NOTES

Prologue: Out of Beirut

xii“word of the year”: Jason Daley, “Why Xenophobia is Dictionary.com’s Word of the Year,” Smithsonian, November 29, 2016, retrieved from https://www.smithsonianmag.smart-news/why-xenophobia-dictionarycoms-wrd-year-180961225

xiiiwithout beginning or end: Franz Boas, “An Anthropologist’s View of War,” The Advocate of Peace 24, no. 4 (April 1912): 93–94; also his The Mind of Primitive Man (New York: Macmillan, 1911), 207. Boas wrote: “There are a number of primitive hordes to whom every stranger not a member of the horde is an enemy. …” On the linguistic equivalence of stranger and enemy, see Magnus Hirschfeld, Racism, trans. Eden and Cedar Paul (London: Gollancz, 1938), 257–58.

xiiiWhat was it with them?: Josiah Royce, Race Questions, Provincialism, and Other American Problems (New York: Macmillan, 1908), 25.

xvand never left again: On the famine around Mount Lebanon, see George Antonius, The Arab Awakening (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1938). On the Ottomans and actions against internal populations of Greek Orthodox, Armenians, Assyrian and Maronite Christians, see Eugene Rogan, The Fall of the Ottomans: The Great War in the Middle East (New York: Basic Books, 2015).

Part I: The Origins of Xenophobia

1Plato, The Sophist: Plato, Plato II: Theaetetus, Sophist, trans. H. N. Fowler (New York: Putnam, 1921), 267.

Chapter 1: In Search of Xénos

4about struggling for survival: For Melvin Konner, “xenophobia,” like genocide, though immoral, was adaptive; M. Konner, “Is Xenophobia Now Maladaptive?” psychologytoday.com, posted September 2, 2012.

5most destabilizing kind of disaster: Stephen Jay Gould, “Kropotkin Was No Crackpot,” Natural History 97, no. 7, retrieved from https://www.marxists.org/subject/science/essays/kropotkin.htm. Among evolutionary psychologists, Jonathan Haidt suggests we are 90 percent chimp and 10 percent bee; see his The Righteous Mind: Why Good People Are Divided by Politics and Religion (New York: Vintage, 2013), xxii; Joshua Greene assumes ethnocentrism and in-group favoritism are not “hard-wired” and can be altered by experience. See his Moral Tribes: Emotion, Reason, and the Gap between Us and Them (New York: Penguin, 2013), 54–55, 69, 102. On the critical import of cultural adaptation related to climate and food production, see the powerful work of Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: W. W. Norton, 1997), 273. Also see 267–86. For a brief discussion of the nonspecific nature of “stress” in most neurobiological models, see Olean Babenko et al., “Stress-Induced Perinatal and Transgenerational Epigenetic Programming of Brain Development and Mental Health,” Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews 48 (2014): 79–80. On the reductive biologization of social phenomena, see Richard Lewontin, Stephen Rose, and Leon Kamin, Not in Our Genes: Biology, Ideology and Human Nature (New York: Pantheon, 1984).

5Stoics alert us to this danger?: George Fredrickson, Racism: A Short History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015), 6, 140. On page 6, Frederickson writes that xenophobia is a term “invented by ancient Greeks to describe a reflexive feeling of hostility toward the stranger or Other.” Then, on page 140, he reiterates that xenophobia is “ancient” and “universal.”

6would be praised: On the meanings of xénos, see Émile Benveniste, “L’hospitalité,” in Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes (Paris: Minuit, 1969), 87–101. Also, for a short piece in English, see K. D. O’Gorman, “Modern Hospitality: Lessons from the Past,” Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Management 12, no. 2 (2005): 141–51. Xénos’s multiple meanings are exemplified by its transformation into the Latin hostis, the root of both “host” and “hostile.” Benveniste explicitly noted, however, that the Greek xénos never held the connotation of enemy.

6between neighboring cities: For an excellent discussion of the term xénos in antiquity and its philosophical and social implications, see Rebecca LeMoine, Philosophy and the Foreigner in Plato’s Dialogues, PhD dissertation, University of Wisconsin–Madison, 2014. The rules of xenia were described in numerous places, including Herodotus; see Benveniste, Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes, 94. The best scholarly exposition of this “guest-friendship” and its social obligations is Gabriel Herman’s Ritualized Friendship and the Greek City (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).

6“[xénos] strangers, god-fearing men?”: Homer, The Odyssey, trans. Robert Fagles (New York: Penguin, 1996), 217.

6“pity both to men and gods”: Plato, Works of Plato: The Laws, Book V, trans. George Burges (London: Bell and Daldy, 1870), 157.

6“love thy neighbor as thyself”: The Holy Bible, King James Version (New York: World Publishing, n.d.). The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Hebrews, 13:2, 198, Matthew 22:39, 24. See Tasos Kokkinidis, “Philoxenia: The Ancient Roots of Greek Hospitality,” Greek Reporter, September 21, 2018, 1–2.

7they would die simultaneously: In addition to the “Eleatic Stranger” in The Sophist, Plato uses strangers as a rhetorical device to challenge assumptions and beliefs. Plato, Plato II: Theaetetus, Sophist, 264. Plato, The Republic of Plato, trans. Allan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968), 59, 450. On the role of the stranger in Plato, see Anne DuFourmantelle and Jacques Derrida, Of Hospitality, trans. Rachel Bowlby (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000).

8“I will praise him”: Pindar, The Nemean Odes, 7:61–63, as cited in Roger Woodward, The Cambridge Companion to Greek Mythology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 48.

8I spoke to experts. Nothing: In H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1889), the term is not listed. Much later, I found this absence confirmed by the scholar Benjamin Isaac, who noted that the term “xenophobia” is not to be found in ancient Greek; Benjamin Isaac, The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 38.

8“are in nature the same”: Aristotle, Politics, trans. C. D. C. Reeve (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1998), 2.

9a particularly menacing group: Plato, Republic of Plato, 149–50. For a lucid discussion of the literature and distinctions between the xénoi of nearby city-states and religiously and linguistically different barbaroi, as well as the scholarly debates over the evolution of this term for barbarians, see LeMoine, Philosophy and the Foreigner in Plato’s Dialogues, 8–33. Also John Boardman et al., Greece and the Hellenistic World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 34, 42.

9rendered as “xénos”: A Dictionary of the Bible, ed. James Hastings, vol. 4 (New York: Scribner, 1898–1904), 622–23.

10“a barbarian unto me”: The Holy Bible, King James Version, Paul to the Corinthians, 1, 14:10–11 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 218. We will later find this passage cited by Las Casas and Montaigne. Also see Matthew 25:35.

11very identity of Western civilization: Rodolfo Lanciani, “The Archaeological Budget of Rome for 1908,” The Athenaeum, March 13, 1909, 324–25.

12entitled to do right now: See the groundbreaking, if controversial, work of Martin Bernal, Black Athena: The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization, vol. 1 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2003). Also Eliza Butler, The Tyranny of Greece Over Germany (1935; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); and Paul Michael Kurtz, “How Nineteenth-Century German Classicists Wrote the Jews Out of Ancient History,” History and Theory 58, no. 2 (2019): 210–32.

12perfect choice for the dig: See Salomon Reinach, “Paul Gauckler,” Revue archéologique 18 (July–December, 1911): 458–60.

12could become Roman citizens: See Mary Beard, SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome (New York: Liveright, 2015), 66–67, 77, 497, 519. Also Denise Eileen McCoskey, Race: Antiquity and Its Legacy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 75.

13a German scholar, Christian Hülsen: George H. Chase, “Archaeology in 1909. Part II,” Classical Journal 6, no. 3 (1910): 99–107, quote on page 103. Also see his “Archaeology in 1910. Part II,” Classical Journal 7, no. 3 (1911): 114–25.

14“the spade could decide”: Chase, “Archaeology in 1909. Part I,” 103.

14“Oriental Gods,” another proclaimed: William N. Bates, “Archaeological News,” American Journal of Archaeology 15, no. 1 (1911): 77–129. William F. Bade, “A Semitic Discovery in Rome,” American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal 32, no. 2 (1910): 115–17; Anonymous, “Necrology—Paul Gauckler,” American Journal of Archaeology 16 (1912): 112.

14“and the Italian government”: Ralph Van Deman Magoffin, “The Grove of Furrina on the Janiculum,” Classical Weekly 2 (1909): 244.

14over to the other side: The answer might be found in Suetonius, who noted that the leader may have been Nero, who “despised all religious cults except that of the Syrian Goddess.” Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars, trans. Robert Graves (New York: Penguin, 1957), 245.

14coils of the serpent’s tail: Paul Gauckler, Le sanctuaire syrien du Janicule (Paris: Libraire Alphonse Picard, 1912). Also see Nicholas Goodhue, The Lucus Furrinae and the Syrian Sanctuary on the Janiculum (Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1975), and his “Janiculan Mysteries? A Consideration of CIL VI 32316 and 36804,” Pacific Coast Philology 10 (1975): 29–34.

14and ended his life: On Gauckler’s death, two years after his dig was stopped, as he was suffering from poor health and depression, see George Chase, “Archaeology in 1910. Part II,” Classical Journal 7, no. 3 (1911): 122, as well as Journal des débats politiques et littéraires, December 10, 1911, 341. Also see the obituary by Salomon Reinach, “Paul Gauckler,” Revue archéologique 18 (July–December 1911): 458–60.

15strangers at all: Lanciani himself referred to that shift away from toleration; he suggested that the secret Syrian shrine with Bacchus and Isis had been concealed, around 377, when Gracchus ended toleration for pagan practices. Later, this fluidity would be undercut when, in 1916, an American archaeologist acknowledged such mixing and blamed it for the fall of the empire. Tenny Frank, “Race Mixture in the Roman Empire,” American Historical Review 21, no. 4 (1916): 689–708. Also see McCoskey. Race: Antiquity and Its Legacy.

15“history of Roman excavation”: Lanciani, “Archaeological Budget of Rome for 1908,” 325.

15due to “xenophoby”: Gauckler was a correspondent for the Académie des inscriptions et belles lettres as well as a member of l’Académie de France à Rome, and so his work was avidly covered in France, in scholarly journals but also newspapers like Le Radical and Journal des débats politiques et littéraires, where his exciting Janiculum finds were lauded. The French crowing about his success was reported by D. Anziani, “Paul Gauckler,” in “Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire,” École française de Rome 31 (1911): 457–58.

Chapter 2: Avant la lettre, or The Black Legend

19“without a theory of toleration”: Henry Kamen, The Spanish Inquisition: A Historical Revision (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014), 10; debates about medieval Spain and the “Black Legend” are intense, part of the culture wars of today, with strong polemics against and for; see Maria Rosa Menocal, The Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain (New York: Little, Brown, 2002); Brian Catlos, Kingdom of Faith: A New History of Islamic Spain (New York: Basic Books, 2019); and the review of Robert Irwin, “The Contested Legacy of Muslim Spain,” New York Review of Books, March 21, 2019, 49–51.

19sought to curry favor: Edwin Williamson, The Penguin History of Latin America (London: Penguin, 2009), 58–61. Also see Robert Goodwin, Spain: The Centre of the World, 1519–1682 (London: Bloomsbury, 2015).

19and eventually civil war: On Gaius Sallustis Crispus, a.k.a. Sallust, and his theory, see Duane F. Conley, “The Stages of Rome’s Decline in Sallust’s Historical Theory,” Hermes 109, no. 3 (1981): 379–82; and Neal Wood, “Sallust’s Theorem: A Comment on ‘Fear’ in Western Political Thought,” History of Political Thought 16, no. 2 (1995): 174–89. Of course, in itself, this was a crude, insufficient theory for the decline of Rome, as has been widely acknowledged. See John Boardman et. al., The Roman World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 50, 58, 82, 232–34.

20what lurked in her heart?: Miguel de Cervantes, Don Quixote, trans. Edith Grossman (1605/1615; New York: HarperCollins, 2005), 810–16. The framing narrative of Don Quixote is itself revealing; in a market in Toledo, the narrator finds Arabic manuscripts that tell of Don Quixote. These are then translated into Castilian. The episodes with Ricote occur in the second volume, which was published in 1615, six years after the Muslim expulsion.

21find themselves accused: Another way to safeguard oneself was to become ultra-devout like Ricote’s daughter. When the young Teresa Sánchez de Cepeda y Ahumada entered the Carmelite convent in Ávilla in 1535, her knowledge of the Bible was suspiciously good. Someone must have taught her more than the New Testament, and in fact, this future saint, revered in the Roman Catholic faith, was the granddaughter of a Jewish converso. Her haunting poems to the Lord would forever link her with her confessor, the soon-to-be-beatified mystic who wrote of the “dark night of the soul,” Saint John of the Cross. He, too, was the descendant of conversos.

23demon-worshippers, and cannibals: On Columbus’s shifting perceptions of the “Indians,” see the excellent work of Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other, trans. Richard Howard (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999). Also Bernal Díaz del Castillo, The Conquest of New Spain, trans. J. M. Cohen (1568; London: Penguin, 2009), 26.

23to their knees and wept: Bartolomé de Las Casas, History of the Indies, trans. Andrée Collard (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), 38–39. This work has never been fully translated into English.

23work their masters demanded: Todorov, Conquest of America, 12, 50.

24stood as his motto: Francisco de Vitoria, Political Writings, ed. A. Pagden and J. Lawrence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 231, and on forced conversions, 339.

24his fellow “travelers”: Siep Stuurman, The Invention of Humanity: Equality and Cultural Difference in World History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2017), 213.

24debates over xenophobia: See Vitoria, Political Writings. In his 1538 “On the Indians, On the Laws of War,” he wrote that under natural law it is “considered inhuman … to treat travelers badly.” See G. Scott Davis, “Conscience and Conquest: Francisco de Vitoria on Justice in the New World,” Modern Theology 13, no. 4 (1997): 475–500; and Anthony Anghie, “Francisco de Vitoria and the Colonial Origins of International Law,” Social and Legal Studies 5, no. 3 (1996): 321–36.

24By what right?: Las Casas, History of the Indies, 183–86.

25to their sinful ways: Las Casas, History of the Indies, 274–75. Shortly afterward, Father Montesinos sailed back to Spain, where his testimony shocked King Ferdinand. New laws were established for the colonies, ones that explicitly rejected the claim that the natives were Aristotelean “natural” slaves or animals. The 1512 Laws of Burgos insisted that these humans should be baptized, converted, and brought into the fold.

25“his concerns like the others”: Bartolomé de Las Casas, A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies (1552; New York: Penguin, 1992). On Las Casas, see Lewis Hanke, Bartolomé de Las Casas: An Interpretation of His Life and Writings (The Hague: Springer, 1951); Juan Friede and Benjamin Keene, Bartolomé de Las Casas in History: Towards Understanding the Man and His Work (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2008).

26“I can hardly believe it”: Las Casas, History of the Indies, xxii.

26“ravage the Indians”: Las Casas, History of the Indies, 264–65. See page 60, letter dated June 22, 1497.

27a just war commenced: According to the historian Matthew Restall, this legalistic framework organized the fabricated mis-telling of the most infamous encounter of the Conquest, Cortés’s conquest of the Aztecs. As Cortés and his band marched from the Yucatan toward the lake capital of Tenochtitlan, they dutifully delivered the Requirement. Upon meeting a foe, soon after hello, they would quickly demand that the heathen swear allegiance to their mighty King Carlos and give up their devil worship for Christ. In Cortés’s account of his meeting with Montezuma, he delivered the Requirement, and then the great Aztec leader gave a speech, quite stunning in its improbability. Supposedly, Montezuma welcomed Cortés and declared that his arrival had been long ago foretold. It was he, Montezuma and his people, who were strangers in this land, and the newly arrived Spaniards who were its true natives. As Montezuma fetes these Spaniards in his magical palace, Cortés has him declare, “You are in your own homeland and your own house.” This bizarre myth, handed down for centuries, Restall argues, has an inner logic. Montezuma’s submission to the Requirement, then his revolt, justified Cortés’s actions. For this was no invasion, but rather a rebellion by people who had already submitted to the Crown. Similarly, the conqueror frequently noted the idolatry and sodomy of the natives, two matters that justified a just war. Matthew Restall, When Montezuma Met Cortés (New York: HarperCollins, 2018), quote on page 17.

27commencing their pillage: Las Casas, Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies, 33.

28families and their lands: Las Casas, History of the Indies, 52, 128–29, 231.

28in the eyes of God: Las Casas, History of the Indies, 257–58.

28fingerprints on the decree: In 1542, a bull by the Pope explicitly declared that the Indians were rational human beings. Charles V, under the likely influence of Las Casas, signed New Laws of Burgos in November of 1542.

28in the official proceedings: After 1520, Franciscan, Dominican, and Jesuit missionaries began to stream to the New World to convert these natives. Of course, the problem of fake versus authentic conversions reemerged. Many indigenous peoples simply incorporated Christian saints and rituals into their own beliefs. One guileless native told a Dominican friar, “Yes sir, I am a bit Christian because I have learned to lie a bit; another day I will lie big and I will be big Christian” (Las Casas, History of the Indies, 280). Less obviously across the conquered lands of New Spain, everyday Nahuatl beliefs came together with those of the virgin birth of the God-man. Glittering Baroque churches rose up as a testament to this syncretic mix, such as Santa Maria Tonantzintla. The name of the church acknowledges the merger of the Virgin Mary with the indigenous fertility goddess, and the interior similarly demonstrates a mix of Nahua beliefs with those from the Bible.

28annihilated “whole kingdoms”: Las Casas, Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies, 3.

29two hundred remained: Las Casas, Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies, 11, 12, 15.

29who devoured these lambs: Las Casas, Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies, 11.

29the king were savages: Las Casas, History of the Indies, cited in Alex Nava, Wonder and Exile in the New World (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013), 64–66.

29to snatch out your heart: Bernal Díaz del Castillo, The True History of the Conquest of Mexico, trans. M. Keatinge (London: J. Wright, 1800), 79; Hernán Cortés, Letters from Mexico, trans. A. Pagden (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001.

