Kathy Peiss and Christina Simmons, with Robert A. Padgug (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), pp. 138—54. See Miller, “Educated Negroes.”
49 Alice Dunbar-Nelson, “Woman’s Most Serious Problem,” pp. 287—92.
50 Hazel Carby, “Policing the Black Woman’s Body in an Urban Context,” Critical Inquiry 18 (Summer 1992): 738—55.
51 Hine, “Rape and the Inner Lives of Black Women,” pp. 292—97.
52 Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 330—31.
53 Dunbar-Nelson’s application to return to teaching at Howard High School (after her public marriage to Nelson) was rejected on the grounds that married women were ineligible. Upon receiving this blow, she wrote in her diary, “I wished I was dead and buried.” She had lost the job years before after a dispute with the school’s black male principal, who had taken over the job when her mentor, Edwina Kruse, a black woman who had founded the school, was forced into retirement. In 1926, she had undergone a protracted, humiliating application for a teaching appointment with the Washington, D.C., school district only to be rejected for health reasons after submitting to several health examinations and tests and having her case endlessly juggled by a bureaucratic huddle of male doctors, administrators, and politicians. Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 439, 163—68.
54 Harley, “For the Good of Family and Race,” pp. 159—72. Hine, Black Women in White, pp. 26—46, 187—93.
55 Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, pp. 224, 86.
56 Ibid., p. 87.
1 Letter reprinted in Richard B. Sherman, ed., The Negro and the City (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1970), pp. 12—13.
2 Walter White, “The Work of a Mob,” in Aptheker, ed., Documentary History of the Negro People 3: 229—30; Shapiro, White Violence, pp. 145—46.
3 Born, “Memphis Negro Workingmen,” pp. 90—107. For the Fletcher case and the quote from the Messenger see Aptheker, ed., Documentary History of the Negro People 3: 252—53, 265. Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, pp. 38—60. Moore is quoted in Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, p. 42. Ralph Tyler to Emmett Scott, March 29, 1919, in the Emmett P. Scott Papers, quoted in Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, pp. 57—58.
4 Kelley, Hammer and Hoe.
5 Stein, World of Marcus Garvey; Born, “Memphis Negro Workingmen”; Kerlin, ed., Voice of the Negro: 1919.
6 Lewis, When Harlem Was in Vogue, pp. 157—59; Wolters, New Negro on Campus.
7 August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, “Attorneys Black and White: A Case Study of Race Relations Within the NAACP,” Journal of American History 62 (1976): 913—46; Rabinowitz, Race Relations, pp. 36—37.
8 Osofsky, Harlem, p. 164.
9 J. A. Rogers, World’s Great Men of Color (New York: Collier Books, 1972), 2: 433.
10 Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day, p. 150. Henry Miller is quoted in Foner, ed., Voice of Black America 2: 82—83.
11 Rogers, World’s Great Men of Color 2: 435; Mark Ellis, “”Closing Ranks’ and ”Seeing Honors’: W. E. B. Du Bois in World War I,” Journal of American History (June 1992): 115—17. On Harrison’s West Indian intellectual protégés, see Cruse, Crisis of the Negro Intellectual; McKay, Long Way From Home, p. 41.
12 Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, pp. 43—46. See the chapter on Harrison in Wilfred D. Samuels, Five Afro-Caribbean Voices in American Culture, 1917—1929 (Boulder, Colo.: Belmont Books, 1977), pp. 27—41. See also Ottley and Weatherby, eds., Negro in New York, p. 223. Lewis, When Harlem Was in Vogue.
13 James, “Hubert H. Harrison,” pp. 82—91; Roi Ottley, New World A Coming (New York: 1943), pp. 74—81.
14 Martin, Literary Garveyism; Robert L. Poston, “Why I Refuse to be ”Civilized,’” Negro World, November 10, 1923.
15 Harrison, When Africa Awakes, pp. 15—16.
16 Ibid., pp. 49—53, 55—60.
17 Ibid., pp. 87—89, 63—66.
18 Ibid., 89—91. John E. Bruce, “The Influence of Woman on the Advancement of a Race,” n.d. (ca. early 1920s), manuscript in the John E. Bruce Collection.
19 Cripps, “”Race Movies,’” p. 50; Kornweibel, No Crystal Stair, p. 111.
20 Kornweibel, No Crystal Stair, pp. 91—95, 124, 130—31.
21 James, “Hubert H. Harrison,” pp. 38—39.
22 Harrison, “The Real Negro Problem,” Modern Quarterly 3, no. 4 (September-December 1926): 314—21.
23 E. Franklin Frazier, “La Bourgeoisie Noire,” Modern Quarterly 5, no. 1 (November 1928—February 1929), pp. 78—84.
24 Woodson, Mis-education of the Negro.
25 Johnson, Book of American Negro Poetry, p. 9.
26 Langston Hughes, “The Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain,” reprinted in Sochen, ed., Black Americans and the American Dream, pp. 117—22.
27 Carter G. Woodson, review of “The Big Sea, an Autobiography,” in Journal of Negro History 25, no. 4 (October 1940): pp. 567—68.
28 Cripps, “Race Movies,” pp. 44—53, Oscar Micheaux to Charles W. Chesnutt, January 18, 1921, in the Charles Chesnutt Papers, Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio. Robeson is quoted in Susan Robeson, ed., The Whole World in His Hands: A Pictorial Biography of Paul Robeson (Secaucus, N.J.: 1981), p. 92.
29 Baker is quoted in John Britton, ed., Transcript of Recorded Interview with Ella Baker, in Ella Baker Papers, June 19, 1968, Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University. Robeson is quoted in Robeson, ed., Whole World in His Hands, p. 121.
30 Kirby, Black Americans in the Roosevelt Era (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1980), pp. 106—10.
31 White is quoted in Siegal, “NAACP at the Crossroads,” p. 35.
32 Duberman, Paul Robeson.
33 Jones, Bad Blood, p. 138.
34 Ibid. On Nurse Rivers, see also Hine, Black Women in White, pp. 154—56.
35 E. Franklin Frazier, “The New Negro Middle Class,” in The New Negro Thirty Years Afterward, Papers Contributed to the Sixteenth Annual Spring Conference of the Division of the Social Sciences (Washington, D.C.: Howard Univrsity Press, 1955), pp. 26—32.
36 Quotation is from G. Franklin Edwards, “Community and Class Realities: The Ordeal of Change,” Daedalus (Winter 1966): 8. See the special issues of Daedalus, the Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, on “The Negro American,” collecting articles by leading liberal sociologists, historians, and social psychologists.
37 E. Franklin Frazier, “Problems and Needs of Negro Children and Youth Resulting from Family Disorganization,” Journal of Negro Education (Summer 1950): 269—77; Nathan Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians and Irish of New York City (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1970), xxiii—xxiv.
38 Carter G. Woodson, review of Haiti Singing, by Harold Courlander, Journal of Negro History 25, no. 2 (April 1940): 241—42; Powdermaker, After Freedom, pp. 197—98; Ralph Ellison, “An American Dilemma: A Review,” in Ladner, ed., Death of White Sociology, pp. 93—95. For an interesting critique of black social science perspectives stressing class differentiation and environmentalism, see Fontaine, “Social Determination,” pp. 302—13, with a rejoinder by E. Franklin Frazier.
39 Logan, Betrayal of the Negro, p. 17.