Comparative assessments of local experiences and attitudes in Cotabato and Ambon
This chapter sets out to examine whether church-based activities (CBA) are positively associated with community members’ perceptions of other religious groups. In which ways, and to what extent, are church-based measures linked to the transformation of conflict-related attitudes and mindsets in Mindanao and Maluku? Overall, the empirical results in this chapter provide a mixed picture. Based on systematic survey settings, which allow us to identify community groups with high and low “treatment levels” of CBA participation, we find a discernable link between participation and selected attitudinal indicators. But it is also evident that the levels of significance in the association between participation in church-based activities and tolerant/inclusive attitudes differ substantially – both between outcome dimensions and between the two focus regions.
The discussion in this chapter proceeds along the following lines. The subsequent section explicates the methodological frame that underpins the counterfactual and correlational analyses in Mindanao and Maluku. The third section provides an empirical assessment of respondent attitudes based on controlled village-level comparisons (across treatment and nontreatment groups) and individual-level correlation estimates.
As explained in chapter 3, controlled case comparisons are based on the idea of identifying and examining counterfactual cases that evince different participation levels in church-based activities. Consistent with Mill’s logic of “method of difference,” the objective was to find analytical units of comparison that match in important respects (including exposure to conflict, historical backgrounds, and cultural underpinnings) and, at the same time, vary in the explanatory variable. By focusing on these “amplified variations” in CBA participation it becomes possible to test whether differences in church-based activities coincide with corresponding differences in attitudinal outcomes (i.e., mindsets that bode well for peaceful cohabitation and reconciliation). Within this systematic setting, we conduct a number of village-level comparisons and correlational analyses in Mindanao and Maluku. Our first assessment (as outlined in the methodology section below) focuses on a counterfactual comparison across carefully selected village communities in both conflict regions.
In Mindanao, the approach was straightforward. The establishment of a “Zone for Peace” in the municipality Pikit, which emerged as a center for reconciliatory church-based activities in the conflict-ridden region, offered a valuable baseline. As outlined in chapter 6, it appeared sensible to choose two treatment villages within the designated Peace Zone and compare them with two control villages in a neighboring municipality (Kabacan) outside the zone. The final selection of local cases was also guided by the premise that selected villages should feature interfaith populations with mixed Muslim/Christian populations. Based on several interviews with local partners in Pikit and Kabacan, we ultimately identified four village communities that matched the described criteria – Kalacacan and Nalapaan (within Pikit’s Peace Zone) and Cuyapon and Bangilan (in Kabacan, outside the Peace Zone).
In Maluku, we encountered a more fluid project environment. In-depth interviews with local church leaders and academics at Pattimura University highlighted that there are no clear demarcation lines and designated zones that would predetermine the selection of cases. Drawing on consultations with local experts,1 we selected two villages with reportedly high levels of church-based activities (Poka and Rumah Tiga), and two units of comparison with low levels of church-based activities (Ahuru and Lembah Argo). All four villages are characterized by mixed Muslim/Christian populations.
Based on the systematic selection of treatment and control villages in Mindanao and Maluku, we then – in the first analytical step – proceeded to assess observable differences in attitudinal outcomes. To gauge these differences, we drew on original household surveys, which address a random stratified selection of roughly 50 respondents per village.2 The assessment of a broad selection of conflict-relevant “attitude statements” (outlined in Table 7.1 below) allows us to shed empirical light on the link between levels of church-based activity (which vary systematically across treatment and control cases) and observable manifestations of more tolerant and reconciliatory mindsets.
The second analytical step adds an additional layer of correlational analyses. Here, the level of participation in church-based activities is framed in a scalar rather than in a binary way. Local project realities show that individual involvement in church-based activities can be very diverse. Within any given village community, some residents have participated in more comprehensive ways in church efforts than others. This holds true in treatment villages but also (to a lesser extent) in control villages. To better capture these variations, we construct a scalar indicator that combines two survey variables: first, participation/non-participation in church projects (survey question Q25), and, second, the reported scale of project participation (survey question Q38a), which comprises up to seven dimensions – including interfaith dialogue, reconciliation, forgiveness, truth seeking, humanitarian aid, economic development, and youth empowerment. The resulting unweighted eight-scale indicator (where “0” expresses non-participation and rising values denote the cumulative presence of the seven CBA dimensions outlined above) is then used for correlation analyses with attitudinal outcome indicators. The advantage of this correlational approach is that we attain more nuanced insights into variations of church-based activities and associated attitudes.
The empirical results of counterfactual analysis across treatment and control villages provide initial indication of a positive link between high participation in church-based activities on the one hand, and more reconciliatory mindsets on the other. Table 7.1 summarizes the results that draw on different attitude statements expressed in our survey. The evaluation of outlined attitude statements is based on a five-point Likert scale that allows one to gauge whether respondents “totally agree” (2), “agree” (1), “remain indifferent” (0), “disagree” (−1), or “totally disagree” (−2) with a given proposition.