30extermination of whole peoples: Todorov, Conquest of America. Also see Benjamin Keen, The Aztec Image in Western Thought (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1971), 252–59; Stuurman, Invention of Humanity, 224.

30“acquires new sensitiveness”: E. M. Forster, Aspects of the Novel (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1927), 20.

31were not the Spanish: Benjamin Keen, “The Black Legend Revisited: Assumptions and Realities,” Hispanic American Historical Review 49, no. 4 (1969): 703–19; Lewis Hanke, “A Modest Proposal; for a Moratorium on Grand Generalizations: Some Thoughts on the Black Legend,” Hispanic American Historical Review 51, no. 11 (1971): 112–27. On Raleigh, see Jill Lepore, These Truths: A History of the United States (New York: W. W. Norton, 2019), 28.

32“not his own practice”: Michel de Montaigne, “Of Cannibals,” Selected Essays, trans. J. M. Cohen (New York: Penguin, 1958), 105–19.

32others or the state: This devout Calvinist did have a rather generous group of exceptions. Insane beliefs—initially, Locke included the views of Catholics, Jews, and, above all, atheists as mad—did not need to be accorded such acceptance. As we shall see, Locke was neither the first nor the last who proposed egalitarian ideals that he himself could not fully accept.

33nothing more or less than equal: Toleration for religious difference began to be proposed in the Republic of Letters and other enlightened circles. On this critical concept’s emergence and its relationship to naturalist models of personhood and the mind, see George Makari, Soul Machine: The Invention of the Modern Mind (New York: W. W. Norton, 2015). Of course, prior to becoming a philosophical and theological matter, it simply had been practiced in frontier societies like Andalusia.

33cultures did they differ: Voltaire, Essai sur les moeurs et l’esprit des nations (1756; Paris: Garnier Frères, 1990). Voltaire also relied on Spanish historians like Herrera and Garcilaro de Vega. Also Charles-Louis de Montesquieu, Esprit des loix (1748; Paris: Didot Frères, 1862).

33market and Raynal’s exile: Guillaume-Thomas Raynal, Histoire philosophique et politique des établissements et du commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes, 2 vols. (1780; Ferney-Voltaire: Centre international d’étude du XVIIIe siècle, 2018). On this book and its immense success, see Roger Mercier, “L’Amerique et les Américains dans ‘l’Histoire des deux Indes’ de l’abbé Raynal,” Outre-Mers, Revue d’histoire 65 (197): 309–24.

34“to save the other”: Raynal, Histoire philosophique et politique 2, 275–76. For the English, I have modified the translation found in Abbé Raynal, A Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies, trans. J. Justamond, vol. 3 (Edinburgh: Mundell and Son, 1804), 189.

35free of one’s biases: Raynal, A Philosophical and Political History, 307. The crimes of the Spanish crown were a “sacred fever” that now had broken, thanks in part to Las Casas and the enlightened emphasis on reason.

35from what was natural: On this shift, see Lepore’s excellent These Truths, xv.

35civil emancipation of Jews: Lepore, These Truths,84–99.

36cruel, sensual, and warm: Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, Chronicle of the Narváez Expedition, trans. F. Bandelier (1555; New York: Penguin, 2002).

37“of which we are ashamed”: Lepore, These Truths, 127.

Chapter 3: The First Xenophobes

39cases of “nervous hydrophobia”: For the classic definition of hydrophobia, see Antoine Furetière, Dictionnaire universel, contenant généralement tous les françois (Rotterdam: Arnout et Reinier Leers, 1640), 289. On nervous hydrophobia, see Philippe Pinel, Nosographie philosophique, ou la methode de l’analyse appliquée à la médicine (Paris: Crapelet Maradan, 1798), 70–71. This was picked up by others; see Shirley Palmer, ed., A Pentaglot Dictionary of the Terms Employed in Anatomy and Physiology (London: Longman, 1845), 463, and C. M. S. Sandras, ed., Traité pratique des maladies nerveuses, vol. 1 (Paris: G. Baillière, 1851), 299.

40a terror of everything: Carl Westphal, “Die Agorophobie,” Archiv für Psychiatrie und Nervenkrankheiten 3 (1872): 138–61. See also Felicity Callard, “ ‘The Sensation of Infinite Vastness,’ or the Emergence of Agoraphobia in the Late 19th Century,” Environment and Planning 24 (2006): 873–89. On Meschede and claustrophobia, see C. W. Suckling, “Agoraphobia and Allied Morbid Fears,” American Journal of Medical Sciences 99, no. 5 (May 1890): 476–78; Theodor Meynert, Klinische Vorlesungen über Psychiatrie (Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1890), 179–81.

40“dread of meeting strangers”: C. O. Sylvester Mawson, ed., Roget’s Thesaurus (New York: Thomas Crowell, 1911), 297; Thomas Stedman, A Practical Medical Dictionary, 4th rev. ed. (New York: William Wood, 1916), 1080; for years thereafter it could still be found in a few eccentric textbooks; William Sadler, Practice of Psychiatry (St. Louis: Mosby, 1953), 1146; W. H. Kayy, Dictionary of Psychiatry and Psychology (Paterson, NJ: Colt Press, 1963), 194.

40list of seventy-nine phobias: Richard Hutchings, A Psychiatric Word Book: A Lexicon of Terms (Utica, NY: The State’s Hospital Press, 1943), 247.

40only by the Greek dictionary: Philip Coombs Knapp, “The Nature of Neurasthenia and Its Relations to Morbid Fears and Imperative Ideas,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 135, no. 17 (October 22, 1896): 408. See the impressive list in Charles Féré, La pathologie des émotions (Paris: Félix Alcan, 1892), 407–13.

42said to be king: See, for example, Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

42“Anglophobiacs” or “Anglophobists”: Jules Garsou, L’Anglophobe (Paris: Librairie Fischbacher, 1900).

42succumbed to “Francophobes”: Unsigned, “L’Anglomanie,” Argus et Vert-Vert 18, no. 802 (February 25, 1866). “Anglophobie” entered the Dictionnaire de l’Académie française and thereby became an officially sanctioned word in 1866 (see page 499, where it is defined as a horror of the English). Eleven years later, it was included in Arsène Darmesteter, De la création actuelle de mots nouveaux dans la langue française (Paris: F. Vieweg, 1877), 244, where “phobie,” “Anglo-phobie,” and “Franco-préto-phobe” are listed. Also see Philippe Chassaigne, “L’Angleterre, énemie héréditaire?” Revue historique des armées 264 (2011): 3–10.

42an irrational “Anglophobia”: From Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, May 13, 1793, Founders Online, National Archives, last modified March 30, 2017.

42“if not Anglomania”: Unsigned, “Anglophobia,” Once a Week 2, no. 35 (August 29, 1868): 173. “Anglophobia,” Saturday Review 16, no. 407 (August 15, 1863): 201. Unsigned, “Pacification,” Littell’s Living Age 4, no. 40 (February 15, 1845): 409. For a brief flicker in ultranationalist circles, xenophobia was paraded as a virtue. In 1909, a French journal published a satirical dialogue between “Xénophile” and “Xénophobe,” in which the former whined about the ills of France and lauded German orderliness, while the latter valiantly defended la Patrie against such calumny. “Parallèle,” L’Eclipse: Revue comique illustrée 1410 (1909): 6.

43“Judeophobia” or “Hebrewphobia”: See, for example, “Francophobia Rampant,” Washington Post, July 10, 1887, 5, and “General Boulanger: The Bouncing Soldier Hero to be Voted for in Paris Sunday,” The Sun, January 1889, 5. Russophobia and Francophobia are at work in William Lee-Warner, “Our Work in India in the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of the Society of Arts 48, no. 2463 (1900): 215. For an excellent discussion of Leon Pinsker (1821–1891) and his assessment of Judeophobia, see Sander L. Gilman and James M. Thomas, Are Racists Crazy? How Prejudice, Racism, and Antisemitism Became Markers of Insanity (New York: New York University Press, 2016), 34–35.

43“life on a comma”: For a nuanced exposition of Renan’s relationship to race, see Jan Goldstein, “Toward an Empirical History of Moral Thinking: The Case of Racial Theory in Mid-Nineteenth Century France,” American Historical Review (February 2015): 1–27. The quotes are on pages 15 and 20.

44the first “anti-Semite”: Ernest Renan, Histoire générale et système comparé des langues sémitiques (Paris: Michel Lévy, 1863), 4. My translation. On this switch from Semitic as a language group to a race, see Goldstein, “Toward an Empirical History of Moral Thinking,” 17.

45a zealous nationalist: Renan was subject to many biographies after his death, but very few in the last half century. See Charles Chauvin, Renan: 1823–1892 (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 2000). On Renan’s philology and its influence, see Maurice Olender, The Languages of Paradise: Race, Religion, and Philology in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009).

45“and always unintelligent”: “London, Monday, April 12,” Daily News, Monday, April 12, 1880, 4. For his lectures, See Ernest Renan, Lectures on the Influence of the Institutions, Thought, and Culture of Rome, trans. Charles Beard (1880; London: William and Norgate, 1885).

45suffered from “xenophobia”: “The Growth of Freedom in the Balkan Peninsula,” Saturday Review, February 12, 1887, 237–38.

45always “xenophobe or demophobe”: This is one of the very few later usages of xenophobia as wild ultranationalism, for as we shall see, its meaning would be supplanted. However, the commentator was the sophisticated French diplomat and globalist Baron d’Estournelles de Constant, winner of the 1909 Nobel Peace Prize. See his “America’s Duty,” The Atlantic 116 (1915): 818.

46“hatred of the Impures”: Gaston Richard, “Sociologie et science politique,” Revue philosophique de la France et de l’étranger 53 (1902): 300–317.

47“a common effort”: Ernest Renan, “What is a Nation?” delivered before the Sorbonne, March 11, 1882, 7, www.cooper.edu/humanities. Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison, “Ernest Renan: penseur de l’imperialisme français et de la Republique colonial,” Droits 2, no. 67 (2018): 49–62.

47virtue into a vice: “Lettre de Roumaine,” Le Figaro, June 5, 1895, 4.

Chapter 4: The Boxer Uprising

50the French vocabulary: “En Chine,” Le Constitutionnel, July 17, 1900, 1; “À l’extérieur,” La Justice, July 20, 1900, 1; “En Chine,” L’Univers et Le Monde, August 26, 1900, 2; “En Chine,” Le Journal, August 31, 1900, 3; “La Chine aux Chinois,” La Presse, September 2, 1900, 2; “Les affaires de Chine,” Le Figaro, September 2, 1900, 1–2; “Les affaires de Chine,” Le Matin, October 5, 1900, 2. Also see “En Chine,” Le Constitutionnel, July 14, 1900, 2; “Les affaires de Chine,” Le Figaro, May 7, 1901, 2.

52“foreign to myself”: This famous quote had been translated in a number of ways. I have used Terence, The Hauton Timorumenos, or Self-Tormenter, trans. T. A. Blyth and T. Shrimpton (Oxford, 1880), 9. Walther Schücking (1875–1935), a German law professor and diplomat, concluded that nationalism was defunct; see his Das Nationalitätenproblem (Dresden: Zahn und Jaensch, 1908), and The International Union of the Hague Conferences, trans. Charles Fenwick (1912; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1918). On the demands of empire and the rule of law, see Lauren Benton and Lisa Ford, Rage for Order: The British Empire and the Origins of International Law, 1800–1850 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016); Jennifer Pitts, Boundaries of the International: Law and Empire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2018); and Krishan Kumar, Visions of Empire: How Five Imperial Regimes Shaped the World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017).

52opportunity for land grabs: J. M. Roberts, The Penguin History of Europe (London: Penguin, 1996), 419–49.

52“of human consciousness”: Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness and Selected Short Fiction (New York: Barnes & Noble Classics, 2008), xxxi.

53once impenetrable domains: See Daniel Hendrick, “The Tools of Imperialism: Technology and the Expansion of European Colonial Empires in the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Modern History 51 (1979): 231–63; Thomas Misa and Johan Schot, “Inventing Europe: Technology and the Hidden Integration of Europe,” History and Technology 21, no. 1 (2005): 1–19.

54into hearty applause: Ernest Renan, La réforme intellecuelle et morale (Paris: Michel Lévy, 1871), 92–93. Victor Hugo, “Discours sur l’Afrique du 18 Mai, 1879,” Actes et paroles: Depuis l’exil, 1876–1880 (Paris: J. Hetzel, n.d.), 115.

54Upper Nile—were newsworthy: See the excellent work of Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison, La République impériale; Politique et racisme d’état (Paris: Fayard, 2009), 35.

54unwelcoming to foreigners: “Un Missionnaire,” Aperçu historique sur la Chine (Rome: Imprimerie polyglotte de la S.C de la propagande, 1873), 428. The anonymous author is apparently Félix Gennevoix.

54“hermetically sealed” for centuries: Roger Turpaud, La juridiction des consuls français dans les échelles du Levant d’après les capitulations (Paris: A. Mellottée, 1902), 7.

54“long-nosed goblins”: Brett L. Walker, A Concise History of Japan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 88.

55its own borders: Lai Yong et al, “The Chinese Question from a Chinese Standpoint, Address to the San Francisco City Council” (1873). Retrieved from www.americainclass.org.

55Portugal grabbed Macao: For the literature on the Boxer Uprising, I am especially indebted to Paul A. Cohen, History in Three Keys: The Boxers as Event, Experience, and Myth (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). For the prehistory to this event, see Stephen Platt, Imperial Twilight: The Opium War and the End of China’s Last Golden Age (New York: Vintage, 2018).

56“destroy the foreigners”: Their name in Chinese is “Fu-Qing mieyang.” Cohen translated this as “Fist-fighters for Justice and Unity.” This is also rendered as “Boxers United in Righteousness.”

57was not Chinese: This term spread into provincial newspapers; see “La guerre en Chine,” L’Ouest-Éclair, August 7, 1900, 2. It also immediately spread into policy and academic circles. See, for example, Bulletin de la Societé de géographie de l’Est 21 (1900): 657; Marcel Dubois, “Des meilleures méthodes et des moyens pratiques d’enseignement de la géographie économique,” Bulletin de la Société de géographie de Toulouse (1900): 555; Bulletin mensuel de la Société politique nationale (1900/1901): 186; “Le problème des missions,” Revue pratique d’apologétique 7 (1908): 866–75.

58“relationship,” in China: On the use of the term Fremdenfeindschaft and the Boxers in China, see Alexander Tille, Aus Englands Fiegeljahren (Dresden and Leipzig: Carl Reigner, 1901), 11. On China and Japan’s Fremdenfeindschaft, see Max Brandt, Ostasiatique Fragen: China, Japan, Korea, Altes und Neues (1897; Sydney: Wentworth Press, 2018), 211; Karl Rathgen, Japans Volkswirtschaft und Staatshaushalt 10, no. 4 (1891): 132. Later on, with the ascent of xenophobia, by the 1920s some Germans offered both terms together as “Xenophobie (Fremdenfeindschaft)”; see both Robert Michels, Der Patriotismus: Prolegomena zu seiner soziologischen Analyse (Munich: Duncker and Humblot, 1929), 120, 123, and Theodor Brugsch, Die Biologie der Person: Soziologie der Person (Berlin: Urban and Schwarzenberg, 1929), 489.

59“in some dictionaries!”: Jean de Saintours, “Letter to the Editor,” The Globe, June 4, 1915, 8. The entry of “le mouvement xénophobe” into an encyclopedia happened quickly. See La grande encyclopédie, ed. M. Berthelot et al., vol. 29 (Paris: Sociéte anonyme de la grande encyclopédie, 1902), 1138.

59consul to the United States: M. de Saint-Allais et al., Nobiliaire universel de France (Paris: Librairie ancienne et moderne, 1876), 220.

59in 137 countries: Jean P. A. Martin, “Nécessité d’une écriture pour les colonies francaises,” Bulletin de la Société de géographie de Lyon (1884): 13–26. Martin is listed as “Député-Consul des Etats-Unis.”

59secondary school teachers: In 1846, the College of Preceptors was established in London for training and testing the qualifications of teachers. Martin de Saintours joined this teaching society as a life member in 1887. In their archives, he can be found in their calendars from 1906 to 1933. College of Preceptors in London Archives, Ref COP b/1/50.

60to news outlets: Martin’s interventions in the stenography debates were extensive; see, for example, J. P. A. Martin, Le graphique de la parole (Pontoise: Amédée Paris, 1884) and “Nouvel alphabet phonétique,” L’instituteur sténographe, 1889, 24. He placed extensive ads for his services, which allow us to track his location. On June 15, 1892, in Le Temps, he advertised his capacity to use telephonic connections for reporters between France and England. Le Matin, for his stenographic and editing skills from August 10, 1900, places him on 32 Rue du Rocher in Paris. A review of two of Martin’s books on stenography listed him as “chef du service sténographique de l’agence Reuters.” L’Impartial, June 11, 1905, 12.

61British “red-tapeism”: Jean P. A. Martin, “The Telephone Between England and France; à Monsieur le Rédacteur en Chef du Times,” The Times, August 31, 1891, 5.

61“yutiliti, poest and pient”: Jean P. A. Martin, “Simplified Spelling; à Monsieur le Rédacteur en Chef,” Saturday Review, February 17, 1912, 209–10.

Chapter 5: Colonial Panic

62hatred for foreigners: “Francophobia Rampant,” Washington Post, July 10, 1887, 5.

