Languages of Mainland Southeast Asia · the State of the Art by Enfield, N.J. -- Read -- Imperial Library of Trantor

Index

Languages of Mainland Southeast Asia Pacific Linguistics Title Page Copyright Page Table of Contents Mainland Southeast Asian languages - State of the art and new directions

1 Mainland Southeast Asia and its people 2 Mainland Southeast Asian languages 3 Linguistics of MSEA: New developments

3.1 Conferences and publications 3.2 New descriptive work 3.3 New methods 3.4 Historical-comparative linguistics 3.5 Language in social life 3.6 Changing perceptions

3.6.1 The idea of a typical MSEA language 3.6.2 Nominal classification 3.6.3 Sesquisyllables 3.6.4 Tone phonetics and phonology 3.6.5 MSEA as a linguistic area

4 Summary preview of this book Acknowledgements

References

Part 1: Language relatedness in MSEA

Word-initial prenasalization in Southeast Asia - A historical perspective

1 Introduction 2 Geographical distribution by family 3 Phonological status and historical sources

3.1 Phonological status 3.2 Historical sources

4 Prenasalization and other Southeast Asian features 5 Conclusion Acknowledgements References

Local drift and areal convergence in the restructuring of Mainland Southeast Asian languages

1 Introduction 2 Two stories of atypical tonogenesis/registrogenesis

2.1 Angkuic

2.1.1 Hu: high/low tones 2.1.2 U: high/low/falling/rising tones 2.1.3 Muak Sa’aak: three tones plus length contrast 2.1.4 Proto-Angkuic tonogenesis reconstructed

2.2 North Bahnaric

2.2.1 Rengao 2.2.2 Halang 2.2.3 Sedang 2.2.4 Proto-North Bahnaric vowel-register correlation 2.2.5 Proto-North Bahnaric registrogenesis in context

3 Two stories of atypical syllable restructuring

3.1 Laven and Nyaheun: restructuring toward monosyllables

3.1.1 Wider areal/historical context

3.2 Gta’ (Munda) creating initial clusters/sesquisyllables

4 Concluding remarks Acknowledgements References

Re-assessing tonal diversity and geographical convergence in Mainland Southeast Asia

1 Introduction: Tone typology and contact-induced tonogenesis 2 The database 3 The typology of tone in Mainland Southeast Asia 4 Tonality and contact-induced change in Mainland Southeast Asia 4.1 Modelling the effects of geography with Generalized Additive Models

4.2 Modelling the size of the tonal inventory

4.2.1 Model predictors 4.2.2 Results

4.3 Pitch and voice quality inventories 4.4 The ‘idea’ of tone

5 Discussion 6 Conclusion Acknowledgements References

Re-examining the genetic position of Jingpho - Putting flesh on the bones of the Jingpho/Luish relationship

1 Introduction

1.1 Benedict’s unorthodox anti-Stammbaum 1.2 The Sal hypothesis: Jingpho, Bodo-Garo, Northern Naga

2 The position of Nungish

2.1 Variational patterns in Nungish 2.2 Nungish and Tai 2.3 Nungish and Lolo-Burmese

2.3.1 Burmese loans into Rawang

2.4 Nungish and Jingpho

3 Other aspects of Jingpho’s interrelationships

3.1 Jingpho and Tai (Shan) 3.2 Jingpho and Lolo-Burmese

4 Luish: an obscure branch of TB coming into focus

4.1 Luish phonologies

4.1.1 Kadu

4.1.1.1 Sesquisyllabicity

4.1.2 Sak/Cak/Chak

4.1.2.1 Sesquisyllables

4.1.3 The fate of PTB *velars in Luish 4.1.4 Kadu (and Ganan) infixation

4.2 Luish and linguistic groups other than Jingpho

4.2.1 Tai → Luish

4.2.1.1 Ichthyonyms

4.2.2 Luish and Lolo-Burmese 4.2.3 Luish and Nungish

5 Jingpho and Luish

5.1 Comparative phonological summary

5.1.1 Variation in final stops

5.2 Morphological similarities and differences between Jingpho and Luish

5.2.1 Sesquisyllabicity 5.2.2 Morphological parallelism in the triple allofams for ‘eat/food/rice’ 5.2.3 Sibilant causative prefix 5.2.4 Verb pronominalization

5.3 Obstruentization/dentalization of laterals: a key phonological isogloss

6 Conclusions Acknowledgements Abbreviations References

Part 2: Boundaries of the MSEA area

The far West of Southeast Asia - ‘Give’ and ‘get’ in the languages of Myanmar

1 Introduction 2 Grammatical functions of ‘give’

2.1 Short note on ‘benefactive’ and ‘causative’ constructions 2.2 Grammatical uses of ‘give’ cross-linguistically 2.3 General Southeast Asian patterns