The counterfactual analyses in Ambon indicate that treatment villages (Poka/Rumah Tiga) exhibit, by and large, more favorable attitudinal outcomes than control villages (Ahuru/Lembah Argo). This is evident across indicators related to aspects of interfaith tolerance – for instance, in statements such as “different religious groups in Indonesia should respect each other” (1.78 versus 1.62) and “in order to attain peace, Muslims, Christians and other groups have to seek compromises” (1.64 versus 1.40). The results of another tolerance indicator, denoting that “my child may marry someone from a different religion provided they love each other,” are less encouraging. Here, treatment villages display an overall negative stance (average Likert score of −0.43) and control villages an even more disapproving value (−0.94), indicating that interfaith marriages continue to be socially contested in Ambon.
Meanwhile, a number of negatively framed statements that indicate notions of religious or ethnic intolerance – including propositions such as
Maluku Cases (Ambon) | Mindanao Cases (Cotabato) | |||
---|---|---|---|---|
Outcome Indicators Positive (+)/Negative (–) Attitudes | Treatment Villages | Control Villages | Treatment Villages | Control Villages |
Ethnic/Religious Tolerance | ||||
(+) Different religious groups in Indonesia/the Philippines should respect each other (Q8b) | 1.78 | 1.62 | 1.53 | 1.75 |
(–) In Maluku/Mindanao one ethnic group will always dominate the other (Q8c) | –1.46 | –1.31 | –0.42 | –0.60 |
(–) Violence can be justified if it serves our religious cause (Q8g) | –0.99 | –0.84 | –0.32 | –0.26 |
(–) Violence can be justified if it serves our ethnic cause (Q8h) | –1.08 | –0.99 | –0.36 | –0.28 |
(+) My child may marry someone from a different religion provided they love each other (Q8i) | –0.43 | –0.94 | 1.13 | 1.21 |
(+) In order to attain peace, Muslims, Christians, and other groups have to seek compromises (Q 13a) | 1.64 | 1.40 | 1.46 | 1.79 |
Secular/Pluralist Norms | ||||
(+) Religion should be kept out of politics (Q14b) | 0.83 | 0.48 | 0.57 | 0.49 |
(+) We should cherish the pluralism of religions/faiths (Q14h) | 1.74 | 1.67 | 1.26 | 1.34 |
Perceptions on Faith | ||||
(+) Faith gives me strength in coping with problems (Q7a) | 1.52 | 1.53 | 1.55 | 1.71 |
(+) Faith helps me respect others (Q7f) | 1.50 | 1.46 | 1.56 | 1.75 |
“violence can be justified if it serves our religious cause,” “violence can be justified if it serves our ethnic cause,” or “one ethnic group will always dominate the other” – are clearly refuted in treatment villages (Likert scores of −0.99, −1.08, and −1.46, respectively), and to a higher degree than in respective control villages (−0.84, −0.99, and −1.31, respectively).
The survey also entails statements on secular and pluralist values. Propositions along the lines that “religion should be kept out of politics” and that Indonesians are to “cherish the pluralism of religions” receive more support in communities with a high level of church-based activities. What is interesting, however, is that the former statement on secular norms is generally met with less agreement (0.83 versus 0.48) than the latter statement on pluralist ideals (1.74 versus 1.67). Arguably, this finding resonates with the spirit of the Indonesian Constitution, which strongly emphasizes principles of pluralism and, at the same time, qualifies its secular understanding with belief in a supreme divinity.3 Yet, as discussed above, it contradicts the nationwide surveys quoted in chapter 5.
Another relevant dimension is the evaluation of reconciliatory aspects of faith. Here, the survey data exhibits affirmative but indistinct attitudinal outcomes. The two statements – “faith gives me strength in coping with problems” and “faith helps me respect others” – are met with broad agreement across all villages in Ambon. Treatment and control communities display similar responses (with Likert scores around 1.50) across the board.
In sum, the presented village-level comparisons of attitudinal differences in Ambon highlight a moderately strong and consistent association between participation in church-based activities and a more affirmative stance towards religious/ethnic tolerance and pluralist values. Treatment villages show favorable attitudinal results in nine out of ten indicators (see Table 7.2).
The survey results in Cotabato are less consistent overall. Merely three out of ten indicators in the counterfactual comparison (third column in Table 7.2, marked in bold) suggest that high participation in church-based activities coincides with more tolerant and pluralist attitudes. These include higher rejection levels on statements that violence can be justified on religious or ethnic grounds as well as a more affirmative stance on the separation of politics and religious affairs. In all other remaining components (Table 7.2), however, we find that control villages show favorable attitudinal scores.
In a second analytical step, we conducted a number of correlation analyses to further probe the association between church-based activities and attitudinal outcomes. Overall, the results provide additional evidence for an affirmative answer to the first research question. They indicate that higher levels of participation in church-based activities are indeed associated with
Survey Indicators | CBA Participation, Maluku | CBA Participation, Mindanao |
---|---|---|
(1) Different religious groups in [our country] should respect each other (Q8b) | 0.01 | 0.16* |
(2) [In this region], one ethnic group will always dominate the other (Q8c) | –0.13* | 0.03 |
(3) Violence can be justified if it serves our religious cause (Q8g) | –0.19* | –0.26* |
(4) Violence can be justified if it serves our ethnic cause (Q8h) | –0.13* | –0.25* |
(5) Our child may marry someone from a different religion provided they love each other (Q8i) | 0.16* | –0.01 |
(6) In order to attain peace, Muslims, Christians, and other groups have to seek compromises (Q13a) | 0.21* | 0.21* |
* Significance of correlation estimates (at least) at the 0.1 level.
higher levels of tolerance and reconciliatory attitudes. What is more, correlational associations appear strong for both Southeast Asian conflict areas.