62Chinese were left devastated: In China, however, their memory lingered. For Chinese officials and reformers, the rebellion was initially a terrible embarrassment. Driven by rabble, it was a symptom of the decay that magical, religious thinking had wreaked on the nation. For years thereafter, mandarins might castigate anti-foreigner sympathies by invoking the Boxers. However, after 1919, the symbolism of this revolt transformed under the influence of the growing Chinese Communist Party; new voices lauded the Boxers as heroic nationalists who resisted the hegemony of the West; see Cohen, History in Three Keys. For colonial powers, the Boxer Uprising also would not be forgotten. In 1912, when a British boat was attacked near the Yang-tze River, telegrams to the House of Commons reported that, despite this act, there were no signs of “xenophobe” feeling in the populace; “Telegram from Yuan Shih-kai to Canton Tu-tu, March 30, 1912,” Parliamentary Papers, 1909–1982 (Great Britain: House of Commons), vol. 1010, 18–19. When Chao-Hsin Chu wrote an appeal to the League of Nations for a revision of unfair treaties imposed on the Chinese, he felt the need to insist that his countrymen were not by nature xenophobic; see his Revision of Unequal Treaties: China Appeals to the League of Nations (London: Caledonian Press, 1926).

63deep into the wild: Through superior self-restraint, reason, and wit, the heroes survived to tell their astonishing tale. The scenes were gaudy, fabulous concoctions that did not at all correspond to H. Rider Haggard’s dreary days in the colonies of South Africa. Nonetheless, this writer, who later would be knighted for his efforts, buoyed his reader’s belief in the righteousness of the British cause, while he depicted lower forms of humanity—Jews, Arabs, and Africans—as much in need of uplifting. See, for example, H. Rider Haggard, King Solomon’s Mines (1885; New York: Barnes & Noble Classics, 2004).

64“chafing against restraint”: Cited in Piers Brendon, The Decline and Fall of the British Empire: 1781–1997 (New York: Knopf, 2008), 241.

64“sudden, alien, nor unexpected”: Rudyard Kipling, Plain Tales from the Hills (1890; New York: Penguin, 1990), 91, 162. The stories quoted from are “His Chance in Life” and “Beyond the Pale.”

64one such Black trouble: Kipling never ceased being the voice of jingoistic imperialism and what he infamously called the “White Man’s Burden.” In “How the First Letter Was Written,” he also constructed a fable in which illiterate primitives rectified their hostile misperceptions of a kindly “Stranger-man,” by inventing written language. Rudyard Kipling, Just So Stories (1902; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 91–108.

64“eat him and are entertained”: H. Rider Haggard, She: A History of Adventure (1886; London: Penguin, 2004), 111.

65wanted to believe: Guy de Maupassant, Bel-Ami, trans. Douglas Parmée (1885; New York: Penguin, 1975).

66“almost necessarily hostile”: John Lubbock, On the Origin of Civilization and the Primitive Condition of Man (London: Longmans, 1870), 129.

67in their racial makeup: Roger Turpaud, La juridiction des consuls français dans les échelles du Levant d’après les capitulations (Paris: A. Mellottée, 1902), 177, 185.

67“xenophobia of the Moors”: “Anarchy in Morocco,” London Evening Standard, August 27, 1907, 4. This accusation of xenophobia in Morocco was repeated in the same paper on February 19, May 2, August 25, and August 27 of 1908. On the supposedly “ingrained xenophobia of Musselmen,” also see “The Foreign Office Bag,” The Graphic, February 26, 1910; “Notes of the Day,” Pall Mall Gazette, June 17, 1913; as well as the language used in debates on the uprising in Fez within Parliament. See Louis Jacob, ed., Archives diplomatiques, 51 année, 3rd series (Paris: Librairie Ancienne H. Champion, 1911), 112, 127.

67explained away revolts: On the Japanese, see “Après La paix,” L’intransigeant, September 18, 1905.

67would colonize, the Ethiopians: Italian newspapers explicitly and immediately picked up Chinese “xenophobia” from London telegram services. See “L’avazata su Pechino: Nuovo Scopio di Xenofobia,” La Stampa, August 5, 1900, n.p. Following Italian usage in this newspaper, we see it repeated in reference to China: “Un accesso di xenofobia in Cina?” La Stampa, September 15, 1906, 4; “La xenofobia dei cinesi,” La Stampa, August 10, 1906; and “La xenofobia dei cinesi,” La Stampa, June 29, 1909. They then expanded usage to “la xenofobia” in Ethiopia: “Lugh e il problema etiopico,” La Stampa, January 17, 1908; Vittorio Vettori, “Come difendere gli euopei ad Addis Abeba, nel caso di un moto di xonofobia,” La Stampa, February 6, 1909, 1. The same term was then applied to Morocco and Muslims, with their “irreducible xenophobia”; see “L’ambasciatore italiano a Constantinopoli,” La Stampa, September 7, 1910, 1; also “Le interpellanze sul Marocco,” La Stampa, November 13, 1907, 2. From there the term found its way into scholarly literature and colonial discourse. See, for example, “Ció che si Deve Fare,” Minerva, July 7, 1907, 731; and Rivista Coloniale, anno II, vol. 4, December 1907, 472, on the intransigent and xenophobic Orient.

67Morocco with the same term: Spanish newspapers picked up this term from telegram services with regard to the Chinese by 1901. See “Chinos y Europeos,” Heraldo de Madrid, February 9, 1901, 1. Reports from London and elsewhere continued to report on Chinese xenophobia, which then entered academic discourse; see R. P. Graciano Martinez, “La Xenofobia en China,” España y América, January 5, 1906, no. 9, 31–35. Spanish papers then focused on xenophobia close by in Morocco. See “La Conferencia internacional,” El Correro Español, August 8, 1905, n.p.; “La Conferencia,” El Siglo Futuro, August 8, 1905, 1; “Ocupation de Ujda,” El Imparcial, March 27, 1907; “Francia en Marruecos,” El Siglo Futuro, November 13, 1907.

67India, and Mexico: London “telegram” reports” of “xenophobia” in Morocco are reported in the Rio de Janeiro paper Jornal do Commercio, see May 3, 1903, 1, March 26, 1907, and May 7, 1903, 1, in which the article speaks of a “xenophobic delirium.” On Chinese xenophobia, see February 21, 1906, 1. In India, see The Leader, July 20, 1912. In Mexico, see “The Egyptian Situation,” Mexican Herald, July 8, 1906, 1. On “Oriental xenophobia” as viewed from Argentina, see P. Groussac, ed., Anales de la Biblioteca, vol. 4 (Buenos Aires: Coni Hermanos, 1905), 358. From Roumania, see Constantin Almanestianu, ed., Agricultura si Industria Română în faţa modificărilor tarifare de la 1903 (Bucurescu: Minerva, 1903), 31.

67inhabitants of Tangiers?: “Turkey Determined,” The Leader, Allahabad, India, July 20, 1912.

68“fanaticism and xenophobia”: “The Egyptian Situation,” Mexican Herald, July 8, 1906, 1. See also Jerry Knudson, “The Mexican Herald: Outpost of Empire, 1895–1915,” Gazette 63, no. 5 (2001): 387–98.

68the spirit of hostility: “La situation économique de la Chine,” October 10, 1900, Bulletin mensuel, Société d’économie politique nationale, Compte rendu des travaux de l’année 1900, 1900, 185–88, 203. This group discussion was chaired by the president, M. Cauwès; a paper was given on the subject by the specialist on the Orient, René Pinon.

69“a Moorish territory”: “Anarchy in Morocco,” London Evening Standard, August 27, 1907, 4.

69Not a chance: Eugene Lyle, “The American Influence in Mexico,” Current Literature 25, no. 4 (1903): 418.

69by Emiliano Zapata: “The Mexican Autocrat,” The Nation, December 3, 1910, 396. This is Britain’s The Nation, which commenced publication in 1907 and later merged with The Athenaeum.

69“xenophobic delirium”: “Telegrammas,” Jornal do Commercio, May 7, 1903.

69“to welcome or assimilate”: M. A. Berl, “Modern Greece: Her Role in Eastern Europe,” Hellenic Herald, August-September, 1907, 149. This lecture was delivered before the French Philhellenic League.

69thousands of Moroccans?: “The French in Morocco,” New York Times, August 22, 1907, 6.

70be toward strangers: S. M. Zwemer, review of “Villes et Tribus du Maroc,” Moslem World 12 (1922): 428.

70with an army: See Stuurman, Invention of Humanity, 213.

Chapter 6: Commence the Unraveling

71echoing Saint Paul: Derk Bodde and Galia Speshneff Bodde, Tolstoy and China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950), 16.

72a lunatic asylum?: Bodde and Bodde, Tolstoy and China, 36, 46. Dated August 8, 1900.

72“as well as spiritually”: Bodde and Bodde, Tolstoy and China, 45–46. Also Leo Tolstoy, A Letter to a Hindu (Musaicum Books, 2017).

72in their own blood: Mark Twain, “To the Person Sitting in Darkness,” North American Review 172, no. 531 (1901): 161–76. For quotes, see pages 164–66.

73a “homo duplex”: From the vast literature on Joseph Conrad, see especially the multiple readings of Conrad by Edward Said, especially in Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage, 1991). For a historicist account of globalization and Conrad, see Maya Jasanoff, The Dawn Watch: Joseph Conrad in a Global World (New York: Penguin, 2017). Conrad used this expression about himself in a 1903 letter; Joseph Conrad, Collected Letters, vol. 3, 1903–1907, eds. F. Karl and L. Davies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 89. The introduction by Laurence Davies develops the resonances of this term; see pages xxiii–xxxii.

73her husband to die: Joseph Conrad, “Amy Foster,” in Heart of Darkness and Selected Short Fiction, ed. E. Michael Matin (New York: Barnes & Noble Classics, 2003), 125–52.

74“bow down before”: Conrad, Heart of Darkness and Selected Short Fiction, 41. Initially entitled “The Heart of Darkness,” the first installment of Conrad’s tale appeared in 1899 in the February “Special Double Issue” of Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 145 (February 1899): 193–220. Other stories in that issue included “A Daughter of the Muhammadans,” “Jamaica: An Impression,” and “A Letter from Salamanca.” The next two installments appeared in the issues of March, 479–502, and April, 634–57. Retitled Heart of Darkness, it was published in book form in 1902.

75“purely protective”: Conrad, Heart of Darkness and Selected Short Fiction, 84.

76“ ‘Mistah Kurtz—he dead’”: Conrad, Heart of Darkness and Selected Short Fiction, 116. See the groundbreaking essay by Chinua Achebe, “An Image of Africa: Racism in Conrad’s Heart of Darkness,” Massachusetts Review 57, no. 1 (1975): 14–27. On the ensuing debate over whether Conrad’s book was racist, a depiction of racism, or both, see C. P. Sarvan, “Racism and the Heart of Darkness,” International Fiction Review 7, no. 1 (1980): 6–10, and the compilation of essays in Harold Bloom, ed., Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness (New York: Infobase Pub, 2008).

77“I said—‘utterly lost’”: Conrad, Heart of Darkness and Selected Short Fiction, 41, 111.

77old acquaintance’s help: For an omnibus review of works on the life of Roger Casement, see Colm Tóibín, “The Tragedy of Roger Casement,” New York Review of Books, May 27, 2004. https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2004/05/27/the-tragedy-of-roger-casement/.

78in Leopold’s Congo Free State: The classic biography of Roger Casement is Brian Inglis, Roger Casement (London: Penguin, 2002). Also see H. S. Zins, “Joseph Conrad and the British Critics of Colonialism,” Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies 12, no. 1–2 (1998): 58–68.

78disturbing allegations: On the broader history of such dissent, see Priyamvada Gopal, Insurgent Empire: Anti-colonial Resistance and British Dissent (London: Verso, 2019).

78“white race has made”: On Conrad, Casement, and Morel, see Jeffrey Meyers, “Conrad and Roger Casement,” Conradiana 5, no. 3 (1973): 65; Anthony Bradley, “Hearts of Darkness: Conrad, Casement and the Congo,” Ariel 34, no. 2–3 (2003): 197–214; Andrea White, “Conrad and Imperialism,” in J. H. Stape, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Joseph Conrad (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 179–92.

79“a wretched novelist”: Bradley, “Hearts of Darkness: Conrad, Casement, and the Congo,” 201.

80“his memorable story”: Cited in Zins, “Joseph Conrad and the British Critics of Colonialism,” 61.

80massacred our “black brothers”: Edmund D. Morel, The Congo Slave State: A Protest Against the New African Slavery (Liverpool: John Richardson, 1903). Also see W. Roger Louis and Jean Stengers, eds., E. D. Morel’s History of the Congo Reform Movement (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968), and J. S. Cookey, Britain and the Congo Question, 1885–1913 (London: Longmans, 1968).

80the African Holocaust: See Adam Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa (Boston: Mariner Books, 1998). The death estimate is his.

81“material regeneration”: This 1885 statement was widely reported later on by Leopold’s critics. See “The Congo Matter,” The Advance, March 15, 1906.

81knighthood, and executed: On his trip to the Americas, see Michael Taussig, “Culture of Terror—Space of Death. Roger Casement’s Putamayo Report and the Explanation of Torture,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 26, no. 3 (1984):467–97.

82good, kind, and beloved: Brendon, Decline and Fall of the British Empire, 211–16.

82to stream forth: Brendon, Decline and Fall of the British Empire, see especially xix, 100, 154. On the East India Company, see William Dalrymple, The Anarchy: The East India Company, Corporate Violence, and the Pillage of an Empire (New York: Bloomsbury, 2019).

83on the Boer War: See John Allett, New Liberalism, the Political Economy of J. A. Hobson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981).

83like Cecil Rhodes: J. A. Hobson, The Psychology of Jingoism (London: Grant Richards, 1901), 33, 40.

83for new markets abroad: J. A. Hobson, Imperialism: A Study (New York: J. Pott & Company, 1902), 19. Others disputed Hobson’s analysis, giving more weight to factors like the search for cheap labor and natural resources, but his view would be adopted by Vladimir Lenin, Rosa Luxembourg, and others. See Eric Stokes, “Late Nineteenth-Century Colonial Expansion and the Attack on the Theory of Economic Imperialism: A Case of Mistaken Identity?” Historical Journal 12, no. 2 (1969): 285–301.

83other human beings: Hobson leaned on statistics to prove how imperial domination served industrialists; see his Imperialism: A Study, 17, 23.

84roll their eyes?: Hobson, Imperialism: A Study, 169.

84“leaves nothing to be desired”: Hobson, Psychology of Jingoism, 55.

84“gravest peril of Imperialism”: Hobson, Imperialism: A Study, 207–28. For the notion of “masked words,” Hobson credits John Ruskin, Sesame and Lilies (London: George Allen, 1894).

84“they mean oppression”: L. T. Hobhouse, Liberalism (1911; New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), 27. On Hobhouse and the New Liberals, I am indebted to Jack Makari’s “New Liberalism and the Organic Society: Reconciling Liberalism and Community in Turn of the Century Britain,” BA thesis, Brown University, 2019.

84strategies of extermination: Brendon, Decline and Fall of the British Empire, 227–30.

85divide on this issue: While some British Liberal Unionists, the French Colonial Party, and the German Conservative Party still showed an appetite for foreign adventures, an array of liberals and socialists, as well as some religious figures, emerged to challenge these policies.

85morally unbearable: Hobson, Imperialism: A Study, 222, 223.

85“the Christian invaders”: Alexandre Ular, A Russo-Chinese Empire (1903; Westminster: Archibald Constable, 1904), 83.

85“xenophobic Imperialism”: Morton Aldis, “Women’s Franchise in New Zealand,” The Nation, May 11, 1912, 214.

Chapter 7: Immigrant Boomerang

88to alter us?: See Rita Chin, The Crisis of Multiculturalism in Europe: A History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017); Eric Hobsbawn, The Age of Empire (New York: Vintage, 1987), 27. On the notion of colonized immigrants, see Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison, “Colonisés-Immigrés et ‘Périls Migratoires’: Origines et permanence du racisme et d’une xénophobie d’etat (1924–2007),” Cultures & Conflits (2008): 19–32.

88by Westerners at home: Numerous examples can be found in The Athenaeum, The New Statesman, and other papers. In The Nation, see “Events of the Week,” October 23, 1915, 134, and “The Challenge to the League,” November 1, 1919, 138.

88Zion, encouraged vigilante violence: On the attempts of Imperial Russia to include the “foreign nation” of Jews as one of their nationalities, see Eugene Avrutin, Jews and the Imperial State (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010).

89he warned, had been invaded: William Eden Evans-Gordon, The Alien Immigrant (London: Heineman 1903), 10, 13. On the political usages of the “Social” or “Jewish” or “Woman” question, see Holly Case, The Age of Questions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018).

89population were minuscule: Sir Alfred Zimmern, “The Aliens Act: A Challenge,” Economic Review 21, no. 2 (1911): 187–97. Also see M. J. Landa, “Alien Transmigrants,” Economic Review 16, no. 63 (1906): 353–64. Also see Paul Rich, “Reinventing Peace: David Davies, Alfred Zimmern, and the Liberal Internationalism in Interwar Britain,” International Relations 16, no. 1 (2002): 117–33.

90for mistreated Chinese workers: Joseph Finn, A Voice from the Aliens, About the Anti-Alien Resolution of the Cardiff Trade Union Congress (London: Twentieth Century Press, 1895), 1.

90England came at a price: David Glover, Literature, Immigration, and Diaspora in Fin-de-Siècle England: A Cultural History of the 1905 Aliens Act (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); Bernard Gainer, The Alien Invasion: The Origins of the Aliens Act of 1905 (London: Heinemann, 1972).

90in The Secret Agent: While some anarchists like Prince Kropotkin advocated mutuality and cooperation, others believed the “propaganda of the deed”—violence—alone could shake off the oppressive state. In an event fictionalized in Joseph Conrad’s book, anarchists tried to dynamite the Greenwich Royal Observatory in 1894, attempting to destroy, symbolically at least, Western time itself. See Joseph Conrad, The Secret Agent (1907; New York: Doubleday, 1953). Prince Kropotkin lived in England from 1886 until 1917, where he wrote his Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution (London: Heinemann, 1902). Here this naturalist rejected the Hobbesian and Social Darwinian notions that competition and conflict were at the core of the human communities, and proposed instead that mutuality was the rule, not the exception.

91being openly anti-Semitic: Glover, Literature, Immigration, and Diaspora in Fin-de-Siècle England, 119.