2.3.1 Full verb ‘give’ 2.3.2 Postverbal ‘give’ - benefactive and general applicative 2.3.3 Interverbal ‘give’ - purposive and adverbial; ‘dummy causative’ 2.3.4 Preverbal ‘give’

2.4 Patterns in Myanmar

2.4.1 Burmese 2.4.2 Karen 2.4.3 Shan 2.4.4 Mon 2.4.5 Palaung

2.5 Contact scenarios

2.5.1 Mon and Burmese 2.5.2 Shan and Jinghpaw

2.6 Beyond Myanmar

3 Grammatical functions of ‘get’

3.1 Short note on get → modal 3.2 General Southeast Asian patterns 3.3 Postverbal ‘get’ - from resultative verb compound to general possibility 3.4 Interverbal ‘get’ - adverbial 3.5 Preverbal patterns 3.6 Patterns in Myanmar

3.6.1 Burmese 3.6.2 Karen 3.6.3 Shan 3.6.4 Mon 3.6.5 Palaung 3.6.6 Other languages of Myanmar

3.7 Beyond Myanmar

4 Conclusions

4.1 Summary of findings 4.2 Connection between transfer/obtainment of (control over) object with grammatical functions 4.3 Connection between ‘give’ and ‘get’ constructions 4.4 Micro areas and areal convergence

Abbreviations References

Morphosyntactic reconstruction in an arealhistorical context - A pre-historical relationship between North East India and Mainland Southeast Asia?

1 Introduction 2 Areal-typological preliminaries

2.1 South Asia and Mainland Southeast Asia as “linguistic areas” 2.2 Typological differences within language families. Or, straddling the SA and MSEA linguistic areas 2.3 North East India as an ethnolinguistic crossroads 2.4 The Tani languages: Genealogical and geographical context

3 The morphological typology of Tani languages: Modern-day and reconstructed antecedents

3.1 Preliminaries 3.2 Background: Broad characteristics of the Tani languages 3.3 Categories 3.4 Nominal inflection: Case, person, number and gender

3.4.1 Person-indexing on the predicate (“agreement”) 3.4.2 Relational marking 3.4.3 Number and gender

3.5 Basic word structures 3.6 Predicate structure

3.6.1 Predicate derivations 3.6.2 Predicate inflections

3.7 Propensity predicates 3.8 Interim conclusion

4 Areal comparisons: Mainland Southeast Asia and South Asia 5 What might it mean for regional pre-history?

5.1 Does Tani subgroup with MSEA TB languages? 5.2 Were there North-Westward migrations? 5.3 Was there a contact corridor? 5.4 Is this a creoloid typology?

6 Conclusion Abbreviations References

The Mekong-Mamberamo linguistic area

1 Introduction 2 Seventeen Mekong-Mamberamo properties

2.1 The passing gesture 2.2 Repeated dental clicks expressing amazement 2.3 Conventionalized greeting with ‘Where’ 2.4 ‘Eye Day’ > ‘Sun’ lexicalization 2.5 d/t Place-of-articulation asymmetry 2.6 Numeral classifiers 2.7 Verby adjectives 2.8 Basic SVO word order 2.9 Iamitive perfects 2.10 ‘Give’ causatives 2.11 Low differentiation of adnominal attributive constructions 2.12 Weakly developed grammatical voice

2.12.1 Word-order-based alternations 2.12.2 Periphrastic undergoer constructions 2.12.3 Indonesian-type voice systems 2.12.4 Sundic-type voice systems 2.12.5 Weakly-developed grammatical voice: summary

2.13 Isolating word structure 2.14 Short words 2.15 Low grammatical-morpheme density 2.16 Optional thematic-role flagging 2.17 Optional tense-aspect-mood marking

3 Historical inferences

3.1 The Austronesian dispersals out of Nusantara 3.2 The Austronesian intrusion into Nusantara 3.3 The mists of time

4 Conclusion Acknowledgements Abbreviations References

The Far Southern Sinitic languages as part of Mainland Southeast Asia

1 Introduction 2 The Sinitic languages 3 The typology of the MSEA linguistic area and the Sinitic languages 4 Phonology

4.1 Tones and onsets 4.2 Consonantal codas 4.3 Implosives 4.4 Front rounded vowels 4.5 ‘Apical’ vowels 4.6 Summary of phonological traits