Once the analysis moves from village-level comparisons to individual-level correlations (see Tables 7.3 and 7.4), we can identify more consistent contributions of participation in church-based activities to ongoing conflict transformations. In Mindanao, eight out of ten attitudinal statements (that were introduced above) show the expected signs, and seven of them are significant at the 0.1 level. The respondents from Pikit’s Peace Zone4 clearly indicate that there is a positive link between the extent to which villagers are involved in church projects and the degree to which they exhibit tolerant and reconciliatory attitudes.
For instance, a greater scope of participation in church-based activities correlates negatively with statements referring to religiously justified violence (−0.26) or ethnically justified violence (−0.25); and positively with statements alluding to interfaith respect (0.16), interfaith compromises for peaceful cohabitation (0.21), and a pluralism of religious beliefs (0.21). Furthermore, Pikit’s respondents with high levels of participation in
Survey Indicators | CBA Participation, Maluku | CBA Participation, Mindanao |
---|---|---|
(1) Religion should be kept out of politics (Q14b) | 0.21 | 0.08 |
(2) We should cherish the pluralism of religions/faiths (Q14h) | 0.23* | 0.21* |
(3) Faith gives me strength in coping with problems (Q7a) | 0.14* | 0.41* |
(4) Faith helps me respect others (Q7f) | 0.14* | 0.22* |
* Significance of correlation estimates (at least) at the 0.1 level.
church-based activities confirm that faith is a means of “coping with problems” (0.41) and learning to “respect others” (0.22).
The correlation results for Ambon show a strong consistency as well. Here, ten out of ten coefficients show the expected signs (eight of them significant at the 0.1 level). In other words, Ambonese residents with more comprehensive involvement in church-based activities are more likely to respond to attitudinal statements in favorable ways. Correlation estimates are strongly indicative of positive associations between church-based activities and religious/ethnic tolerance, secular and pluralist norms, and reconciliatory aspects of faith.
All in all, the outlined case comparisons and counterfactual analyses offer a valuable starting point for the discussion of potential effects of church-based activities in Mindanao and Maluku. Although the emerging findings are not fully conclusive, they nonetheless highlight a noteworthy association between participation in church-based activities and emerging reconciliatory mindsets. Associations with church-based activities seem to be more consistent in individual-level correlation analyses than in counterfactual assessments. Overall, the results from the unique field surveys in Mindanao and Maluku provide first indications of positive associations with church-based activities, which now stand to be substantiated in the chapters below, where we apply statistical regression and Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA).
1 Three church leaders (Father Böhm, Sister Brigitta, and Rev Jacky Manuputty), and one Pattimura professor (Tonny Pariela), were particularly helpful in identifying villages with greater or fewer church-based activities.
2 The initial aim was to conduct questionnaires with 50 randomly chosen respondents in each village – evenly stratified across Christian and Muslim faith. In Indonesia, this ideal-typical frame was attainable not least because Ambon has not been marred by major violent conflicts over the past five years. In Mindanao, however, the picture was a distinctly different one. During the fieldwork in Pikit (especially during the administration of survey questionnaires in March 2016) the security situation deteriorated to such an extent that foreign experts were advised to leave the region. Against this backdrop, field teams were forced to compromise: in both Kalacacan and Bangilan, enumerators administered 30 questionnaires. In Nalapaan, the respondent number rose to 65 to compensate for a temporarily skewed distribution of Christian and Muslim respondents.
3 Indeed, Article 36a reiterates the national maxim Bhinneka Tunggal Ika that calls upon all Indonesians to strive for unity among diverse ethnic groups. Meanwhile, the understanding of secularism is bound by the fact that the constitution’s Pancasila preamble enshrines belief in a supreme divinity (“Ketuhanan yang Maha Esa”), casting religious faith as a stabilizing pillar of the Indonesian state. See also Magnis-Suseno (1989, 2015).
4 In Mindanao, survey questionnaires for villages outside the peace zone (i.e., Cuyapon and Bangilan) did not address detailed questions on church project dimensions, in part due to rising security risks and time constraints. It was therefore not possible to calculate the eight-scale participation indicator (based on survey question Q38a; see methodological notes above) for non-peace zone residents. As a result, the reported correlational estimates for Mindanao are based on individual questionnaires in Kalacacan and Nalapaan (covering 95 out of 175 respondents).
Magnis-Suseno, Franz (1989): Neue Schwingen für Garuda: Indonesien zwischen Tradition und Moderne, München: Kindt Verlag.
Magnis-Suseno, Franz (2015): Garuda im Aufwind. Das neue Indonesien, Bonn: Dietz.