91twenty were gravely injured: On these events, see Georges Liens, “Les ‘Vêpres marseillaises’ (Juin 1881) ou la crise franco-italienne au lendemain du traité du Bardo,” Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 14, no. 1 (1967): 1–30; Gérard Noirel, Immigration, antisémitisme et racism en France (Paris: Fayard, 2007). Noirel claims immigration became a “problem” only after these events; see his “Histoire populaire de la France,” Le monde diplomatique, August 2018, 14–15.

91register with the police: L. Dornel, La France hostile: socio-histoire de la xénophobie (Paris: Hachette, 2004); of numerous works by this author, see Pierre-Louis Buzzi, “Affrontments xénophobes et identités: les ‘chasses à l’Italien’ en Lorraine,” Histoire@Politique 32 (2017): 1–13. Also Cécile Mondonico-Torri, “Aux origines du Code de la nationalité en France,” Le Mouvement Social 171 (1995): 31–46.

91Renan’s writings on Semitic peoples: Gilman and Thomas, Are Racists Crazy? 31. According to these authors, this claim was made in 1860 by the Austrian Jewish scholar Moritz Steinschneider, who referred to “anti-semitic” prejudice.

92the “Dreyfusards” had been mobilized: Emile Zola, “J’Accuse …!,” L’Aurore, January 13, 1898, 1.

93over the French government: On Georges Clemenceau, see Gregor Dallas, At the Heart of a Tiger: Georges Clemenceau and His World, 1841–1929 (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1993).

93through jaundiced eyes: Francois-Jules Harmand, Domination et colonization (1910; Paris: Flammarion, 1919), 155.

93anti-Semitic travesty of justice: Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Schocken, 1951), 239. This was also the view of the French-Martinique poet Aimé Césaire. “First,” he wrote, “we must study how colonialism works to decivilize the colonizer, to brutalize him … each time a head is cut off or an eye put out … a gangrene sets in, a center of infection begins to spread. … And then one fine day, the bourgeoisie is awakened by a terrible reverse shock; the gestapos are busy, the prisons fill up, the torturers around the rack invent, refine, discuss.” Aimé Césaire, Discourse on Colonialism, trans. Joan Pinkham (1955; New York: Monthly Review Press, 1972).

93Integration was suicidal: Léopold de Saussure, Psychologie de la colonisation française: dans ses rapports avec les sociétés indigènes (Paris: F. Alcan, 1899).

94same rights as Frenchmen: Harmand, Domination et colonization, 11, 18, 55. On Harmand, see Oliver Le Cour Grandmaison, La république impériale (Paris: Fayard, 2009), 84–115. Also see his Coloniser, exterminer: sur la guerre et l’état colonial (Paris: Fayard, 2005).

94were simply “xenophobic”: A. Jeancourt-Galignani, L’immigration en droit international (Paris: A. Rousseau, 1908).

94easily found in Paris: Richard, “Sociologie et science politique,” 300–317.

94of the global proletariat: On the debates in France, see Nicolas Delalande, La lutte et l’entraide: L’âge des solidaritiés ouvrières (Paris: Seuil, 2019), and Dornel, La France hostile. Also see Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 116, 154.

9434 percent Slavic: See Geoffrey Wawro, Sons of Freedom: The Forgotten Soldiers Who Defeated Germany in World War I (New York: Hachette, 2018), 20. Also see Erika Lee, America for Americans: A History of Xenophobia in the United States (New York: Basic Books, 2019).

95for six decades: See Reverend O. Gibson, The Chinese in America (Cincinnati: Hitchcock and Walder, 1877). On American immigration, see Daniel Okrent, The Guarded Gate (New York: Scribner, 2019). Also see Richard Mayo-Smith, Emigration and Immigration: A Study in Social Science (New York: Scribner, 1895),248–49, 255–58.

96abolished and equity prevailed: This early discourse on phobias, some say, was inspired by a prescient if whimsical letter to an editor, written by the prominent physician Benjamin Rush, who in 1786 proposed a series of phobias; see “To the Editor,” The Columbian Magazine, November 1786. While not taken up in the medical literature, some suggest that abolitionists took inspiration from Rush. On “Colorphobia,” “Blackphobia,” and “Negrophobia,” see, for example, Frederick Douglass, “The Black-phobia in Rochester,” The North Star, October 3, 1850, 2, and his “Colorphobia in New York!,” The North Star, May 25, 1849, 2. Also see April Gemeinhardt, “ ‘The Most Poisonous of All Diseases of Mind or Body’: Colorphobia and the Politics of Reform,” MA thesis, University of Montana, 2016.

96to China and Italy: On the history of lynching in America, see Christopher Waldrep, ed., Lynching in America: A History in Documents (New York: New York University Press, 2006). Also Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: A History of Lynching in America (Lanham, MD: Ivan Dee, 2011).

96by 10,000 people: On the early history of the Council, see Cyrus Field Adams, ed., The National Afro-American Council Organized 1898: A History of the Organization (Washington, DC: Cyrus Field Adam, 1902). On the protests against lynching, see Ida B. Wells-Barnett, “Lynch Law in America,” lecture dated 1900, retrieved from www.blackpast.org/1900-ida-b-wells-lynch-law-america. Also see her On Lynchings (Mineola, NY: Dover, 2014), which collects three pamphlets from 1892 to 1900. On the birth of the NAACP, see Charles Kellogg, NAACP: A History of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Vol. 1, 1909–1920 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1967).

97“and complex issues?”: Josiah Royce, Race Questions, Provincialism, and Other American Problems (New York: Macmillan, 1908), 25.

97such as his own: A. Jeancourt-Galignani, L’immigration en droit international (Paris: Rousseau, 1908), 14.

97at the present hour: “Xenophobia,” New York Times, January 9, 1923, 22.

Chapter 8: The Road to Genocide

100the biologically cursed: See Adam Cohen, Imbeciles: The Supreme Court, American Eugenics, and the Sterilization of Carrie Buck (New York: Penguin, 2017). On the history of eugenics, see the classic work of Daniel Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).

100of the fine-skulled: See Jennifer M. Hecht, “Vacher de Lapouge and the Rise of Nazi Science,” Journal of the History of Ideas 61, no. 2 (2000): 285–304. Vacher de Lapouge was placed at the beginnings of German racism by Magnus Hirschfeld in his 1938 book Racism (Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1973), 35–39.

101founding African outposts: Peters ruled colonies of Chaga people with such savagery that even the half-blind could not but notice. After he murdered his African concubine and her lover, he returned home first to honors and accolades. Outed by Socialists in 1896, the doctor was ultimately dishonorably discharged; see David Olusgoa and Casper Erichsen, The Kaiser’s Holocaust (London: Faber and Faber, 2011).

101its inevitable path: Jürgen Zimmerer, “Annihilation in Africa: The ‘Race War’ in German Southwest Africa (1904–1908) and Its Significance for a Global History of Genocide,” GHI Bulletin 37 (2005): 51–57. B. Madley, “From Africa to Auschwitz: How German South West Africa Incubated Ideas and Methods Adopted and Developed by the Nazis in Eastern Europe,” European History Quarterly 35, no. 3 (2005): 429–64.

101in French, “le racisme”: As early as 1884, a French-English dictionary translated “racisme” as “to ostracize”; see A Practical Dictionary of the French and English Language (London: Longmans, Green, 1884), 303. Originally, that term was a description of pride in one’s exalted heritage, but by 1900, skeptics writing in French, English, and German began to proclaim it a dubious and dangerous prejudice. For a general history, see George Fredrickson, Racism: A Short History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002). On the origins of racism, one eminent historian considers the earliest use to date to be Albert Myabon in 1902; see Jan Goldstein, “Toward an Empirical History of Moral Thinking: The Case of Racial Theory in Mid-Nineteenth-Century France,” American Historical Review 120, no. 1 (2015): 1–27. Also see Franz Samuelson, “From ‘Race Psychology’ to ‘Studies in Prejudice’: Some Observations on the Thematic Reversal in Social Psychology,” Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 14 (1978): 265–78.

102“religion of duty”: Felix Adler, “Atheism: A Lecture,” given on Sunday, April 6, 1879, at the Society for Ethical Culture (New York: Cooperative Printers, 1879). Felix Adler, Creed and Deed (New York: Putnam, 1877); Felix Adler, The Religion of Duty (New York: McClure Phillips, 1915).

103and global conflict: On this being the brainchild of Adler, see Ulysses Weatherly, “The First Universal Races Congress,” American Journal of Sociology 17, no. 3 (November 1911): 315.

103Adler’s congress dwarfed that: “Nationalities and Subject Races, Report on Conference Held in Caxton Hall,” Westminster, June 28–30, 1910 (London: P.S. King, 1910). Lecturers included E. B. Morel on slavery and indentured labor in Mexico, Peru, and Africa. For the claim on the unique nature of the congress, see A. C. Haddon, “The First Universal Races Congress,” Science 34, no. 871 (September 1911): 304.

103“women with short hair”: Gustav Spiller, ed., Papers on Inter-Racial Problems, Communicated to the First Universal Races Congress, Held at the University of London, July 26–29, 1911 (London: P.S. King, 1911), v–vi. Also see Weatherly, “The First Universal Races Congress,” 315–28; his comment about the long and short hairs is on page 327. On the instability of race as a category, see Haddon, “The First Universal Races Congress,” 304–6.

104“and a heartier co-operation”: Spiller, ed., Papers on Inter-Racial Problems, v.

104questions in the negative: On the questionnaire, see Weatherly, “The First Universal Races Congress,” 316.

104dissolved into racism: On this shift, see George Stocking, Race, Color and Evolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982); Elazar Barkan, The Retreat of Scientific Racism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Nell Painter, The History of White People (New York: W. W. Norton, 2011).

104home with a new passion: Franz Boas, Franz Boas Among the Inuit of Baffin Island, 1883–1884, Journals and Letters, ed. L. Muller-Wille, trans. William Barr (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), 63. Letter dated August 10, 1883. On Boas, see Rosemary Zumwalt, Franz Boas: The Emergence of the Anthropologist (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2019), as well as the excellent omnibus essay by Kwame Anthony Appiah, “The Defender of Differences,” New York Review of Books, posted online May 28, 2020.

106answer in his presentation: Franz Boas Papers, Correspondence with Felix Adler, American Philosophical Society Library Archives. Mss.B.B61. See letters dated March 30, 1899, April 28, 1899, March 23, 1904, and October 5, 1914. On Boas’s relation to the Society for Ethical Culture, see Morris Opler, “Franz Boas: Religion and Theory,” American Anthropologist 69, no. 6 (December 1967): 741–44.

106then that was all wrong: Franz Boas, “Instability of Human Types,” in Spiller, ed., Papers on Inter-Racial Problems, 99–103. Also see Haddon, “The First Universal Races Congress,” 304–6. On Boas, see Lee Baker, From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896–1954 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998; also Painter, History of White People,228–44.

106as all bias and egoism: Royce, Race Questions, Provincialism, and Other American Problems, 53.

106their respective cultures: Gustav Spiller, “The Problem of Race Equality,” in Spiller. ed., Papers on Inter-Racial Problems, 104.

106“as fictions of our brains”: Jean Finot, The Death-Agony of the “Science” of Race, trans. C. A. Grande (1905; London: Stead, 1911). Finot’s critique was considered by one historian to be the most “decisive” attack on the theory of race; see Théophile Simar, Étude critique sur la formation de la doctrine des races (Brussels: Lamertin, 1922), 3. He also credited two later works, John Oakesmith’s 1919 Race and Nationality and F. Hertz’s 1915 Rasse und Kultur. Also see Helen Tilley, “Racial Science, Geopolitics, and Empires: Paradoxes of Power,” Isis 105 (2014): 773–81; Robert Holton, “Cosmopolitanism or Cosmopolitanisms? The Universal Races Congress of 1911,” Peace Research Abstracts 40 (2003): 5; Jennifer Hecht, “The Solvency of Metaphysics: The Debate over Racial Science and Moral Philosophy in France, 1890–1919,” Isis 90 (1999): 1–24.

107to reject false hierarchies: W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Negro Race in the United States of America,” in Spiller, ed., Papers on Inter-Racial Problems, 348–64. Also see Michael Biddiss, “The Universal Races Congress of 1911,” Race 13, no.1 (1971): 348–64; and Anthony Appiah, “The Uncompleted Arguments: Du Bois and the Illusion of Race,” Critical Inquiry 12, no. 1 (1985): 21–37.

107was nothing to dread: Felix Luschan, “Anthropological View of Race,” in Spiller, ed., Papers on Inter-Racial Problems, 23.

107race was “chimerical”: Haddon, “The First Universal Races Congress,” 304–6.

108colonial rivalries in Africa: W. E. B. Du Bois, “The African Roots of War,” Atlantic Monthly, May 1915.

108“strangers who had immigrated”: Massimo Livi-Bacci, A Short History of Migration, trans. Carl Ipsen (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2012), 72.

108colonized and stateless peoples: Woodrow Wilson, “Fourteen Points Speech to Congress,” delivered on January 8, 1918, accessed on https://www.britannica.com/event/Fourteen-Points. On Wilson and the anti-Colonial movement, see Erez Manela, The Wilsonian Moment: Self-Determination and the International Origins of Anticolonial Nationalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007).

109meager resources ran out: “League of Nations Notes,” Bulletin of International News 5, no. 1 (July 7, 1928): 24–26; Carole Fink, “The League of Nations and the Minorities Question,” World Affairs 157, no. 4 (1995): 197–205; On the Nansen passport, see Louise Holborn, “The League of Nations and the Refugee Problem,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 203 (1939): 124–35.

109proposition was adopted: On the League of Nations, see Ruth Henig, The Peace That Never Was: A History of the League of Nations (London: Haus Publishing, 2019). On the interwar problem of immigrants, see Claudena Skran, Refugees in Inter-War Europe: The Emergence of a Regime (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2011). Also see Imre Ferenczi, “International Migration Statistics,” in International Migrations, Volume 1: Statistics, ed. Walter Willcox (Cambridge: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1929), 47–76, and his “Les étrangers dans le monde d’aujourd’hui,” Annales d’histoire économique et sociale 8, no. 37 (1936): 29–41; and J. L. Rubinstein, “The Refugee Problem,” International Affairs 15, no. 5 (1936):716–34.

110hospitals, and prisons: Stéphane Lauzanne, “Faites payer les étrangers mais ne les embêtez pas!” Le Matin, August 2, 1926, 1.

110“France is no exception”: “The Folly of Xenophobia,” Christian Science Monitor, January 24, 1924, 18.

110“is the Xenophobia”: J. M. Kenworthy, “The Alien Question in England,” American Israelite, September 3, 1925, 8. Also Ernest Marshall, “European Nations Cool to Strangers,” New York Times, August 29, 1926, 57–58. Also Colin Holmes, Anti-Semitism in British Society, 1876–1939 (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1979).

111“wave after wave of xenophobia”: H. M. Kallen, “Of War and Peace,” Social Research 6, no. 3 (1930): 361.

111Swahili than in German: For accusations of xenophobia, see Edwin Slosson, “The Anti-Semitic Scare,” The Independent, December 25, 1920, 427; Herbert Adams Gibbons, An Introduction to World Politics (New York: The Century, 1922), 307; “Lays Our Ills to Xenophobia, Defends Foreign Press,” New York Times, February 23, 1928, 24; Louis Adamic, “Aliens and Alien-Baiters,” Harper’s 173 (November 1936): 564; Norman Bentwich, “The League of Nations and Refugees,” British Yearbook of International Law 16 (1935): 114–29; Walter Adams, “Refugees in Europe,” Annals of the American Academy 203, no. 1 (May 1939): 37–44. Also see Walter Willcox, ed., International Migrations, Volume 2: Interpretations (Cambridge: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1931), which gives interwar statistics on migratory movements around the world.

111for Germans to move in: Mark Mazower, Hitler’s Empire: How the Nazis Ruled Europe (New York: Penguin, 2009), 19–20.

112purity a rallying cry: Cited in Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 22.

112of Jews and Aryans: See Shelley Baranowski, Nazi Empire: German Colonialism and Imperialism from Bismarck to Hitler (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

112stunned the populace: The extent to which the colonial experience of Germany led to the Holocaust is a highly debated topic. Baranowski accepts some parallels but insists that Imperial Germany was not Nazi Germany, and that their campaigns were no different from other imperial powers; Baranowski, Nazi Empire, 49–50. Mazower argues that the war for a greater Germany helped transform that nation and pave the way for the Holocaust. See his Hitler’s Empire, 11.

112possibility of redemption: Historians have argued over the relationship between colonialism and the Holocaust, and while discontinuities clearly exist between, say, the Herero genocide and the much different war on the Jews, continuities exist as well. See the excellent review by Thomas Kühne, “Colonialism and the Holocaust: Continuities, Causations, and Complexities,” Journal of Genocide Research 15, no. 3 (2013): 339–62; he argues that Saul Friedlander’s notion of “redemptive anti-Semitism” was key to that genocide.

113find an eager audience: On Schmitt’s life, see Gopal Balakrishnan, The Enemy: An Intellectual Portrait of Carl Schmitt (London: Verso, 2000).

114be ready for combat: Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political, trans. George Schwab (1928; New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1976), 32. See W. E. Scheuerman, Carl Schmitt: The End of Law (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999). On debates about Schmitt’s legacy, see Giovanni Sartori, “The Essence of the Political in Carl Schmitt,” Journal of Theoretical Politics 1, no. 1 (1989): 63–75, and Jacopo Martire, “From Enemy to Xenos: the Evolution of a Schittian Category,” in A. Matos et al., eds, Democracy, Justice and Exception (Initia Via Editora, 2015), http://hdl.handle.net/1893/23885.

115crushing of human possibilities: Equality, after Locke, resided not in the soul but in the fallible mind. Ideas, including ones of identity and ethics, were predicated on the contingency and uncertainty of human knowledge. Hence, theoretically there was much room for variance. However, these details were lost when Napoleon’s troops rode into town carrying his banner of universal truths, and pillaging and raping as they pleased. See Makari, Soul Machine,103–27, 354–95.