5 Word order

5.1 Word order in noun phrases 5.2 Word order in clauses

5.2.1 Position of adverbials and adpositions 5.2.2 Position of adverbials 5.2.3 Position of objects

5.2.3.1 The object marking construction 5.2.3.2 Preverbal and Postverbal objects 5.2.3.3 Word order in clauses with three place predicates

5.2.4 Summary of word order in clauses

6 Conclusions and discussion Abbreviations Acknowledgements References

Part 3: Defining the sesquisyllable

Approaching a phonological understanding of the sesquisyllable with phonetic evidence from Khmer and Bunong

1 Introduction

1.1 An overview of descriptions of the sesquisyllable 1.2 The essential properties of the sesquisyllable

1.2.1 Minor syllables 1.2.2 Language properties 1.2.3 Shared properties

1.3 The sesquisyllable as a maximally disyllabic iamb 1.4 An articulatory model of the minor syllable

1.4.1 Descriptive properties of epenthetic and excrescent “schwa” 1.4.2 Mid central vocalic elements in articulatory phonology 1.4.3 Summary

2 The minor syllable in Khmer

2.1 Goals and hypotheses 2.2 Methods

2.2.1 Participants 2.2.2 Stimuli 2.2.3 Measurements

2.3 Results

2.3.1 Token distribution 2.3.2 Underlap analysis 2.3.3 Formant analysis

2.4 Discussion

3 The minor syllable in Bunong

3.1 Goals and hypotheses 3.2 Methods

3.2.1 Participants 3.2.2 Stimuli and Task

3.3 Results

3.3.1 CʌCVC and CCVC

3.3.1.1 CCVC distributional results 3.3.1.2 CCVC underlap analysis 3.3.1.3 Comparison of CCVC transitions with CʌCVC vowels

3.3.2 Comparison of CʌCVC vowels with CVC vowels

3.4 Discussion

4 Conclusion References

Typologizing sesquisyllabicity - The role of structural analysis in the study of linguistic diversity in Mainland Southeast Asia

1 Introduction 2 Terminology and transcription 3 Sonority-based syllabification 4 Structural diversity among sesquisyllabic languages

4.1 Jahai 4.2 Khmer 4.3 Turung 4.4 Kammu

5 Typologizing the diversity of sesquisyllabicity 6 Conclusion Acknowledgements References

Part 4: Explorations in MSEA morphosyntax

Morphological functions among Mon-Khmer languages - Beyond the basics

1 Overview 2 Sources, diversity, and morphological functions 3 Word-formation subcategories

3.1 Aspect: Completive affixes and progressive reduplicants 3.2 Marking semantic roles: Prefixes on verbs, pronouns, and nouns

3.2.1 Subject prefixes 3.2.2 Case-marking prefixes on pronouns 3.2.3 Case-marking prefixes on nouns 3.2.4 Existential/locative marking and Impersonal predicates

3.3 Deriving lexical categories: Nouns, verbs, and stative verbs 3.4 Other grammatical categories: Involuntary, pretence, desiderative, and derogatory meanings 3.5 Plurality and other indication of number 3.6 Affixes on pronominals 3.7 Other grammatical functions: Reciprocity, negation, and degree of intensity 3.8 Other Semantic Functions

4 Conclusions References

The origins of nominal classification markers in MSEA languages - Convergence, contact and some African parallels

1 Introduction 2 Noun class affixes 3 Word structure in Austroasiatic and Sino-Tibetan 4 Contact, borrowing and metatypy 5 Parallel processes in African languages 6 Conclusions Acknowledgements References

Expressing motion - The contribution of Southeast Asian languages with reference to East Asian languages

1 Introduction 2 Talmy’s typology: a reminder

2.1 Original proposal 2.2 Revision and evolution: mixed and equipollent types

3 Encoding motion events in Southeast Asian languages: various means

3.1 Neglected constructions of Southeast Asian languages

3.1.1 Spatial Voice markers in Tagalog 3.1.2 Non verbal head 3.1.3 Associated motion morphemes

3.2 About the Trajectory Project

4 Motion events in SEA languages: the contribution of Burmese dialects

4.1 Burmese data

4.1.1 The Burmese dialects 4.1.2 Multi-verb constructions in Burmese dialects

4.2 Multi-verb motion constructions

4.2.1 From sequentialization.... 4.2.2 .... to serialization

4.3 Are there path satellites in Burmese dialects?

4.3.1 The satellite functional category 4.3.2 Satellization process 4.3.3 Path verb or path satellite ?

4.4 Independent verbs in Burmese multi-verb constructions 4.5 Motion events in Burmese dialects: to sum up

5 Conclusion Acknowledgements Abbreviations References

Subject index Place index Language index

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