115those of the Germans: An early assessment of the Nazi apologists and Carl Schmitt can be found in Samuel Rosenberg, “Three Concepts in Nazi Political Theory,” Science and Society, January 1, 1936, 221–30.

115hate Slavs and Jews?: William Rappard, “Die Stellung der Universität in der gegenwärtigen Zeitlage,” Die Friedes-Warte, 37, no. 1 (1937): 1–10. Quote on page 2. Rappard was an influential diplomat at the League of Nations. On German complaints regarding the Auslandsdeutsch to the League of Nations, see Carole Fink, “The League of Nations and the Minorities Question,” World Affairs 157, no. 4 (1995): 197–205.

116the hereditarily unfit: Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 584–87.

116moral and spiritual weight: Simone Weil, “Á propos de la question coloniale dans ses rapports avec le destin du peuple français,” in Contre le colonialisme, ed. V. Gérard (1943; Paris: Payot et Rivages, 2018), 85–110, and Hannah Arendt, “From Dreyfus Affair to France Today,” Jewish Social Studies 4, no. 3 1942): 195–240. Also see Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism.

116“nor Christian, nor even European”: Alfred Rambaud, Histoire de la civilisation française (Paris: Armand Colin, 1885), 417. The quote reads: “Or, quelle est la situation des juifs? Ils sont comme une colonie asiatique établie en France. Ils sont chez nous comme en terre étrangère. Triplement étrangère. Car ils ne sont, ni des Français, ni des chrétians, ni même des Européens.” On the use of this quote in occupied Paris, see Laurent Joly, “L’état contre les Juifs,” Le Monde, October 5, 2018, 4, from his book, L’état contre les Juifs: Vichy, les Nazis, et la persecution antisémite (Paris: Grasset, 2018). Rambaud’s enthusiastic expansionist views can be found in Alfred Rambaud, ed., La France colonial: histoire, géographie, commerce (Paris: Armand Colin, 1893).

117colony in their midst: On the argument that colonialism in part paved the way for the Nazi genocide, see Jürgen Zimmerer, “Annihilation in Africa,” GHI Bulletin 37 (2005): 51–57, and his “Colonialism and the Holocaust: Towards an Archaeology of Genocide,” in Genocide and Settler Society, ed. A. Dirk Moses (New York: Berghahn Books, 2005), 46–76; A. Dirk Moses, ed., Empire, Colony, Genocide: Conquest, Occupation, and Subaltern Resistance in World History (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008); Benjamin Madley, “From Africa to Auschwitz,” European History Quarterly 35, no. 3 (2005): 429–64. For a subtle discussion, see Kühne, “Colonialism and the Holocaust,” 339–62.

117of German political life: See David Furber and Wendy Lower, “Colonialism and Genocide in Nazi-occupied Poland and Ukraine,” in Moses, ed., Empire, Colony, Genocide, 372–402; the authors distinguish settler and exploitation colonies in German occupation.

117“triple foreigners,” the Jews: Those estimates came from Walter Laqueur and Judith Baumel, eds., The Holocaust Encyclopedia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001).

117“something awesome”: Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 306.

119“cover next to nothing”: Alvin Johnson, “The Rising Tide of Xenophobia,” American Journal of Economics and Sociology 4, no. 4 (1945): 498.

119“reverting to primitivism”: Cited in Shlomo Bergman, “Some Methodological Errors in the Study of Anti-Semitism,” Jewish Social Studies 5, no. 1 (1943): 49.

119“crime without a name”: Quoted in Samantha Power, A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide (New York: Basic Books, 2013), 29. According to Power, the term “Holocaust” would not be broadly adopted until around 1970. The Hebrew “Shoah” also shouldered some of the weight of this tragedy, as did the spine-chilling Nazi term, the “Final Solution.”

119in response in 1944: Raphael Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws of Occupation: Analysis of Government, Proposals for Redress (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment, 1944), 79–98. Also Raphael Lemkin, “Genocide: A Modern Crime,” Free World 9 (1945): 39–43.

119him as “Beilus”: On Lemkin, see Raphael Lemkin, Totally Unofficial, The Autobiography of Raphael Lemkin, ed. Donna-Lee Frieze (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013). Lemkin’s story and impact are well told in Power, A Problem from Hell, 1–78. Also see Douglas Irvin-Erickson, The Life and Works of Raphael Lemkin, PhD dissertation, Rutgers University, 2014, and his Raphael Lemkin and the Concept of Genocide (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017).

121got away with it: The literature on the Ottomans and their Christian minorities is large. See, for example, Eugene Rogan, The Fall of the Ottomans: The Great War and the Middle East (New York: Basic Books, 2015). Rogan estimates that a minimum of 600,000 and a maximum of 1.5 million Armenians died, as did 250,000 Assyrians. He also discusses the forced exiles of Greek Orthodox Christians.

121this time his own: For a translation of Lemkin’s 1933 proposal, see http://www.preventgenocide.org/lemkin/madrid1933-english.htm.

122got him out of Europe: Lemkin, Totally Unofficial, 1, 18–19, 25, 33, 54.

122“of humanitarian feelings”: Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe, 74, 79–80. On the impact of Lemkin and this concept, see the excellent Power, A Problem from Hell; also Mark Levene, The Meaning of Genocide (London: Bloomsbury, 2005), 187–88.

123worst atrocities in history: United Nations Department of Public Information, Universal Declaration of Human Rights (New York: King Typographic Service, 1949). See John Cooper, Raphael Lemkin and the Struggle for the Genocide Convention (London: Palgrave and Macmillan, 2008); and Irvin-Erickson, The Life and Works of Raphael Lemkin, 197.

123kill off an entire people: The United Nations also had put forward its Universal Declaration of Human Rights, spearheaded by Eleanor Roosevelt. This insisted on the equality and common rights of all humans; Article 14 stated that all of mankind had the right to “seek and enjoy asylum” from persecution. Raphael Lemkin bitterly complained that unequal treatment and prejudice were hardly the same as the annihilation of a whole group and would provide cover for those embarrassed by their own reluctance to accept international rules for genocide. On the criticism and reception of the Genocide Convention, see Power, A Problem from Hell, 54–72.

124“strain and stress?”: Nathan Reich, “Anti-Semitism,” Journal of Educational Sociology 18, no. 5 (1945): 294–302.

Part II: Inside the Xenophobic Mind

127William Carlos Williams, In the American Grain: William Carlos Williams, In the American Grain (Norfolk, CT: New Directions, 1925), 112.

127Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man: Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man (New York: Random House, 1952), 3.

Chapter 9: Little Albert and the Wages of Fear

129“in reality essentially psychologic”: Imre Ferenczi, “Les étrangers dans le monde d’aujourd’hui,” Annales d’histoire économique et sociale 8, no. 37 (1936): 29–41.

130lay in his audience’s hands: On this declaration, see Anne Harrington, Mind-Fixers: Psychiatry’s Troubled Search for the Biology of Mental Illness (New York: W. W. Norton, 2019), 86–87.

131Why Worry?: George Beard, American Nervousness: Its Causes and Consequences (New York: Putnam, 1881), 11–85; C. W. Saleeby, Don’t Worry (Worry: The Disease of the Age) (New York: F. Stokes, 1907); George Walton, Why Worry? (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1908).

132leapt irrationally into battle: On G. Stanley Hall, see Dorothy Ross, G. Stanley Hall: The Psychologist as Prophet (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972). Long anticipated, the connection between fear and aggression was codified as the “fight or flight” response by Walter B. Cannon. See his Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage (New York: Appleton, 1915).

133a fear of strangers: G. Stanley Hall, “A Study of Fears,” American Journal of Psychology 8, no. 2 (1897): 147–249. See page 152.

133“to almost all strangers”: Hall, “A Study of Fears,” 218.

133maturity tempered such reactions: Hall, “A Study of Fears,” 218, 247. G. Stanley Hall, Adolescence: Its Psychology and Its Relations to Physiology, Anthropology, Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion and Education (1904; New York: Appleton, 1914), 370.

134Jews as recalcitrant children: Hall, Adolescence, 648–748. See especially pages 724, 737.

135the result of learned connections: On Pavlov, see Daniel Todes, Ivan Pavlov: A Russian Life in Science (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).

135there it would remain: On these mistranslations, see Todes, Ivan Pavlov, 1, 248–50, 287, 767. Also see Ivan Pavlov, Conditioned Reflexes, trans. G. V. Ansesep (1927; Mineola, NY: Dover, 2003). For a contrary claim on Pavlov and his bell, see Rand Evans, “Correcting Some Pavloviana regarding ‘Pavlov’s Bell’ and Pavlov’s ‘Mugging,’” American Journal of Psychology 110, no. 1 (1997): 115–25.

136“selfish, conceited cad”: Kerry Buckley, Mechanical Man: John Broadus Watson and the Beginnings of Behaviorism (New York: Guilford, 1989), 50.

136an infantile phobia: J. B. Watson and R. Raynor, “Conditioned Emotional Reactions,” Journal of Experimental Psychology 3 (1920): 1–14.

137“or black from yellow”: John Watson, Behaviorism (1924/1925; New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2009), 76.

138for individuals and societies: Watson and Raynor, “Conditioned Emotional Reactions,” 12. On this case, see Ben Harris, “Whatever Happened to Little Albert?” American Psychologist 34, no. 1 (1979): 151–60, and his “Letting Go of Little Albert,” Journal of the History of Behavioral Sciences 47, no. 1 (2011): 1–17; also H. P. Beck et al., “Finding Little Albert,” American Psychologist 64, no. 7 (October 2009): 605–14. On the case of Peter, see Mary Cover Jones, “A Laboratory Study of Fear: The Case of Peter,” Pedagogical Seminary 31 (1924): 308–15.

138of endless social improvement: For reviews of Watson’s Behaviorism, see Stuart Chase, “Eat the Apple,” New York Herald Tribune, June 21, 1925, D5. Also see Louis Kalonyme, “Man at Birth Has No Fear, Tests Reveal,” New York Times, January 4, 1925, 6, and the skeptical Evans Clark, in the New York Times, August 2, 1925, 3:14, who found the author too “cock-sure.” The book went through three revised editions, in 1914, 1919, and then in 1924/1925, and became progressively more radical. In 1919, Watson first pronounced his psychology to be the only scientific one.

139due to conditioned reflexes: M. V. O’Shea, ed., The Child: His Nature and His Needs (New York: The Children’s Foundation, 1924), 42.

140frightening, from loved to hated: Aldous Huxley, Brave New World (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1932).

140kingdom of human behavior: Arthur Koestler, Darkness at Noon (1941; New York: Scribner, 2019); Edward Hunter, Brain-Washing in Red China: The Calculated Destruction of Men’s Minds (New York: Vanguard), 1951.

140indoctrinate the unwitting: Joost Meerloo, The Rape of the Mind (New York: World Publishing, 1956), 37–48. Also see Anonymous, Are the American People Being Brain-Washed into Slavery? (Valley Center, CA: Freedom Builders of America, n.d.). This fascinating pamphlet, published by a secretive right-wing group, the Freedom Builders of America, associated with Reverend Kenneth Goff, is said to be written by L. Ron Hubbard, founder of Scientology, and was supposed to be the confession of a former Communist agent in Wisconsin, who saw the route to total domination of the American populace through using Comrade Pavlov as a mole who penetrated American psychiatry and education.

140segregation and racism: Richard Wright, “Plans for Work on Native Son Submitted to the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation,” n.d., JWJ MSS3, series 1, Richard Wright Papers, Beinecke Library, Yale University.

141Bigger kills it: Richard Wright, Native Son, in Richard Wright, Early Works, ed. Arnold Rampersad (1940; New York: Library of America, 1991).

142“tension in his muscles”: Wright, Native Son, 550.

142“into someone’s face”: Wright, Native Son, 650.

142“handling the problem”: Wright, Native Son, 707.

142“set-up that conditioned it”: Peter Monro Jack, “A Tragic Novel of Negro Life in America,” New York Times, March 3, 1940, 2; Milton Rugoff, “A Feverish Dramatic Intensity,” New York Herald Tribune, March 3, 1940, 5. Also see J. R. Johnson, “On Native Son by Richard Wright,” Labor Action 4, no. 7 (May 1940): 1–3.

143these reactions are impossible: Dorothy Canfield Fisher, “Introduction,” in Richard Wright, Native Son (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1940), ix. This was later excised and does not appear in later editions.

144maligned around the world: Richard Wright, “How Bigger Was Born,” in Wright, Early Works, 851–82. Also see his “The Ethic of Living Jim Crow,” a 1937 essay written for the Federal Writers’ Project, which in 1940 was added to Uncle Tom’s Children and is in Wright, Early Works,225–38.

144future author of Invisible Man: Ralph Ellison, “Richard Wright’s Blues,” Antioch Review 5, no. 2 (1945): 198–211. Ralph Ellison, The Selected Letters of Ralph Ellison, ed. John Callahan (New York: Random House, 2019), 144–45. Letter dated November 3, 1941. In this letter, Ellison is also reacting to Wright’s 1941 essay with photographs called 12 Million Black Voices (New York: Viking, 1941).

145“each other is thinking”: Wright, Early Works, 773. Wright portrays institutional racism as it seeps into relationships. The Daltons are well-intentioned liberals, but they refuse to consider how they deeply profit from their real estate business in the Black Belt of Chicago.

145“loved and had hurt him”: Wright, Early Works, 715.

145these conclusions themselves?: See Louis Menand, “The Hammer and the Nail: Richard Wright’s Modern Condition,” The New Yorker, July 13, 1992; https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/1992/07/20/the-hammer-and-the-nail.

145“blind play of social forces”: Wright, Early Works, 811. In 1946, Wright tried to do something about the destructive effect of racism by supporting the first free psychiatric clinic in Harlem. See Gabriel Mendes, Under the Strain of Color: Harlem’s Lafargue Clinic and the Promise of an Antiracist Psychiatry (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2015).

146“shaped his personality”: Ellison, Selected Letters, 129, 132. The letters are dated April 14, 1940, and April 22, 1940.

146racist fear and hatred: Richard Wright, Uncle Tom’s Children, in Wright, Early Works, 239–75.

147result of racial prejudice: Martin Bulmer, The Chicago School of Sociology: Institutionalization, Diversity, and the Rise of Sociological Research (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 46-47. See 1909 Class notes by Emory Bogardus, in “W. I. Thomas and Social Origins,” Sociology and Social Research 43 (1959): 365–69.

147to 8000 Americans: Emory Bogardus, “Social Distance and its Origins,” Journal of Applied Sociology 9 (1925): 216–26. Also see Robert Park, “The Concept of Social Distance as Applied to the Study of Racial Attitudes and Racial Relations,” Journal of Applied Sociology 8 (1924): 339–44. On this scale, see Colin Wark and John F. Galliher. “Emory Bogardus and the Origins of the Social Distance Scale,” American Sociologist 38, no. 4 (2007): 383–95.

148this animosity ran deep: Emory Bogardus, Immigration and Race Attitudes (Boston: D. C. Heath, 1928).

148on the Armenian genocide: Cited in Power, A Problem from Hell, 505.

149“his own personal experiences”: Bogardus, Immigration and Race Attitudes, 43.

149his ilk dismissed: Nella Larson, Passing (1929; New York: Penguin, 2003), 40–41.

149any alteration at all: Bogardus, Immigration and Race Attitudes, 148.

Chapter 10: The Invention of the Stereotype

151impossible to imagine: On the role of ideas in the mind, see Makari, Soul Machine.

151called “natural kinds”: J. S. Mill, An Examination of Sir William Hamilton’s Philosophy (1865; London: Longmans, 1867), 234ff. Also see the excellent essay by Ian Hacking, “A Tradition of Natural Kinds,” Philosophical Studies 71, no. 1/2 (1991):109–26.

152“the heaviest guns”: Walter Lippmann, Public Philosopher: Selected Letters of Walter Lippmann, ed. J. M. Blum (New York: Ticknor and Fields, 1985), 37. On Lippmann, see Ronald Steele, Walter Lippmann and the American Century (London: Routledge, 2017).

154“how public opinion is made”: Lippmann, Public Philosopher, 132. Letter dated November 18, 1919.

154then easily reproduced: Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (1922; Greenbook Publications, 2010).

155theater of its own making: Lippmann, Public Opinion, 80–81, 96.

155“rushed out of the hall”: Lippmann, Public Opinion, 82.

156fill in the blanks: On this experiment, see F. van Langenhove, The Growth of a Legend, trans. E. B. Sherlock (New York: Putnam, 1916), 120–22.

156Stereotypes ruled: Lippmann, Public Opinion, 99.

156“and abstracts falsely”: Lippmann, Public Philosopher, 173. Letter dated January 13, 1925.

156lodged in their heads: Lippmann, Public Opinion, 79–82, 90, 101.

157His name was Josef Goebbels: For a corrective to the often ignored influence of Lippmann’s Public Opinion, see Lepore, These Truths, 414–57.

158the public as never before: The Birth of a Nation, director: D. W. Griffith, D. W. Griffith Corp., 1915; Intolerance, director: D. W. Griffith, D. W. Griffith Corp., 1916.

159“nothing strange not made familiar”: On these films and cartoons, see Christopher Lehman, “Black Representation in American Short Films, 1928–1954,” PhD dissertation, University of Massachusetts, 2002; and also C. Richard King et al., “Animated Representations of Blackness,” Journal of African American Studies 14 (2010): 395–97.

160they took in the action: Abel Gance, as cited in Walter Benjamin, “Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,” Illuminations, trans. Harry Zohn (New York: Schocken, 1968), 227.

160Son of the Sheik: The Sheik, director: George Melford, Paramount Pictures, 1921; and The Son of the Sheik, director: George Fitzmaurice, United Artists, 1926.

160were created or reinforced: Kenneth Gould, “Cinepatriotism,” Social Forces 7, no. 1 (1928): 121.

161“character of all opposition”: Lippmann, Public Opinion, 120.

161called them “dynamic stereotypes”: On Lippmann and Locke, see Clyde King, “‘Public Opinion’ by Walter Lippmann,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 103 (1922): 153–54. On Pavlov’s shift, see Todes, Ivan Pavlov, 652–59.

162led to gross errors: Stuart Rice, “‘Stereotypes’: A Source of Error in Judging Human Character,” Journal of Personnel Research 5 (1926): 267–76.

162the subjugation of the Negro: Abram Harris, “Race, Cultural Group, Social Differentiation: Economic Foundation of American Race Division,” Social Forces 5 (1926): 474.

162prejudice based on stereotypes: D. Katz and K. Braly, “Racial Prejudice and Racial Stereotype,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 30, no. 2 (1933): 175–93.

162“the Oriental or the immigrant”: Kimball Young, “Primitive Social Norms in Present Day Education,” Social Forces 5 (1927): 572.

162did it all the time: John Grier Hibben, A Defence of Prejudice and Other Essays (New York: Scribner, 1911, 1–16). A professor of logic, Hibben was made president of Princeton University in 1912. He defended prejudice as opinion, guesswork, “sub-conscious” reactions, and fast thinking in situations that require this. He made no reference to troubles surrounding racial or religious prejudice.

163stranger’s work and revived it: On Georg Simmel, see Donald N. Levine, ed., Georg Simmel on Individuality and Social Forms (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1971).

164“a pariah and an outlaw”: Robert Park, “The Bases of Race Prejudice,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 140, no. 1 (1928): 12.

165they divided up communities: Park, “Bases of Race Prejudice,” 20.

165the European Jew: Georg Simmel, “The Stranger,” in Georg Simmel on Individuality and Social Forms: Selected Writings, ed. Donald N. Levine (1908; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971), 143–49. Also see Georg Simmel, “The Sociology of Secrecy and of Secret Societies,” American Journal of Sociology 11, no. 4 (1906): 441–98. Also E. M. Rogers, “Georg Simmel’s Concept of the Stranger and Intercultural Communication Research,” Communication Theory 9, no. 1 (1999): 58–74.

165“the marginal man”: Robert Park, “Human Migration and the Marginal Man,” American Journal of Sociology 33, no. 6 (1928): 881–93. Also Everett Stonequist, “The Problem of the Marginal Man,” American Journal of Sociology 41, no. 1 (1935): 9. Park with Bogardus formulated “social distance” as a concept by which the grade and degrees of social intimacy and interaction could be used as a variable when considering prejudice. See Park, “The Concept of Social Distance,” 339–44; Bogardus, “Social Distance and its Origins,” 216–26.

166European Jews and American Blacks: Margaret Mary Wood, The Stranger: A Study in Social Relationships (1934; New York: Columbia University Press, 1971). In her dissertation on strangers and their reception, Wood recognized that Eskimos welcomed the stranger with a feast; others welcomed him with a fist. In the welcoming cultures, rites of passage and rituals managed the competing need of increased power—which came through the assimilation of new members—and fear that the original group might be overrun. While Australian aborigines exclusively attacked strangers and therefore remained perpetually few in number and weak, gift exchange in the Trobriand Islands safeguarded and routinized the foreigner’s passage and, as a result, made for a larger, more robust clan.

166“two educations, and two environments”: W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (1903; New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), 11; and T. E. Lawrence, Seven Pillars of Wisdom: A Triumph (1935; Hertfordshire: Wordsworth Editions, 1997), 14.

166unreliability of court witnesses: On the evolution of the stereotype in the United States from its origin as a printing process to rote forms to negative symbols and imagery, see the New York Times’s theater reviewer, Mordaunt Hall, who frequently used the term in the 1920s and 1930s as a critique of stock characters, as in “Stereotyped Villainy and Cumbersome Comedy,” New York Times, September 12, 1926, X5. The transition to Lippmann’s sense can be found in academic work, such as Joseph Cohen, “Report on Crime and the Foreign Born: Comment,” Michigan Law Review 30, no. 1 (1931): 99–104; and Ralph Lutz, “Studies of World War Propaganda, 1914–1933,” Journal of Modern History 5, no. 4 (1933): 496–516. Later, this usage made its way into newspapers; see “Aid to Propaganda in Films Charged,” New York Times, February 27, 1938, 36.

167drowned out by wild applause: Gone With the Wind, director: Victor Fleming, Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, 1939. On the Saturday Evening Post and other racist media, see Painter, History of White People, 291–300, 361.

167by these crude forms: The so-called Father of the Harlem Renaissance, Alain Locke wrote this in “The Negro’s Contribution to American Art and Literature,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 140, no. 1 (1928): 239. On the rise of the “New Negro” and its unfortunate reinforcement of notions of an “Old Negro,” see Henry Louis Gates, Stony the Road: Reconstruction, White Supremacy, and the Rise of Jim Crow (New York: Penguin, 2019), especially pages 186–203. George Schuyler’s review appears in “Two ‘New Negroes’ Discuss Negro Art in the ‘Nation,’” New York Amsterdam News, June 23, 1926. When Wright’s shattering Native Son was published, an editorial in Harlem’s Amsterdam News asked why Wright’s depiction of a murdering, raping Black man had not been denounced as stereotypical, the way critics had savaged Eugene O’Neill’s Emperor Jones. The answer, he supposed, was that African Americans had grown “more self-assured” because they were no longer so boxed in by such stereotypes; Hodge Kirnon, “Why No Criticism of ‘Native Son’?” New York Amsterdam News, May 11, 1940, 16.

167about these aliens: For examples of early American immigrant literature, see Abraham Cahan, The Rise of David Levinsky (1917; New York: Penguin, 1993); James T. Farrell, Studs Lonigan (1932–34; New York: Penguin, 2001); Ameen Rihani, The Book of Khalid (1911; Brooklyn: Melville House, 2012); Ole E. Rolvaag, Giants in the Earth: A Saga of the Prairie, trans. L. Colcord (1927; New York: HarperCollins, 1999); and Sui Sin Far, Mrs. Spring Fragrance (1912; Mineola, NY: Dover, 2013).

167actions and visual effects: Cited in Benjamin, “Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,” 246.

168war effort against Hitler: John McManus and Louis Kronenberger, “Motion Pictures, the Theater, and Race Relations,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 244, no. 1 (1946): 152–58. Also Lepore, These Truths, 494–99. Frank Murphy quote is on page 496.

168foundations of American equality: Why We Fight, directors: Frank Capra, Anatole Litvak, and Anthony Veiller, U.S. Army Pictorial Service, 1942–45. The first of these seven documentary films was Prelude to War, director: Frank Capra, 20th Century Fox, 1942.

169the Declaration of Independence: The Negro Soldier, director: Stuart Heisler, War Activities Committee, 1944. The House I Live In, director: Mervyn LeRoy, RKO Radio Pictures, 1945. The evils of anti-Semitism also were taken up in movies like This Land Is Mine, director: Jean Renoir, RKO Radio Pictures, 1943, and The Hitler Gang, director: John Farrow, Paramount Pictures, 1944.

169primitive, barbaric, and civilized: Edward B. Tylor, Primitive Culture, 2 vols. (London: John Murray, 1871).

169“reached at the present time”: Franz Boas, “The Mind of Primitive Man,” Science 13, no. 321 (1901): 288.

170their bonds grew closer: Boas, “The Mind of Primitive Man,” 289.

170Edward Sapir, and Ruth Benedict: See Baker, From Savage to Negro, 99–126,148–50.

170“ultimately abolish warfare”: Boas, “An Anthropologist’s View of War,” 95.

170just myths—that is, stereotypes: Ruth Benedict and Gene Weltfish, The Races of Mankind, Public Affairs Pamphlet No. 85, New York, 1943.

172groups as between them: The Brotherhood of Man, director: Robert Cannon, United Productions of America, 1946.

172use stereotypes to divide us: Don’t Be a Sucker, director: not listed, U.S. War Department, 1943. The effect of this film was analyzed by Eunice Cooper and Helen Schneider, “‘Don’t Be a Sucker’: A Study in Communication,” Public Opinion Quarterly 15, no. 2 (1951): 243–64.

173“dignity are in this fact”: James Agee and Walker Evans, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men (1941; Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1979), 12–13.

174“gone dead in you”: James Agee, Agee on Film, Volume 1 (New York: Perigee, 1983), 35, 80, 125.

174Mexicans as lazy: See Edgar R. Clark, “Negro Stereotypes,” Journal of Negro Education 17, no. 4 (1948): 545–49; N. D. Humphrey, “The Stereotype and the Social Types of Mexican-American Youths,” Journal of Social Psychology 22, no. 1 (1945): 69–78; Rose Zeligs, “Children’s Concepts and Stereotypes of Dutch, French, Italian, Mexican, Russian and Negro,” Journal of Education Research 43, no. 5 (1950): 367–75.

174the walking dead: On his estimate of prejudice, see Gordon W. Allport and Bernard Kramer, “Some Roots of Prejudice,” Journal of Psychology 22, no. 1 (1946): 9. For his use of the stereotype, see Gordon Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (Cambridge: Addison-Wesley, 1954), 191ff. Also see Daniel Katz and Kenneth Braly, “Racial Prejudice and Racial Stereotypes,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 30 (1935): 175–93.

Chapter 11: Projection and the Negative of Love

176in fact, was through projection: This philosophical problem took two forms. The spooky ontological version was: how do I know anybody else other than me possesses a mind? Am I deluded? Perhaps everyone else is a zombie or a robot? I can’t see their minds, I can’t check for its tangible reality, so what does such a conclusion rest on? The more quotidian, psychological version of the problem was: how could one subject know the silent contents and goings on of another mind? See J. S. Mill, An Examination of Sir William Hamilton’s Philosophy (1865; London: Longmans, Green, Reader and Dyer, 1867), 234ff.

176mind was all a projection: See Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations, trans. G. E. M. Anscombe et al. (1953; Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009). Also see Gilbert Ryle, The Concept of Mind (1949; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000); A. J. Ayer, The Concept of a Person and Other Essays (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1963); Donald Davidson, “First Person Authority,” Dialectica 38, no. 2–3 (1984): 101–11; Søren Overgaard, “The Problem of Other Minds: Wittgenstein’s Phenomenological Perspective,” Phenomonology and the Cognitive Sciences 5 (2006): 53–73; and Thomas Nagel, The View from Nowhere (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).

177“for purposes of defense”: Sigmund Freud and Wilhelm Fliess, The Complete Letters of Sigmund Freud to Wilhelm Fliess, 1887–1904, trans. J. Masson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), 110.

178Sameness ruled: Freud also uses “projection” in the Xenophanic sense in his discussion of transference, where he refers to “stereotypes” in the pre-Lippmann sense of the term; see Sigmund Freud, “The Dynamics of Transference,” The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud [Hereafter: S.E.], vol. 12, trans. James Strachey et al. (1912; London: Hogarth Press, 1958), 99.

178some unwitting Not-Me: Freud, “Psychoanalytic Notes on an Autobiographical Account of a Case of Paranoia,” S.E., vol. 12 (1911/1958), 3–83. In the case of the psychotic Dr. Schreber, projection meant a transformation, from “I hate him” to “he hates me.” See the excellent discussion of these varied meanings in Jean Laplanche and J. B. Pontalis, The Language of Psychoanalysis, trans. D. Nicholson-Smith (New York: W. W. Norton, 1974), 349–56.

179Civilization and Its Discontents: Freud’s thinking on anxiety and the phobias emerged in conflict and dialogue with Wilhelm Stekel; see George Makari, Revolution in Mind: The Creation of Psychoanalysis (New York: HarperCollins, 2008), 156–61; Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, S.E., vol. 21 (1939/1958), 22.

179in all of us: On the case of Erna, see Melanie Klein, Love, Guilt and Reparation, and Other Works 1921–1945 (1929; New York: Free Press, 1984), 136, 160, 199.

180later call “stranger anxiety”: On this abashed state, see William Preyer, The Mind of the Child, trans. H. W. Brown (New York: Appleton, 1888), 55; and J. M. Baldwin, Mental Development in the Child and the Race (New York: Macmillan, 1897), 149–50. On “stranger anxiety,” in 1926, Freud suggested that the howl from tiny Gustav came from the recognition that this stranger was not mother, who was lost forever. One his followers, René Spitz, made it central to research on what he called “stranger anxiety.” A Viennese Jew, Spitz fled to Paris and taught psychoanalysis at the École Normale Supérieure; he began to observe anxious children and presented his ideas in papers on December 27, 1945, and February 21, 1946, both entitled “Separation from Mother”: Rene Spitz Papers, University of Akron, then later published as “Anxiety in Infancy,” International Journal of Psychoanalysis 31 (1950): 138–43. Infants, he found, naively smiled at anyone who smiled at them; they recognized a face, and any face was good enough. At around eight months, however, if a stranger approached, the child burst into tears and tried to flee. This “8 month anxiety” or “stranger anxiety” could be quelled only by the presence of mother. Such fears, it was said, normally subsided by the age of two. The ubiquity of this stage in childhood has now been disproven; see Rebecca Brooker et al., “The Development of Stranger Fear in Infancy and Toddlerhood: Normative Development, Individual Differences, Antecedents, and Outcomes,” Developmental Science 16 (2013): 864–78.

180movie of our own making: Klein, Love, Guilt and Reparation, and Other Works, 220.

180“destroy the enemy and his country”: Klein, Love, Guilt and Reparation, and Other Works,59–60.

181collective form of suicide: On these attempts to use psychoanalysis to confront the advent of illiberal regimes, see Makari, Revolution in Mind,405–66.

181theory of groups: See Robert A. Nye, The Origins of Crowd Psychology: Gustave Le Bon and the Crisis of Mass Democracy in the Third Republic (London: Sage Publications, 1975), 50; Le Bon’s authority would be heavily relied on by others who shared this view, like Jules Harmand and Leopold de Saussure.

182The Psychology of Crowds: Gustav Le Bon, Psychologie des foules (Paris: F. Alcan, 1895), 101. Also see Nye, Origins of Crowd Psychology, 69–71; and Jaap van Ginneken, Crowds, Psychology, and Politics, 1871–1899 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).

182he later added, included Germans: Nye, Origins of Crowd Psychology, 77.

183individual will: Freud, Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, S.E., vol. 18 (1921/1958), 65–143.

183“an occasion for enmity”: Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, 59.

185“of their aggressiveness”: Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, 61.

185into the commune: Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, 22, 58–63, 193. As anti-Semitism in Vienna grew rampant, Freud devoted himself to this subject. Moses and Monotheism was intended to penetrate into the role of the religious stranger in Christian, Muslim, and pagan societies. While written in 1934, the normally brave Freud held the work back for fear of political reprisals. It would be published in 1938 after Freud had been driven from his home to spend his last days in London, witnessing how modernity and “progress had allied itself with barbarism.” Freud, Moses and Monotheism, S.E., vol. 23 (1938/1958), 54.

185among others, John Bowlby: Wilhelm Reich, The Mass Psychology of Fascism, trans. T. Wolfe (1933; New York: Orgone Institute Press, 1946). This is the third, revised English translation. Also E. F. M. Durbin and John Bowlby, Personal Aggressiveness and War (London: Kegan, Paul, 1939). On the psycho-politics that developed in psychoanalysis prior to World War II, see Makari, Revolution in Mind, 405–67.

186untimely death in 1947: Kurt Lewin, The Complete Social Scientist: A Kurt Lewin Reader (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 1997). See especially Lewin’s “Action Research and Minority Problems,” Journal of Social Issues 2, no. 4 (1946): 34–46. Lewin’s MIT Research Center for Group Dynamics inspired numerous researchers, including the influential Leon Festinger.

186“departmentalization of the mind”: Theodor Adorno, Minima Moralia: Reflections on a Damaged Life, trans. E. F. N. Jephcott (1951; London: Verso, 2005), 21.

186became fast friends: Theodor W. Adorno, Letters to His Parents, 1939–1951, ed. C. Gödde and H. Lonitz, trans. W. Hoban (Cambridge: Polity, 2006). See, for example, pages 128, 297, 325. Also see Detley Claussen, Theodor W. Adorno: One Last Genius, trans. Rodney Livingstone (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008), 79–81.

187political power and economics: Martin Jay, The Dialectical Imagination: A History of the Frankfurt School and the Institute of Social Research (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 23–24, 98–99.

187and at times coauthor: Max Horkheimer, A Life in Letters: Selected Correspondence, ed. and trans. M. Jacobson and E. Jacobson (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2007), 52, 55, 67, 167.

187“monopolistic propaganda”: Adorno, Letters to His Parents, 5. Letter dated July 8, 1939.

188American idiom, jazz: Theodor Adorno, “On Popular Music,” Studies in Philosophy and Social Science 9 (1941): 17–48. See Jay, Dialectical Imagination, 189–93; and Claussen, Theodor W. Adorno: One Last Genius, 140.

189the “Culture Industry”: Theodor Adorno, The Culture Industry: Selected Essays on Mass Culture (New York: Routledge, 1991).

189Feverishly, he wrote: Adorno, Minima Moralia, 46, 87.

189but also other men: Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment, trans. John Cumming (1944/47; New York: Continuum, 1994). The text was written in 1941. On its development and publication history, see Claussen, Theodor W. Adorno: One Last Genius, 221.

189“of prejudice ever attempted”: Jay, Dialectical Imagination, 221.

190scapegoating anti-Semites: Theodor Adorno et al., The Authoritarian Personality (1950; New York: W. W. Norton, 1969).

190attacks on outsiders: Max Horkheimer, ed., Studien uber Authorität und Familie (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1936). This work received mixed reviews; see Hans Speier’s review in Social Research 3, no. 4 (1936): 501–4, who called the empirical results “meagre.” On Fromm’s crucial role, see José Brunner, “Looking into the Hearts of the Workers, or How Erich Fromm Turned Critical Theory into Empirical Research,” Political Psychology 15, no. 4 (1994): 631–54. See page 635. Also see Jay, Dialectical Imagination, 116–17, 131.

191of this rigged system: See Jay, Dialectical Imagination,230–32.

191for one’s own group: See Donald Campbell and Boyd McCandless, “Ethnocentrism, Xenophobia, and Personality,” Human Relations 4, no. 2 (1951): 185–92. They developed an “X” or xenophobia scale.

191hate many of them, too: Adorno et al., Authoritarian Personality, 607.

192“negatively in love”: Adorno et al., Authoritarian Personality, 611. On the qualities of the scapegoat, see page 608.

193many troubles clear: Adorno et al., Authoritarian Personality, 618, 622–27. Also see Jay, Dialectical Imagination, 240.

193need to be undone: Adorno et al., Authoritarian Personality, 617.

193flattened by mass culture: On the reception of this work, see, for example, Nathan Glazer, “The Authoritarian Personality in Profile,” Commentary, January 1, 1950, 573–83; M. Brewster Smith, “Review of ‘The Authoritarian Personality,’” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 45, no. 4 (1950): 775–79; R. A. Schermerhorn, “Review of ‘The Authoritarian Personality,’” Social Forces 29 (1951): 334–35; Betty Dowling, “Some Personality Factors Involved in Tolerance and Intolerance,” Journal of Social Psychology 41 (1955): 325–27. On whether this typology was a new stereotype, see Bernard Stotsky, “The Authoritarian Personality as a Stereotype,” Journal of Psychology 39 (1955): 325–28. For a comprehensive account of its impact, see William Stone et al., eds., Strength and Weakness: The Authoritarian Personality Today (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1993).

194“was the prime goal”: The third category, the “compromise oriented,” was not seen as possessing the virtue of toleration, but rather of being neutral, even confused about class conflict, not a great attribute; see José Brunner, “Looking into the Hearts of the Workers, or: How Erich Fromm Turned Critical Theory into Empirical Research,” Political Psychology 15, no. 4 (December 1994): 639, 645.

194dominance and submission: See T. Adorno, “Freudian Theory and the Pattern of Fascist Propaganda,” in The Essential Frankfurt School Reader, ed. A. Arato and E. Gebhardt (1951; New York: Urizen, 1978), 118–37.

194revolution in the home: Brunner, “Looking into the Hearts of the Workers,” 641. The “Democratic” personality also proved to be a more stable antimony, for authoritarian characteristics were soon discovered in an array of “Revolutionary” individuals. For example, when an MIT team proposed to study the “Xenophilic Personality,” perhaps a different antithesis to the authoritarian, they discovered that these were actually rigid authoritarians in reverse. Their unconscious hostility was simply projected onto their own in-group. See Howard Perlmutter, “Some Characteristics of the Xenophilic Personality,” Journal of Psychology 38 (1954): 291–300.

Chapter 12: The Enigma of the Other

197“the case with me”: J. P. Sartre, Witness to My Life: The Letters of Jean-Paul Sartre to Simone de Beauvoir, 1926–1939, trans L. Falnestock and N. MacAfee (New York: Scribner, 1992), 33, 36. These letters are dated 1930, then October 9, 1931.

198It is Being itself: Jean-Paul Sartre, Nausea, trans. Lloyd Alexander (1938; New York: New Directions, 1964), 6, 18–19.

198“foundation of transcendence”: Jean-Paul Sartre, War Diaries: Notebooks from a Phony War, November 1939–March 1940, trans. Q. Hoare (New York: Verso, 1999), 132.

199“if we saw the dead”: Jean-Paul Sartre, “Paris Under the Occupation,” Sartre Studies International 4, no. 2 (1945; 1998): 1–15. Quote on page 8.

199became immensely important: Jean-Paul Sartre, Being and Nothingness, A Phenomenological Essay on Ontology, trans. Hazel Barnes (1943; New York: Washington Square Press, 1992).

200by Alexander Kojève: Alexandre Kojève’s lectures on Hegel in Paris during the 1930s were very influential and were credited with revitalizing Hegel studies in France. On the Master and Slave dialectic, see G. W. F. Hegel, The Phenomenology of Mind, trans. J. B Baille (1807; New York: Harper and Row, 1967), 228–40.

201secrets of the subject: Sartre, Being and Nothingness, 321–32.

201objectifying the Other: Sartre also put an idiosyncratic spin on the encounter with the Other. Sartre emphasized the process of seeing and being seen, the gaze or le regard, and the way such a look could freeze and define another. I discover that I exist, he reasoned, when seen by an Other. I then realize that for her, I have become an object. Thus her gaze engenders shame, the passing of judgment by me on myself. It also accompanied an understanding that I am now as the Other sees me, a perspective that though I may try, I never can truly comprehend. She knows something about me as an object in the world and through that knowledge possesses the power to control and constrict my freedom. I am mortified. And so, the contest begins: I stare back at her, intent on making her my object. See Sartre, Being and Nothingness, 303–40.

201little relief from strife: Sartre, Being and Nothingness, 319, 358.

202that remained were ashes: Sartre, Being and Nothingness, 477, 532–33, 756.

202“effort, combat, and solidarity”: Jean-Paul Sartre, “Existentialism: A Clarification,” in We Have Only This Life to Live: The Selected Essays of Jean-Paul Sartre, 1939–1975 (New York: New York Review of Books, 2013), 91.

203“Existentialism Is a Humanism”: Jean-Paul Sartre, L’existentialisme est un humanisme (1945; Paris: Gallimard, 1996). The book includes attacks by Pierre Emmanuel and others cited, who had stated that no one could possibly read Being and Nothingness.

204“‘since the armistice’”: Sartre, “The Stranger Explained,” in We Have Only This Life to Live, 26–43, quote on page 26.

204from the older man’s: In a closed space later revealed to be Hell, a man and two women struggle to achieve something like recognition, but the objectifying gaze makes this impossible, hence, the famous line.

205and death is our only fate: Albert Camus, The Stranger, trans. Matthew Ward (1942; New York: Vintage International, 2013), 41.

206Who cares?: Camus, The Stranger, 67–68, 99.

206the nameless Others revolted: On the absence of Arab subjectivity in this novel, see George Makari, “The Last Four Shots: Problems of Intention and Camus’ The Stranger,” American Imago 45, no. 4 (1988): 359–74; and Kamel Daoud’s brilliant The Meursault Investigation: A Novel, trans. John Cullen (New York: Other Press, 2015).

206an untenable position: See Albert Camus, Algerian Chronicles, trans. A. Goldhammer (1958; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013). What Camus said exactly in a debate with a supporter of the Algerian revolt became a matter of controversy. His actual quote was: “People are now planting bombs in the tramways of Algiers. My mother might be on one of those tramways. If this is justice, I prefer my mother.” It was reported, however, as: “Between justice and my mother, I choose my mother.” See Alice Kaplan, “New Perspectives on Camus’ Algerian Chronicles,” in Camus, Algerian Chronicles, 1–22, note 19.

207“of his own consciousness”: Jean-Paul Sartre, Anti-Semite and Jew, trans. George Joseph Becker (New York: Schocken, 1948), 53, 67, 83, 91.

207turbulence toward shore: Sartre, Anti-Semite and Jew, 55, 117, 148, 149.

208his daily bread: Albert Memmi, La terre intérieure; Entretiens avec Victor Malka (Paris: Gallimard, 1976), 101–3.

208“xenophobic aggression”: Memmi, La terre intérieure, 114. On Albert Memmi’s early life, see these revealing interviews as well as his autobiographical novel The Pillar of Salt, trans. E. Roditi (1953; Boston: Beacon, 1955).

208there he remained: Memmi, La terre intérieure, 116. Also see Guy Dugas, “Albert Memmi: Portrait du colonisé précédé d’un portrait du colonisateur: Note sur une postface autographe inédite,” Afrique-Caribe, 33 (2011): 119–26.

209other forms of discrimination: Albert Memmi, Portrait du colonisé, précédé du portrait du colonisateur (Paris: Correa, 1957). The book appeared in English in 1965 as The Colonizer and the Colonized. Also Albert Memmi, Racism, trans. Steve Martinot (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982), 200. This volume includes an excellent foreword by Kwame Anthony Appiah.

209would cannibalize his work: Memmi, La terre intérieure, 168–71.

209“the sucking of my blood!”: Frantz Fanon, Alienation and Freedom, eds. Jean Khalfa and Robert Young, trans. Steven Corcoran (London: Bloomsbury, 2018), 100. From the large literature on Fanon, see David, Macey, Frantz Fanon: A Biography (London: Verso, 2000), Lewis Gordon et al., eds., Fanon: A Critical Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), and recently Camille Robcis, “Frantz Fanon, Institutional Psychotherapy, and the Decolonization of Psychiatry,” Journal of the History of Ideas 81, no. 2 (2020): 303–25.

211“does not like the Negro”: Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann (1952; New York: Grove Press, 1967), 103.

211formed by their situation: Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, 98.

211their own self-regard: Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, 93, 181. Also see Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon: A Critical Study (New York: Pantheon, 1973), 29–31.

212The Wretched of the Earth: Frantz Fanon, L’an V de la revolution algérienne (1959; Paris: La Découverte, 2011), and Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (New York: Grove Press, 1963).

212“sit down at my desk”: Fanon, Alienation and Freedom. Dated April 7, 1961, 689.

212that had been oppressed: Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 22. See also pages 384–85.

212not just reverse roles: Fanon, “Pourquoi nous employons la violence,” in L’an V de la revolution algérienne. Also see Elizabeth Frazer and Kimberly Hutching, “On Politics and Violence: Arendt contra Fanon,” Contemporary Political Theory 7 (2008): 90–108.

Chapter 13: Self Estrangements

214“others would draw”: Simone de Beauvoir, Diary of a Philosophy Student, Volume 1, 1926–27, ed. Barbara Klaw, Sylvie Le Bon de Beauvoir, and Margaret Simons, trans. B. Klaw (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006), viii. Also see Michèle Le Doeuff, “Simone De Beauvoir and Existentialism,” Feminist Studies 6, no. 2 (Summer 1980): 277–89.

215had taken Sartre prisoner: Simone de Beauvoir, Wartime Diary, ed. S. Le Bon de Beauvoir and Margaret Simons, trans. Anne Cordero (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2009), 270.

216“able to do that”: Margaret Simons, “Introduction,” in Beauvoir, Wartime Diary, 14. For quotes, see pages 270, 315.

216“makes itself to be”: Beauvoir, Wartime Diary, 319. Dated January 9, 1941.

216announced new intentions: Beauvoir, Wartime Diary, 320.

216“never let go thereafter”: Simone de Beauvoir, The Prime of Life: The Autobiography of Simone de Beauvoir, 1929–1944, trans. Peter Green (New York: De Capo, 1965), 359. Also see Ursula Tidd, “The Self-Other Relation in Beauvoir’s Ethics and Autobiography,” Hypatia 14, no. 4 (1999): 163–74.

217harems, and, well, women: Simone de Beauvoir, The Ethics of Ambiguity, trans. Bernard Frechtman (1947; Secaucus, NJ: Citadel Press, 1975). The initial lecture was delivered in 1945.

218impossible to comprehend: Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex, trans. Constance Borde and Sheila Malovany-Chevallier (1949; New York: Vintage, 2011), 148. Also see 12, 58.

218another clan as peace offerings: Beauvoir, Second Sex, 6–8, 83, 156.

218“worried, and guilty”: Beauvoir, Second Sex, 283–84, 311, 340.

219failing to envisage this: Beauvoir, Second Sex, 419. Beauvoir’s book gradually attracted readers and critics, who took her to task for a number of shortcomings, including having a masculinist bias and a model of liberation that applied only to the educated and unimpoverished. Beauvoir believed that one of the hobbling effects of patriarchy was for women to live like children, outside work and the exercise of power. Some of the blame, she believed, accrued to the oppressed, who too often were happy to annihilate their own subjectivity, conceal their own dependence from themselves, and serve a tyrannical male; see Beauvoir, Second Sex, 746.

219anywhere in retreat?: Beauvoir, Second Sex, 763.

219“that distinguish human beings?”: Beauvoir, Second Sex, 763.

219fools of French men: On the immediate condemnation of the book, see Mari-Jo Bonnet, Simone de Beauvoir et les femmes (Paris: Albin Michel, 2015), 222.

219“Being-in-the-World”: On this debate, see Bonnet, Simone de Beauvoir et les femmes, as well as the more condemning portrait drawn in Deirdre Bair, Simone de Beauvoir: A Biography (New York: Summit, 1990), 550–59. Other views include Toril Moi, “Simone de Beauvoir: The Making of an Intellectual Woman,” Yale Journal of Criticism 4, no. 1 (1990): 1–23, and her book of the same name published by Blackwell, Oxford, 1994; and Lisa Appignanesi, Simone de Beauvoir (London: Haus Publishing, 2005).

220book, The Rebel: In 1950, Merleau-Ponty had already asked in wonderment, “how has October 1917 been able to end up in the cruelly hierarchical society whose features are gradually becoming clear before our eyes?” Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Signs, trans. Richard McCleary (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1964), 265. He wrote this piece in 1950.

221focus of his studies: For a biography of Foucault, see James Miller, The Passion of Michel Foucault (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1993), 54–55, 63. For his university recollections, see Maurice Pinguet, Le text Japon introuvables et inédits (Paris: Seuil, 2009); also see David Macey, The Lives of Michel Foucault (New York: Verso, 1993), and Sylvère Lotringer, ed., Foucault Live: Collected Interviews, 1961–1984, trans. L. Hochroth and J. Johnston (New York: Semiotexte, 1996).

221at the Collège de France: Didier Eribon, Michel Foucault et ses contemporains (Paris: Fayard, 1994), 105.

222deviants, criminals, or patients: Michel Foucault, History of Madness, trans. Jonathan Murphy (1961; London: Routledge, 2006).

222repetitious, confused, and obscure: Eribon, Michel Foucault et ses contemporains, 183.

223his speaking a word: Michel Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeology of Medical Perception, trans. Alan Sheridan (1963; New York: Vintage, 1973).

223The Order of Things: Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences, trans. not given (1966; New York: Vintage, 1994). The French title was Les mots et les choses.

223dialectical materialism: Eribon, Michel Foucault et ses contemporains, 168–69. Also “Jean-Paul Sartre répond,” L’Arc 30 (1966): 87.

223“was a political behavior”: My translation of “C’est à peu près vers les années 1950–1955, à une époque d’ailleurs òu, precisément, Sartre lui-même, renonçait, je crois, à ce qu’on pourrait appeler la spéculation philosophique, il l’investissait à l’interieur d’un comportement qui était un comportement politique.” Michel Foucault, Dits et Ecrits, 1: 1954–1969 (Paris: Gallimard, 1994), 662–68.

223Soviets were prime examples: See Michel Foucault, “Truth and Power,” in Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972–1977 (1977; New York: Pantheon, 1980), 109–33. Also Miller, Passion of Michel Foucault, 150.

225 one endlessly ambiguous word: Foucault noted that the problem of creating Others through confined marginalization followed “every socialist country, insofar as none of these since 1917 has managed to function without a more-or-less developed Gulag system.” Foucault, Power/Knowledge, 137.

225“as the secret”: Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Volume I: An Introduction, trans. R. Hurley (1976; New York: Vintage, 1980), 35.

226domination and mastery: Michel Foucault, “The Subject and Power,” Critical Inquiry 8, no. 4 (Summer 1982): 777–95.

226out into the open: Foucault, “Two Lectures,” Power/Knowledge, 81.

226return Iran to a purer time: Foucault defended Khomeini, arguing that minorities would be protected and spirituality would again infuse politics. When the Iranian revolution occurred in 1979, it became evident that it brought catastrophe down on all those who valued freedom: citizens, women, non-Muslims, gay men and lesbians, and political dissidents. See Janet Afary and Kevin Anderson, Foucault and the Iranian Revolution: Gender and the Seductions of Islamism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005).

Part III: The Return of the Stranger

229Derek Walcott, “The Schooner’s Flight”: Derek Walcott, “The Schooner Flight,” in The Star-Apple Kingdom (New York, Farrar, Straus, 1979), 4.

229Adonis, “Desert”: Adonis, “Desert,” in The Pages of Day and Night, trans. Samuel Hazo (Evanston, IL: Marlboro Press, 1994), 94.

Chapter 14: Why We Hate Them

232of that intersubjective dependence: Emmanuel Levinas, Totality and Infinity: An Essay on Exteriority, trans. Alphonso Lingis (1947; Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press, 1969).

233and their biology: For a broad review of the literature on epigenetics, see Rachel Yehuda and Amy Lehmer, “Intergenerational transmission of trauma effects: putative role of epigenetic mechanisms,” World Psychiatry 17, no. 3 (2018): 243–57. For a summary of his work, see Joseph LeDoux, Anxious: Using the Brain to Understand and Treat Fear and Anxiety (New York, Viking, 2015). LeDoux is one of the most synthetic researchers, and unlike most has bridged behavioral and cognitive models.

233frauds, phonies, and sharks: Timothy Levine, Duped: Truth-Default Theory and the Social Science of Lying and Deception (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2020); Malcolm Gladwell, Talking to Strangers (New York: Little, Brown, 2019); Hugo Mercier, Not Born Yesterday: The Science of Who We Trust and What We Believe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020). These discrepant studies make one wonder, as Elisabeth Young-Bruehl argued regarding studies of prejudice, whether both are in part right (and in part worng) for different populations, distinguished by character types.

233conform to those negative assumptions:: See, for example, Mark Snyder et al., “Social Perception and Interpersonal Behavior: On the Self-Fulfilling Nature of Social Stereotypes,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 35, no. 9 (1977): 656–66; Charles Stangor, “Content and Application Inaccuracy in Social Stereotyping,” in Stereotype Accuracy, ed. Y. T. Lee et al. (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 1995), 275–92; Daniel Ames, “Strategies for Social Inference: A Similarity Contingency Model of Projection and Stereotyping in Attribute Prevalence Estimates,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 87, no. 5 (2004): 573–85; Daniel Ames, “Inside the Mind Reader’s Tool Kit: Projection and Stereotyping in Mental State Inference,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 87, no. 3 (2004): 340–53; Patricia Devine, “Stereotypes and Prejudice: Their Automatic and Controlled Components,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 56, no. 1 (1989): 5–18, and C. Neil Macrae et al., “On Resisting the Temptation for Simplification: Counter-Intentional Effects of Stereotype Suppression on Social Memory,” Social Cognition 14, no. 1 (1996): 1–20; Adam Galinsky and Gordon Moskowitz, “Perspective-Taking: Decreasing Stereotype Expression, Stereotype Accessibility, and In-Group Favoritism,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 78, no. 4 (2000): 708–24. Claude Steele and Joshua Aronson, “Stereotype Threat and the Intellectual Test Performance of African Americans,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 69, no. 5 (1995): 797–811. This landmark study launched hundreds of follow-ups.

234to meet the moment: The émigré German psychologist Kurt Lewin established a group dynamics center at MIT in 1944 before his untimely death. His field theory considers these two forms of group formation; see Kurt Lewin, Field Theory in Social Science: Selected Theoretical Papers (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1951). The idea that socially unifying targets were required to prevent tribal warfare was put forth in William James, The Moral Equivalent of War (1910; London: Read Books, 2013).

234out what it meant: In this endless debate, there is a message. Scientific experimentation in social psychology has been very difficult, for the “social” is so vast that to control for variables becomes impossible. See Kurt Danziger, “Making Social Psychology Experimental: A Conceptual History, 1920–1970,” Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 36, no. 4 (2000): 329–47. For a recent study of knowledge and social affiliations, see Mikael Klintman, Knowledge Resistance: How We Avoid Insight from Others (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2019).

234drove their bellicosity: In the past decades, rivers of ink have flowed in favor of each of these models and some in between. See Muzafer Sherif, “Experiment in Group Conflict,” Scientific American 195, no. 5 (1956): 54–58. Also Muzafer Sherif, Group Conflict and Co-operation: Their Social Psychology (London: Routledge, 1967). On Sherif, see Gina Perry, The Lost Boys: Inside Muzafer Sherif’s Robbers Cave Experiment (Melbourne: Scribe, 2018), as well as the review by Alex Haslam, “War and Peace and Summer Camp,” Nature 556 (April 17, 2018): 306–7. Subjective impressions of such competition are factored into “relative deprivation theory,” see T. F. Pettigrew et al., “Relative Deprivation and Intergroup Prejudice,” Journal of Social Issues 64, no. 2 (2008): 385–401. For the Social Identity theory, see the work of Michael Platow, John Hunter, and M. Hewstone, who have created a body of research on such affiliative processes and causal misattribution.

235schisms, and scapegoating: Wilfred Bion, Experiences in Groups (London: Tavistock, 1961). Bion’s study of group dynamics ceased long before 1961 when he published Experiences in Groups, but in the decades since, an array of sociologists and clinicians have sought to apply them. For a collection of more recent work, see Malcolm Pines, ed., Bion and Group Psychotherapy (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2000).

235to safeguard their group: See Vamik Volkan, Blind Trust: Large Groups and Their Leaders in Times of Crisis and Terror (Charlottesville, VA: Pitchstone, 2004). Also Vamik Volkan, Bloodlines: From Ethnic Pride to Ethnic Terrorism (New York: Farrar, Straus, 1997), and his Immigrants and Refugees: Trauma, Perennial Mourning and Border Psychology (London: Karnac, 2017). In addition, see Salman Akhtar, Immigration and Identity (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999), and his Immigration and Acculturation (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010); also see Otto Kernberg, Ideology, Conflict and Leadership in Groups and Organizations (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998). I am especially indebted to the brilliant, synthetic work of Sander Gilman, who developed a model that linked visual stereotypes with psychoanalytic theories of splitting; see his Difference and Pathology: Stereotypes of Sexuality, Race, and Madness (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985).

236representations and their power: See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1979); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983); Gayatri Spivak, A Critique of Post-Colonial Reason (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999); Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994); Judith Butler, Gender Trouble (London: Routledge, 1990).

237psychic violence of everyday life: On the medicalization of bias, see Gilman and Thomas, Are Racists Crazy?

238almost no foreigners?: For a contemporary assessment of the data on rational economic competition, see Andreas Wimmer, “Explaining Xenophobia and Racism: A Critical Review of Current Research Approaches,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 20, no. 1 (1997): 17–41.

239and covert xenophobia: Wimmer, “Explaining Xenophobia and Racism.” This same distinction is made in W. G. Stephan and C. W. Stephan, “An integrated threat theory of prejudice,” in S. Oskamp, ed., Claremont Symposium on Applied Social Psychology (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2000), 23–46. They combine realistic threats, symbolic threats, negative stereotypes, and intergroup anxiety so as to understand prejudice.

239too often wrong: Daniel Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow (New York: Farrar, Straus, 2011). This is also central to “Social Identity Theory,” as formulated by H. Tajifel and J. C. Turner, “The Social Identity Theory of Intergroup Behavior,” in S. Worchel and W. G. Austin, eds., The Psychology of Intergroup Relations (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1986), 7–24. In this model, social identity is predicated on symbolic markers, and therefore might make for support for a xenophobic political party, while personal relations with members of that group might be relatively unbiased. See V. M. Esses et al., “Attitudes Towards Immigrants and Immigration: The Role of National and International Identity,” in D. Abrams et al., eds., The Social Psychology of Inclusion and Exclusion (New York: Psychology Press, 2005), 317–37. On his view of stereotypes, see Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow, 168–69. Kahneman discusses how, when concerned about safety, we may assess how dominant or trustworthy the other is. See page 90.

240of their subjects: David Brockman and Joshua Kalla, “Durably Reducing Transphobia: A Field Experiment on Door-to-Door Canvassing,” Science 10 (2016): 1126. Also see “Canvassing Conversations Reduce Transphobia,” Science Daily, April 7, 2016.

240“whose face it wears”: On the psychology of stereotypes and implicit bias, see Anthony Greenwald and Mahzarin Banaji, “Implicit social cognition: attitudes, self-esteem and stereotypes,” Psychological Review 102, no. 1 (1995): 4. On their Implicit Association Test, see Anthony Greenwald, Debbie E. McGhee, and Jordan Schwartz, “Measuring Individual Differences in Implicit Cognition: The Implicit Association Test,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 74, no. 6 (1998): 1464. The quote is from Audre Lorde, “The Master’s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master’s House,” in The Glorious American Essay: One Hundred Essays from Colonial Times to the Present, ed. Phillip Lopate (New York: Pantheon, 2020), 778.

240help manufacture opinion: Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow, 418.

241to stabilize themselves: In this distinction between the more passive and cognitive forms of prejudice and the more active desirous ones, I am in agreement with Elisabeth Young-Bruehl. On the transformation of strangers into the Other, see M. Mazas-Sanchez, Racisme et xénophobie (Paris: Presses Universaires de France, 2004).

241paranoid and obsessional: Like many psychiatrists, I distinguish common patterns of thought and behavior that can be described as obsessional or paranoid from those that fulfill the criteria for disorders such as Obsessive Compulsive Disorder or Delusional Disorders.

242forms of child-rearing: A bestseller that went through many editions and racked up over fifty million books sold, Spock was psychoanalytically influenced. See Benjamin Spock, The Common Sense Book of Baby and Child Care (New York: Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, 1946). More recently, some psychoanalysts have focused on “insecure” early attachments. See Roger Kennedy, Tolerating Strangers in Intolerant Times (London: Routledge, 2018).

243a“meta-morality”: Joshua Greene, Moral Tribes: Emotion, Reason, and the Gap Between Us and Them (New York: Penguin, 2013).

243the victims of these projections: While toleration should be the rule, Karl Popper discerned one exception. The refugee philosopher argued that those who embraced intolerance could not be tolerated. “In order to maintain a tolerant society,” Popper famously concluded, “the tolerant must be intolerant of intolerance.” Karl Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, vol. 1 (London: Routledge, 1945), note 4 to chapter 7. The scant empirical research on possible remedies for xenophobia is reviewed in Margarita Sanchez-Mazas and Laurent Licata, “Xenophobia: Social Psychological Aspects,” in James D. Wright, ed., International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences (Oxford: Elsevier, 2015), 802–7. For one of the few attempts to synthesize critical theory, political science, and empirical studies in social psychology, see Osksana Yukushko, Modern Day Xenophobia: Critical, Historical and Theoretical Perspectives (Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018).

245“real or imagined differences”: For her critique, see Elisabeth Young-Bruehl, The Anatomy of Prejudice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996), 57–70. Her proposal of a spectrum of “prejudices” based on three character structures follows. On heterophobia, see Memmi, Racism, 118–19.

Chapter 15: The New Xenophobia

246disgusting, and shameful: Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process: Sociogenetic and Psychogenetic Investigations, trans. Edmund Jephcott (1939; Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2000).

247made for prejudice: The James-Lange theory was established in the late nineteenth century by William James and Carl Lange. It dictated that emotional arousal precedes and creates the cognitive experience of that emotion.

248who were like them: See Kwame Anthony Appiah, The Ethics of Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005).

248called “moral globalization”: On the Declaration of Human Rights, see Geraldine Van Bueren, “I am because you are,” Times Literary Supplement, December 21 and 28, 2018, 5. On the spread of moral norms, see Michael Ignatieff, The Ordinary Virtues: Moral Order in a Divided World (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2017). Also his Human Rights as Politics and Idolatry (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000); and Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012). This liberal value became critical as trade and technology tied the world into a tighter knot. This was especially so in “super-diverse” cities like New York, Los Angeles, London, and Tokyo, where millions of strangers were forced to cooperate so as to meet the day. If the idea of a single setting with over a hundred ethnic groups and religions interacting might once have been fodder for a fantasist like H. G. Wells, by 1990 such international cities were booming. Denizens of such megalopolises not surprisingly embraced this Lockean ideal, more so than their rural brethren, for whom its necessity was less apparent. Also see Joseph Stiglitz, Globalization and Its Discontents (New York: W. W. Norton, 2002).

250 via Google ngram: Google ngrams, while interesting tools, are not definitive data. They are most accurate from 1800 to 2000 in English, and drop off in other languages and outside of those dates. On the data set and methodological issues, see Jean-Baptiste Michel et al., “Quantitative Analysis of Culture Using Millions of Digitized Books,” Science, online, December 16, 2010. For the usage of xenophobia in English, see https://books.google.com/ngrams/graph?content=xenophobia&year_start=1900&year_end=2000&corpus=26&smoothing=3.

For xénophobie and xénophobe in French, see https://books.google.com/ngrams/graph?content=x%C3%A9nophobie&year_start=1900&year_end=2000&corpus=19&smoothing=4&share=&direct_url=t1%3B%2Cx%C3%A9nophobie%3B%2Cc0.https://books.google.com/ngrams/graph?content=x%C3%A9nophobe&year_start=1900&year_end=2000&corpus=19&smoothing=4&share=&direct_url=t1%3B%2Cx%C3%A9nophobe%3B%2Cc0.

250well, economic suffering: I am not arguing that the reform and restraint of free-market economics is not necessary to healing our divide, only that it is not sufficient. For two economic proposals, see Martin Sandbu, The Economics of Belonging (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020), and Gene Sperling, Economic Dignity (New York: Penguin, 2020).

250of the twentieth century: See Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 (New York: Vintage, 1994).

251happiness for most?: The Soviet focus on the Ku Klux Klan started early; see “Xenophobia,” New York Times, January 9, 1923, 22. In fact, one of the factors that undermined Jim Crow laws was not their injustice but concern from the State Department that racism was a hobbling detriment in the Cold War against the Soviets. Dean Acheson, Truman’s secretary of state, referred to it as a “source of constant embarrassment.” Cited in Lepore, These Truths, 578.

252power, grew terrified: For a summary of Cold War scholarship, see John Lewis Gaddis, The Cold War: A New History (New York: Penguin, 2005).

252Soviet Union was no more: For a general history, see Richard Sakwa, The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Union, 1917–1991 (New York: Routledge, 1999). On the problem of nationalities, see Mark Beissinger, Nationalist Mobilization and the Collapse of the Soviet State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). For an elegant mix of history and reportage, see David Remnick, Lenin’s Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire (New York: Random House, 1993).

253just abjectly poor: See Svetlena Alexievich, Secondhand Time: The Last of the Soviets, trans. Bela Shayevich (New York: Random House, 2017).

254had gone into exile: See Michael Ignatieff, Blood and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism (New York: Farrar, Straus, 1993), 19–56. For a critical review of the different explanatory paradigms of this war, see Dejan Jovic, “The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: A Critical Review of Explanatory Approaches,” European Journal of Social Theory 4, no. 1 (2001): 101–20.

255of European nationalism: John Mearsheimer, “Back to the Future: Instability in Europe after the Cold War,” International Security 15, no. 1 (1990): 5–56. Also see Ignatieff, Blood and Belonging.

255a “new xenophobia”: See, for example, B. Baumgartl and A. Favell, eds., New Xenophobia in Europe (London: Kluwer Law International, 1995); Dietrich Thränhardt, “The Political Uses of Xenophobia in England, France, and Germany,” Party Politics 1, no. 3 (1995): 323–45; R. Oakley, Tackling Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Europe: Review and Practical Guidelines (Strasbourg: Council of Europe, 1996); M. W. Watts, “Political Xenophobia in the Transition from Socialism: Threat, Racism, and Ideology Among East German Youth,” Political Psychology 17 (1996): 97–126.

256demands coming from Brussels: On Brexit, see Fintan O’Toole, The Politics of Pain: Postwar England and the Rise of Nationalism (New York: Liveright, 2019).

257multiculturalism to be dead: See Rita Chin, The Crisis of Multiculturalism in Europe: A History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017).

258aid they received: Studies have shown that, at present, natives of Western countries overestimate the number of immigrants in their nations, and radically overestimate the level of government aid that they get in Western countries. See Eduardo Porter and Karl Russell, “Migrants Are on the Rise Around the World and Myths About Them Are Shaping Attitudes,” New York Times, June 23, 2018, B1, 7. For a comprehensive history, see Peter Gatrell, The Unsettling of Europe: How Migration Reshaped a Continent (New York: Basic Books, 2019).

258from the extreme right: Extreme right-wing anti-immigrant sentiment in Germany sprang up in eastern regions where very few immigrants resided. See Thomas Wieder, “Allemagne: Le séisme politique de l’extrême droite,” Le Monde diplomatique, October 8, 2018, 14–16. This is not uncommon in xenophobic outbreaks from the initial Boxer outbreak to fear of al-Qaeda and Muslims in rural American states after 9/11.

259the “end of history”: Francis Fukuyama, “The End of History?” National Interest (Summer 1989): 1–18. The author’s intent has been debated, but despite the question mark in his title, his conviction is clear. “The triumph of the West, of the Western idea,” he wrote, “is evident first of all in the total exhaustion of viable systematic alternatives to Western liberalism” (page 2). “But surely,” he writes elsewhere of the United States, “the class issue has actually been successfully resolved in the West” (page 18).

259individual and civil rights: For quite different views, see Kwame Anthony Appiah, The Lies That Bind: Rethinking Identity (New York: Liveright, 2018), and Francis Fukuyama, Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment (New York: Farrar, Straus, 2018).

259cosmopolitan compatriots: See, for example, Mark Lilla, The Once and Future Liberal: After Identity Politics (New York: HarperCollins, 2017).

261“sucker could go down”: Henry Blodget, “Bush on Economy: ‘This Sucker Could Go Down,’” Business Insider, September 26, 2008.

261their own political tribe: See, for example, Thomas Frank, What’s the Matter with Kansas? (New York: Picador, 2005), argues that the red-blue divide has emerged as cultural solidarity eclipsed economic self-interest.

261Blacks and immigrants: In so-called American swing states, the populace alters its commitments. The pollster Stanley Greenberg studied Michigan voters who in 1985 turned into “Reagan Democrats” and found they were aggrieved, struggling, and had changed sides to vote against a nonwhite “them.” In 2016, white voters who once voted for Obama in the same Michigan county switched sides due to a similar animus, this time against immigrants. These voters were swayed to take up xenophobic positions but did not hold only such beliefs. See Eduardo Porter, “‘Us’ vs. ‘Them,’ Driving Votes by Whites,” New York Times, May 23, 2018, B1, 6.

262but no matter: If America was growing less “white,” it was doing so very gradually. The Census Bureau noted that this category dropped from 80.2 percent to 72.3 percent in the quarter century that ended in 2017. The percentage of foreigners—naturalized and noncitizen—crept up from 12.5 percent in 2006 to 13.6 percent in 2017, hardly very dramatic. U.S. Census Bureau data can be found on www.factfinder.census.gov/faces/tableservices.

263and terrorize mankind?: This was written before COVID-19 was loosed on the world. I decided to not alter the text. However, just before publication, I became aware of Sander Gilman and Zhou Xun, “I Know Who Caused COVID-19”: Pandemics and Xenophobia (London: Reaktion Books, 2021).

263Welcome to the twenty-first century: Social media has been implicated in numerous popular revolts and, for example, the genocide of the Rohingya in Myanmar.

264“center and variable surface”: A. R. Ammons, Sphere: The Form of Motion (1974; New York: W. W. Norton, 1995), 78–79.

265better for our species: Nicholas Kristof, “This Has Been the Best Year Ever,” New York Times, December 28, 2019.

Coda: In the Pyrenees

268town of Portbou: Lisa Fittko, Escape Through the Pyrenees, trans. David Koblick (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1991), 103–17. There is some debate about the exact date of Benjamin’s departure. See Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings, Walter Benjamin: A Critical Life (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2014), 647–79.

270“nightmare begins responsibility”: Michael S. Harper, “Nightmare Begins Responsibility,” in Images of Kin: New and Selected Poems (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977), 57. In this poem, Harper transformed the famed line from Yeats, in which “dreams” begin responsibility, so as to speak both to his own personal tragedy and to the tragedies suffered by so many in the last century.